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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at|http : //books . google . com/| I THE GIFT OF i J ' f J UIMIVERS'^TY OF CALIFOBNlA PUBLICATIONS IN MODERN PHILOLOGY VOLUME 9 CHARLES .M. GAYLEY H. K. SCHILLING RUDOLPH SCHEVILL EDITORS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY 1919 ENrGLISH>GERMAN LITERARY INFLUENCES BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY PART I. BIBLIOGRAPHY BY LAWRENCE MARSDEN PRICE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY 1919 COPYRIGHT, 1919 BY LAWRENCE MARSDEN PRICE EN GI^ISH GERMAN LITERARY INFLUENCES BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY BY LAWRENCE MARSDEN PRICE PART I. BIBLIOGRAPHY Contexts PAGES Intro«liic*tiou 3 Abbreviations 6 The comparative study of literature; theoretical works 9 SERIAL NOS. Geucral bibliographical works aii German literary influences, which has hitherto been lacking. In the introduction to the survey it is explained that the term '* English > German literary influences'* serves to indicate the influence of English literature upon German literature and is not used in a reciprocal sense. It is further explained that the designation English literature is applied to all literature in the English language and the term German literature is employed with a like inclusiveness. For the nearer definition of the term ''influence'* the Introduction to the survey should be consulted. The list of works enumerated in the bibliography reveals an abun- dance of monographic Industry, but shows that there has been a certain lack of organization. Aside from the usual works of reference, Goedeke, the * * Jahresberichte, ' ' etc., workers in the field of English > German literary relations have had only Betz [1] as a bibliographical counsellor. The first edition of Betz's bibliography appeared in 1900. It con- tained 123 pages in single columns. The second edition appeared four years later with 410 pages in closely printed double columns. The num- ber of entries pertaining to the mutual relations of the English and Ger- man literatures, for example, was about quadrupled, yet there was a certain feeling of disappointment when the second edition appeared, because of some deficiencies in technique, some inaccuracies and omissions. These defects have been over-emphasized by the critics. Had Betz devoted more time to detail or sot more nearly to approximate completeness we should not possess his Invaluable work today. As it was, he died while the second edition was being printed and Baldensperger read the proofs, doubtless making valuable additions. It was recognized at the time that further progress could be made only by organization and subdivision and apparently some steps were taken in that direction,2 but the fourteen years that have elapst since then justify an independent worker In marking out a field for more intensive cultivation, for there is an im- mediate need of an improved list of secondary literature. Such progress has been made since 1904 that we may no longer look in Betz for the authoritative work dealing with the Influence of Pope, Milton, Shake- speare, or Sterne in Germany. Betz appears to have included most ar- ticles in Goedeke and the ' Mahrcsberichte ' ' whose titles indicated that they dealt with English > German literary influences. An extensive work like his could not be expected to look beyond the titles, yet some of the most 1 For the page references consult the ' ' Index of reviews and comments ' ' at the close of the ' * Survey. ' ' t See SVL VI (1906) 368. 4 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 valuable contributions are often secreted behind unpromising names.* These treasures are unearth t only by an intensive delving. No one person has a complete collection, but some one must contribute the nucleus. The collection can then be amplified by specialists in many fields. The publi- cation of constructive criticism of this trial bibliography is therefore solicited. The ideal bibliography is not a complete one, listing all the works ever publisht on a given topic, but rather a selective one frequently revised and improved and always approximating the present state of knowledge regarding the topic. In such a bibliography should be included also more comprehensive works that have a historic value, in that they represent stages in the advance toward our present knowledge; but old and scattered magazine articles, difficult of access and yielding only obsolete or common information when found, should be rigidly excluded, for they serve only to retard investigation. Because of their low degree of accessibility and comparative unimportance several articles on English > German literary relations appearing in popular American magazines previous to the year 1880 and indicated in the bibliographies of Goodnight and Haertel, [4] and [5], have been omitted.^ The bibliography on Shakespeare's influence on Germany, moreover, has been most rigorously pruned; for in the case of most other topics the difficulty of the investigator is in finding, in the ease of Shakespeare the difficulty is in choosing. The Shakespeare bibliography comprizing Part II of this work is, like Betz's, based chiefly on the '* Shakespeare- Jahr- buch." Of approximately 250 titles in Betz, nos. [1848]-[2101], only about 100 are here duplicated. Excluded are several articles in old files of not very accessible magazines of a semi-popular character, several less comprehensive articles on Shakespeare in Germany in the seventeenth century, the content of which was later included in the works of Creizenach and Herz, [39] and [45], and a large number of school programs, several bearing titles similar to one another and most of them inaccessible. School programs were, however, included when reviews of them could be discovered in well known magazines or when their titles suggested some interesting relation. This bibliography strives to be complete up to the year 1913, the " Jahresbericht * ' of that year, volume XXIV, being the latest one available. The bibliography contains, however, several additional titles found in 8 For example nos. [49], [72], [104], [190], and [217]. * The omitted articles are as follows: General relations and miscellaneous. Goodnight [448], [609], [688], [702], [1356], [1553], [1641]. Shakespeare in Germany. Goodnight [745], [1308]. Haertel [156], [1019], [1260], [1301]. Wolfe and German literature. Goodnight [1167]. Bums in German translations. Goodnight [883], [1329], Haertel [952]. Carlyle in German literature. Goodnight [1335], [1356]. Scott and German literature. Goodnight [848], 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 5 the '^ Shakespeare- Jahrbuch ' ' of 1914 and in the leading English and American journals up to June, 1918. Addenda included in the survey will bring the bibliography approximately up to the end of the year 1918. It is the intention of the compiler to issue a supplement to this bibli- ography as soon as it is possible to make the bibliography complete up to the year 1920. It is hoped the bibliography may eventually pass into a second and much improved edition. Meanwhile the author will welcome criticism of the arrangement of the work and suggestions not only of inclusion but of exclusion. The user of this bibliography will do well to consult first tho table of contents in order to familiarize himself with the general arrangement. In connexion therewith it should be observed that influences are groupt according to the century in which they take place. The influence of Sterne on Heine, for example, is treated as a nineteenth century influence. It may further be noted that within homogeneous groups of influences the alphabetical order has been maintained as far as possible, for example, in nos. [147] to [.372] beginning with Addison's influence and ending with Young's influence on German literature. The general influence of Addison is placed at the head of its group with particular influences following again in an alphabetical order: Addison >Bodmer,> Goethe, >Gottsched, etc. Within any given minor group, e.g., English literature> Goethe, works are listed so far as possible according to the chronological order of their appearance. The cross references, e.g., under Milton: "See also [102], [103], and [150],'' do not pretend to be complete. Whoever desires more complete information will consult the "Index of influences" at the close of the survey. The bibliography is provided only with an "Index of investigators. ' ' Books once consulted are generally used again. The possessor of this bibliography will doubtless save time by entering in the broad margin at the left of the title the catalog number of the work in his university library. This practice will often save trips from stacks to card catalog and a search thru the latter. The writer of an essay within the field of English> German literary relations will find Goedeke and the " Jahrcsberichte " indispensable as before, but if the bibliography shortens the preliminary phases of investi- gation, enables the worker to enter into his subject matter before his first zeal has cooled, suggests yet unexplored fields of search, prevents duplication of effort, or in any other way stimulates production, it will have fulfilled its purpose. The bibliography is the result of a cooperative endeavor of wide compass. It is a pleasure to record the assistance that has been extended from every quarter. Professor Baldensperger contributed a score of numbers from his collection. Had time permitted he would have acted against his own interests and made available to us the entire store of English > German items that are awaiting the next edition of Betz's bibliography, which we hope will appear soon. Professor Kind of the 6 University of California Publications in Modern Philology ' [Vol. 9 University of Wisconsin contributed the theoretical introduction, nos. [a]-[8], and about thirty additional numbers. Professor Evans of Ohio State University contributed several numbers on the English drama in Germany in the seventeenth century. Items were also received from Professor Hohlfeld of the University of Wisconsin, Professor von No^ of the University of Chicago, Professor Barba of the University of Indiana, and Professors Northup and Adams of Cornell University. All these authorities assisted in pointing out errors in the galley proofs. The proofs received the most searching examination, however, at the hands of Professor Schilling of the University of California, who also gave valuable technical advice during the time that the bibliography was being prepared for the press. I am furthermore able to recognize that the original impulse that led to this work was given several years ago at the University of Wisconsin by Professor Hohlfeld. To no one, however, am I more indebted than to my wife, who typewrote the whole manuscript, not once but several times, with an ever watchful eye for inconsistencies of form; without such help this bibliography would never have been completed. AB ADA AF AG AL AM ASNS BBGRPh BBL BDL BPDH BLU BMAZ CUGS DLD DLZ DNL DR ES Euph FPDL Abbreviations Anglia Beiblatt Anzeiger fur deutsches Altertum Anglistische Forschungen Americana Germanica Philadelphia 1897fr. Archiv fiir Literaturgeschichte Atlantic monthly Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen Berliner Beitrage zur germanischen und romanischen Philo- logie (Germanische Abteilung) Berlin 1893fr. Breslauer Beitrage zur Literaturgeschichte Leipzig 1884flr. Breslau 1910ff. Stuttgart 19l2ff. Beitrage zur deutschen Literaturwissenschaft Marburg 1907 if. Berichte des freien deutschen Hochstifts zu Frankfurt Blatter fiir literarische Unterhaltung Beilage zur Miinchener allgemeinen Zeitung Columbia University Germanic studies New York 1900ff. Deutsche Literaturdenkmale des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts Deutsche Literaturzeitung Kiirschners Deutsche Nationalliteratur Deutsche Rundschau Englische Studien Euphorion Freie Forschungen zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte Straszburg 1918ff. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography FNL GAA GGA GJ GpJ GRM JbL JEGPh JFDH LblGRPh LCbl LE LF MLN MLQ MLR MPh NAR NJKA Pal PDS PEGS Pf PMLA PrJ QF RC RDM RG ShJ SVL SVZ ThF TMGS TRSL tJCPMPh Forschungen zur neueren Literaturgeschichte Miinchea 1896ff. German -American annals (old series) Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen Goethe- Jahrbuch Jahrbuch der Grillparzer-Gesellschaft Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift Jahresberichte fiir die neuere deutsche Literaturgeschichte Journal of English and Germanic philology Jahrbuch des freien deutschen Hochstifts zu Frankfurt Literaturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie Literarisches Gentralblatt Literarisches Echo Literarhistorische Forschungen Weimar 1897.ff. Modern language notes Modern language quarterly Modern language review Modern philology North American review Neue Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische Altertum, Geschichte und deutsche Literatur, etc. Palaestra: Untersuchungen und Texte aus der deutschen und englischen Philologie Berlin 1808ff. Prager deutsche Studien Prag 1905ff. Publications of the English Goethe society Probef ahrten : Erstlingsarbeiten aus dem deutschen Seminar in Leipzig Leipzif^ 1904ff. Publications of the modern language association of America (old series) Preuszische Jahrbiicher Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach-und Kulturgeschichte der germanischen Volker Revue critique d'histoire et de litt^rature Revue des Deux Mondes Revue germanique Jahrbuch der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft Studien zur vergleichenden Literaturgeschichte Sonntagsbeilage zur Vossischen Zeitung Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen Hamburg and Leipzig 1891fr. Transactions of the Manchester Goethe society Transactions of the royal society of literature University of California publications in modem philology Berkeley (California) 1909fr. 8 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 UNSL Untersuchungen zur neueren Sprach- und Literaturgeschichte (Xeue Folge) Leipzig 1909fr. VL Vierteljahrschrift fiir Literaturgeschichte VVDPh Verhandlungen der Versammlungeii deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner ZB Zeitschrift fiir Biicherfreimde ZDA Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Altertum ZDPh Zeitschrift fur deutsche Philologie ZDU Zeitschrift fiir den deutschen Unterricht ZoG Zeitschrift fiir die osterreichischen Gymnasien ZVL Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturgeschichte (Neue Folge) Betz refers to Betz's **La litt^rature compar^e," etc., entry [1] in the "Bibliography." Survey refers to Price's *' English > German literary influences. Sur- vey,'' etc., entry [9a] in the "Bibliography." MLA means meeting of the Modern language association of America [ ] enclose the serial number of a bibliographical entry. When not otherwise indicated the entry is in the present biblio- graphy. Betz's entries are according to the 2nd edition, 1904. t means that the article following is quoted or described in the "Survey" [9a]. For the page reference consult "Index of reviews aud comments" at the close of the "Survey." > indicates a trend of influence. Thus Addison> Goethe means Addison's influence on Goethe. By concession of the editorial board of the University of California certain simplified forms of spelling have been employed in this bibliography. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 9 BIBLIOGRAPHY THE CX)MPARATIVE STUDY OF LITERATURE; THEORETICAL WORKS PosNETT, H. M. Comparative literature. N. Y., 1886; 372 pp. [a] Premature but suggestive. Koch, Max. Zur Einfiihrung. ZVL I (1887) 1-12. [b] Wetz, W. "Cber Begriflf u. Wesen d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. In [c] '' Shakespeare vom Standpunkt d. vgl. Lit.-gesch." I. Worms 1890; 3-43. Betz, L. p. Bedeutung d. vgl. Lit.-ge8ch. Zeitschrift fiir [d] fraDzosische Sprache u. Literatur XVIII (1896) 141-156. Marsh, A. R. The comparative study of literature. PMLA [e] XI (1896) 151-170. Texte, J. fitudes de litt^rature europ^enne. Paris 1898; [f] 304 pp. Cf. especially pp. 1—23. Renabd, G. La m^thode scientifique de Phistoire litt^raire. [g] Paris 1900. PosNETT, H. M. The science of comparative literature. [h] Contemporary rev. LXXIX (1901) 855-872. KrHNEMANN, E. Zur Aufgabe d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. Centralblatt [i] fiir Bibliothekswesen XVIII (1901) 1-11. £lsteb, Ernst. Weltliteratur u. Literaturvergleichung. ASNS [j] XVII (1901) 33-47. Betz, L. P. Studien z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. d. neueren Zeit. Frankft. [k] 1902; 364 pp. See Introduction: "Literaturvergleichung," pp. 1-15 and "Interna- tionale Stromungen u. kosmopolitische Erscheinungen," pp. 832-349. HoHLFELD, A. R. Dcr Lit.-betrieb in d. Schule. 1902. =[8]. [ka] Gayley, C. M. What is comparative literature! AM XVII [1] (1903) 56-68. ^Egan, M. F. The comparative method in literature. Catholic [mj University bulletin IX (1903) 332-346. LiOLi£e, Fr. Histoire des litt^ratures compar^es des origines [n] au XX* si^cle. Paris 1903. LoLi^E, Fr. (The same) trans, into English by M. Douglas [o] Power. N. Y., Putnam, 1906; xii -f 381 pp. The title is unfortunately translated as "A short history of com- parative literature." This title is a misnomer. Smith, G. G. Some notes on the comparative study of litera- [p] ture. MLR I (1905) 1-8. Mather, F. J. Aspects of comparative literature. Nation [r] LXXXII (1906) 256-257. Bouth, H. V. The future of comparative literature. MLR [s] VIII (1913) 1-14. 10 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHICAL WORKS AND GENERAL SURVEYS General bibliographical works Betz, Louis P. La litt^rature compar^e, essai bibliographique. [1] Strasbg. 1900. 2* 6d. augment^e. Strasbg. 1904; 410 pp. Tlie reciprocal literary relations of Germany and England are repre- sented by over 700 titles. Baldbnspkbgkb, F. RO July 80, 1900. Anon. MLR I (1905) 77-78. PKT80H, R. LblGRPh XXVI (1905) 353. Stsmplingkb, Ed. SVL VI (1906) 366-868. Wktz. W. ZVL XVI (1906) 486-488. For list of other reviews cee ShJ XLII (1906) 395. NORTHUP, Clabk 8. A bibliography of comparative literature. [2] MLN XX (1905) 235-239 and XXI (1906) 12-15. Supplement to Bets above. Jellinek, Arthur L. Bibliographie d. vergleichenden Literatur- [3] geschichte. Berlin 1903; 77 pp. Goodnight, S. H. German literature in American magazines prior [4] to 1846. Bulletin of the Univ. of Wisconsin. Philol. and lit. series. Vol. 4 no. 1. Madison Wis. 1907; 264 pp. Gives a bibliography of 1821 magazine articles on German literature. Some of th^e, to judge by the titles, have more or less to do with Engli8h>German literary influence. Haertel, M. H. German literature in American magazines [5] 1846-1880. Bulletin of the Univ. of Wisconsin. Philol. and lit. series. Vol. 4 no. 2. Madison Wis. 1908; 188 pp. Continuation of Goodnight's theme above; 1836 titles. Spirioatis, M. Englische Literatur auf d. Frankfurter Messe [6] von 1561-1620. Sammlnng bibliothekswissenschaftlicher Arbeiten. Heft XV. Leipzig 1902; 37-89. Koch, J. ES XXXII (1908) 278-280. General surveys Flaischlen, Gasar. Graphische Literaturtafel. Die deutsche [7] Literatur u. d. Einflusz fremder Literaturen auf ihren Ver- lauf. Stuttgt. 1890. Hohlfeld, a. R. Der Literaturbetrieb in d. Schule mit bes. [8] Riicksicht auf d. gegenseitigen Beziehungen d. engl. u. deutschen Lit. Padagogische Monatshefte (Milwaukee, Wis.) in (1902) 46-53 and 73-85. Elze, Karl. Die englische Sprache u. Lit. in Deutschland. [8a] = [74]. Whitman, Sydney. Former English influence in Germany. [9] NAR CLXXIII (1901) 221-231. Political, intellectual, and literary influences in the 18th and early 19th century. 1919] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 11 Price, Lawrence M. English > German literary influences. [9a] Part II: Survey. UCPMPh IX 2 (1919) (Semi-centennial publications) 250 pp. ca. The companion work to this bibliography, elsewhere in the biblio- graphy referred to «s "Survey." English history in German literature LiEBAU, GusTAV. Konlg Eduard III von England im Licht euro- [10] paischer Poesie. AF VI (1901) 78 pp. "Anhang": ' * Gestalten aus d. englischen Gesch. als dichterische Vor- wurfe in d. deutschen Lit." 79-100. Jellinek, a. L. Supplement. ASNS CIX (1902) 414-421. KiPKA, Karl. Maria Stuart im Drama d. Weltliteratur, vor- [11] nehmlich d. 17. u. 18. Jh.' Ein Beitr. z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. BBL IX (1907) 92 pp. ECKELMANK, E. O. JEOPh VIII (1909) 439-442. English poets in German literature PoRTERFiELD, Allen W. Poets Rs heroes in dramatic works in [12] German literature. MPh XII (1914) 65-94 and 297-324. Shakespeare, Byron (several instances ), and others as heroes. Bibliography. 12 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 PART I THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE (Shakespeare excluded) a. The sizteenth century The J6th century in general Herford, C. H. Studies in the literary relations of England and [13] Germany in the 16th century. Cambridge 1886; 426 pp. Practically no Engli8h>Ocrmaii influences exhibited. BOBEBTAQ, F. ES X (1887) 282-284. Vetter, Th. Englische Fliichtlinge in Ziirich wahrend d. ersten [13a] Halfte d. XVI Jh. Ziirich 1893: 23 pp. Flugel, Ewald. References to the English language in Ger- [14] man literature in the first half of the 16th century. MPh I (1903) 19-30. Luther and the English language. English fugitives in Ziirich. Vetter, Th. Litterarische Beziehungen zwischen England u. [15] d. Schweiz im Reformationszeitalter. Gratulationsschrift z. 450jahrigen Jubilaum d. Univ. Glasgow. Ziirich 1901; 41 pp. BoLLE, WiLHELM. Die godruckten englischen Liederbiicher bis [16] 1600. Pal XXIX (1903) 283 pp. Pp. 289-259: "Deutsche Text© zu englischen Madrigalen." GoEDEKE, Karl. Everyman, Homulus und Hekastus. Han- [16a] never 1865. b. The seventeenth century The 17th century in general tWATERHOUSE, GILBERT. The literary relations of England and [17] Germany in the 17th century. Cambridge Univ. press 1914; 190 pp. Summarizes all investigations within its field up to 1914 and gives an excellent bibliography. The English comedians and dra- matic literature generally are not discust. WiLLOUGHBY, L. A. MLR XI (1915) 122-126. Cbbizenaoh, W. ShJ LI (1915) 273-274. English literature and Schupp ZscHAU, Walther W. Quellen u. Vorbilder in d. **Lehrreichon [18] Schriften*' Johann Balthasar Schupps. Halle Diss. Halle 1906; 109 pp. Pp. 66-91: Schupp and Bacon. Pp. 91-96: Owen, Sidney, Bar- clay, Shakespeare. VOGT, C. Comment on above in Euph XVI (1909) 6-27. 1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 13 * English literature and Weckherlin BoLTE, Johannes. Aus G. R. Weckherlins Leben. VL V (1892) [19] 295-299. tBoHM, W. Englands Einflusz auf G. R. Weckherlin. Got- [20] tingen Diss. Gottgn. 1893; 80 pp. ScHAFFEB, Aabon. Georg Rudolf Weckherlin: The embodiment [20a] of a transitional stage in German metrics. Hesperia X Baltimore 1918; 116 pp. Barclay and German literature CoLLiGNON, V. Notes historiques, litt^raires et biographiques [21] sur 1' ^'Argenis'' de Barclay. Nancy 1902. ScHMiD, Kael. John Barclays "Argenis." Eine lit.-hist. [21a] Untersuchung. I. Ausgaben d. ' ' Argenis, ' ' ihrer Fortsetzungen u. ubersetzlingen. LF XXXI (1904) 183 pp. Pp. 72-102: "Deutsche t^bersetzungen." (Opitz's and others). Hall (?) and German literature Petherick, Edw. a. On the authorship and translations of [22] '*Mundus alter et idem.** Gentleman's mag. CCLXXXVIII (1896) 66-87. Owen and German literature tUBBAN, Erich. Owenus u. d. deutschen Epigrammatiker d. 17. [23] Jh. LF XI (1900) 58 pp. Fischer, H. ADA XXVII (1901) 278-280. Sidney and German literature Brunhuber, K. Sir Philip Sidneys "Arcadia" u. ihre Nach- [24] laufer. Niirnberg 1903; 55 pp. "Der konigliche Schafer" among others. Brie, F. Das Volksbuch vom gehornten Siegfried u. Sidneys [25] "Arcadia." ASNS CXXI (1908) 287-290. English comedians in Germany* their wanderings See also [57 Iff. and [436]fr. tMoRYSON, Fynes. Travels in Germany. London 1617. Re- [26] printed under the title *' Shakespeare 's Europe," by Chas. Hughes. London, Sherratt and Hughes, 1903. P. 304 dealing with the Eng. com. in Frankfurt is reprinted by A. Brandl in ShJ XL (1904) 229-230. tTiECK, L. Vorrede z. Bd. I" Deutsches Theater." 2 Bde. Berlin [27] 1817. This preface of 82 pp. contains interesting surmizes regarding the English comedians. * The widely scattered and fragmentary literature on this subject has been sum- marized by Creizenach [89] and again by Herz [45]; hence the above bibliography has been slightly abbreviated. Local theatre histories are not included above, altho they often contain important items. The notes in chapter two of the "Survey" refer to certain of these histories. University of California Fuhlications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 mv, Albert. Shakespeare in Germany in the 16th and 17th [28] centuries; an account of English actors in Germany and the Netherlands and of the plays performed by them during the same period. London and Berlin 1865; cxxxiii + 406 pp. DHLER, B. Einige Bemerkungen u. Nachtrage zu Albert Gohns [29] "Shakespeare in Germany." ShJ I (1865) 406-418. thiKEB, BiCHARD P. Englische Schauspieler in Kassel (1594- [30] 1607). ShJ XIV (1879) 360-361. TTMANN, Julius. Einleitung zu "Die Schauspiele d. eng- [31] lischen Komodianten" in "Deutsche Dichter d. 16. Jh. " Bd. Ill, 2. Leipzig 1868; v-xxviii, and Bd. XIII. Leipzig 1880; i-lxii. EiszNEB, J. Die englischen Komodianten zur Zeit Shake- [32] Bpeares in Oesterreich. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. deutschen Lit. u. d. geistigen Lebens in Oesterreich IV. Wien 1884; 198 pp. EiszNER, J. Die englischen Komodianten in Oesterreich. ShJ [33] XIX (1884) 113-154. iHN, Albert. Englische Komodianten in Koln 1592-1656. [34] ShJ XXI (1886) 245-277. JLUTMANN, Karl. (Englische Komodianten in Deutschland). [35] Sundry contributions to AL XI-XV (1882-1887) m follows: E. K. in NSrdlingen (1604)— AL XI (1882) 625-626. E. K. in Miinchen (1597, 1600, 1607)— AL XII (1884) 819-820. E. K. in Schwaben (16 Jh.)— AL XIII (1885) 83-71. E. K. in Ulm (1594-1657) — AL XIII (1885) 814-324. E. K. in Frankfurt (1615)— AL XIII (1885) 417-418. E. K. in Ntlrnberg (1593-1648) — AL XIV (1886) 113-142. iUoER, J. Englische Komodianten in Straszburg im Elsasz. [36] AL XV (1887) 113-125. )NNECKE, 6. Neue Beitrage zur Oeschichte d. englischen [37] Komodianten. ZVL I (1887) 85-88. "Bestalhingsbriefe fUr d. EnglKnder Brown a. Kingsman als Komodianten d. Landgrafen Moritz von Hessen." Kassel (ca. 1598). )LTE, J. Englische Komodianten in Danemark u. Schweden. [38] ShJ XXIII (1888) 99-109. EIZENACH, W. Einleitung zu "Schauspiele d. englischen Ko- [39] modianten.'' DNL XXIII (1889) i-cxviii. 1. WanderzUge d. Engl&nder. 2. Biihnenverii&Itnisse. 3. Reper- toire d. Englftnder in Deutschland. 4. Kunststil d. E. K. 5. Die lustige Person. 6. Der Liebeskampf. 7. Die E. K. u. d. deutsche Literatur. This work summarizes all investigations to its date and is still indispensable despite Herz [45]. KOCII, M. ZVL III (1890) 146-147. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 15 BoLTE, Johannes. Die Singapiele d. englischen Komodianten [40] u. ihrer Nachfolger in Deutschland, Holland u. Skandina- vien. ThF VII (1893) 194 pp. vox Weilkn, a. DLZ XV (1894) 460. C(REIZBNACH, W.) LOW XHX (1896) 26. H6NIO, B. ADA XXTI (1896) 296-319. Frankl, L. ES XXIII (1897) 127-130. Tbautmann, Karl. Englische Komodianten in Rothenburg ob [41] d. Tauber (1604, 1614, u. 1654). ZVL VII (1894) 60-67. BoLTE, J. Das Danziger Theater im 16. u. 17. Jh. ThF XII [42] (1895) xxiii + 296 pp. BOLTK, J. ShJ XXXII (1896) 312-314. HONIG, B. ADA XXIV (1898) 377-382. BoLTE, J. Englische Komodianten in Miinster n. Ulm. ShJ [4.3] XXXVI (1900) 273-276. Meyer, C. F. Englische Komodianten am Hofe d. Herzogs [44] Philipp Julius von Pommern-Wolgast. ShJ XXXVIII (1902) 196-212. IHebz, E. Englische Schauspieler u. englisches Schauspiel zur [45] Zeit Shakespcares in Deutschland. ThF XVIII (1903) 143 pp. Hauffex, a. ShJ XL (1904) 281-283. VON Weilen. a DLZ XXV (1904) 221-222. WiTKOWSKi, G. ZDPh XXXVI (1904) 562-564. Harris, Charles. English actors in Germany in the 16th and [45a] 17th centuries. Western Reserve Univ. bulletin X (1907) 136-163. tWiTKOWSKi, G. Englische Komodianten in Leipzig. Euph XV [46] (1908) 441-444. Eng. com. in Leipzig 1585 and 1603-1613 often. Based in part on Wustmann in "Leipiiger TageMatt." Dec. 22, 1907. tWoRP, J. A. Die englischen Komodianten G. Jellifus u. W. [47] Rowe. ShJ XLVI (1910) 128-129. Niedecken-Gebhart, Hannes. Neues Aktenmaterial iiber d. [48] englischen Komodianten in Deutschland. Euph XXI (1914) 72-85. Sackville troupe in Braunschweig, 1595ff. EnflJish comedians in Germany: their influence in general tKAULFiTsz-DiESCH, Carl H. Die Inszenierung d. deutschen [49] Dramas an d. Wende d. 16. u. 17. Jh. Pf VII (1905) 236 pp. Influence of the Eng. com. on the German stage thru Herzog Julius von Braunschweig and Jacob Ayrer. BOLTK. J. ShJ XLII (1906) 276-277. Koch, M. LCbl LVII (1906) 435-436. MixoR. J. Euph XIV (1907) 794-804. Helm. K. LblGRPh XXVITI (1907) 96. Kii.iAN. E. SVL VII (1907) 139-147. Meier. K. AB XX (1909) 241-242. Evans. M. B. MLR IV (1909) 531-537. 16 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Evans, M. Blakemore. An early type of stage. MPh IX (1912) [49a] 421-426. Harris, Ghas. The English comedians in Germany before the [50] thirty years' war; the financial side. PMLA XXII (1907) 446-465. English comedians and Ayrer See also [49], [67], [69], and [458]. BOBERTSON, J. 6. Zur Kritik Jakob Ayrers mit bes. Biicksicht [51] auf sein Verhaltnis zu Hans Sachs u. d. englischen Komo- dianten. Diss. Leipzig 1892; 70 pp. Based on a chronology not regarded by Wodick [52] as tenable. Cbeizknach, W. JbL IV (1893) II, 4, 34. Cf. HauflTen, A. ShJ XXIX (1903) 802. t Wodick, W. Jakob Ayrers Dramen in ihrem Verhaltnis z. einhei- [52] mischen Literatur u. z. Schauspiel d. englischen Komodianten. Halle 1912; xii + 112 pp. Contains a bibliography of 241 titles. F5B8TEB, M. ShJ XLIX (1913) 233-234. P. P. RQ IX (1913) 248. English comedians and Gryphius See [456], [460], and [464]. English comedians and Eerzog Julius von Braunschweig See also [39], [45], and [49]. Holland, W. L. Die Schauspiele d. Herzogs Heinrich Julius [53] von Braunschweig. Bibliothek d. Stuttgt. lit. Vereins XXXVI. Stuttgt. 1855 ; 906 pp. Anm. pp. 796-906. Grimm, Hermann. Das Theater d. Herzogs Julius von Braun- [54] schweig. In *'Fiinfzehn Essays." N.F. Hannover 1859; 142flf. TiTTMANN, Julius. Die Schauspiele des Herzogs Heinrich [55] Julius von Braunschweig. In ' ' Deutsche Dichter d. 16 Jh. ' ' XIV. Leipzig 1880. English comedians and Landgraf Moritz von Hessen DuNCKER, Albert. Landgraf Moritz von Hessen u. d. eng- [56] lischen Komodianten. DR XL VIII (1886) 260-275. English comedians in Germany — Repertoire See footnote*. * The next following items are arranged alphabetically according to the English dramatists concerned. The repertoire of the E. 0. included plays of nearly all the noteworthy English dramatists. For the influence see "Surrey" chapter two. Crei- senach [39] and after him Hen [45] have summarised what is known in regard to the subject. The above list is therefore limited to a few of the more significant monogn^aphs appearing before 1903 and a list as complete as possible of articles appear- ing since. The texts of ^he plays of the English comedians can nearly all be found in Cohn [28], Tittmann [31], and Oreizonach [39]. Bolte has edited others; see [40], [42], and [59]. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 17 Anonymous dramc^ in repertoire of English comedians Schwartz, Rudolf. Esther im deutschcn u. neulateinischen [57] Drama d. Beformationszeitalters. Oldenburg and Leipzig 1894; 277 pp. Schwartz does not regard the German version of the "Esther" as based on English versions. Tittman [31], Oreizenach [30], and Herz [45] are of a different opinion. HOLSTEIN. H. ZVL VIII (1895) 427-429. Schwartz, Rudolf. Das Esther-Drama d. Chrysostomus Schulze [58] (1636). ZVL IV (1896) 334-351. Continuation of theme of foregoing monograph. Influence of drama of the Engli&h comedians admitted. BiscHOFF, Ferdinand. '^Niemand und Jemand'' in Graz im [58a] Jahre 1608. Mittheilungcn d. hist. Vereins fiir Steiermark XLVII (1899) 127-138. BoLTE, J. Eine Hamburger Auffiihrung von '* Nobody and [59] Somebody." ShJ XLI (1905) 188-193. See also Bolte's edition of Tieck's translation of the drama in ShJ XXIX (1894) 4-92. Spengler, Franz. Der verlorene Sohn im Drama d. 16. Jh. [60] Innsbruck 1888; vii + 174 pp. Spengler denies that "d. verlorene Sohn" of the E. C. has an English version as its predecessor. Herz [45] 108—109 is of a different opinion. Chettle's dramas in repertoire of English comedians VON Westenholz, Friedrich. Die Griseldis-Sage in d. Lit.- [61] gesch. Heidelberg 1888; 177 pp. Delrker's dramas in repertoire of English comedians Creizenacii. W. Der alteste Faust-Prolog. Krakau 1887. [62] Dekker's "If this be not good, the devil is in it." is the source of many phrases in the German popular Faust play of the 17th century. Harms, P. Die deutschen Fortunatus-Dramen u. ein Kasseler [63] Dichter d. 17. Jh. ThF V (1892) vii -f 95 pp. Pp. 1-54 = Marburg Diss. 1891. The Kassel poet is an anonymous author. He was a contemporary of Landgraf Morits. Glapthome in repertoire of English comedians BoLTE, Johannes. Eine englische Wallensteintragodie in [64] Deutschland. ZDPh XIX (1887) 93-97. Glapthorne's "Tragedy of Albertus Wallenstein" (1639). Vetter, Th. Wallenstein in d. dramatischen Dichtung d. Jahr- [65] hunderts seines Todes. Frauenfeld 1894; 42 pp. Koch, M. E8 XXIII (1897) 133-134. Creizsnach, W. Comment. ShJ XLI (1905) 201-203. 18 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Eeywood in repertoire of English comedians Crsizenach, W. Ein Bepertoirstuck d. englischen Komodianten. [66] ShJ XLI (1905) 201. Thomas Hey wood's "The silver age'* (1613) and "Kom&die von Jnpiter u. Amphitryo," played in Dresden Feb. 27, 1678. Kyd in repertoire of English comedians See also [436]- [448]. ScHOENWEBTHy RuDOLF. Die nlederlandischen u. deutschen [67] Bearbeitungen von Thomas Kyds ''Spanish Tragedy." LP XXVI (1903) cxxvi -f 227 pp. J. Ayrer's "Pelimperi" and 0. Stieler's "BelUmperi" 1680. Kkllkb, W. ShJ XXXIX (1903) 319-320. Cbeizenach, W. Versuch einer Geschichte des Volksschauspiels [67a] von Doctor Faust. Halle 1878. Marlowe in repertoire of English comedians Bbthnieb, J. W. Das Volksschauspiel von Faust. ZDPh [68] XXIX '(1897) 180-195, 345-372. XXX (1898) 325-359. XXXI (1899) 60-89, 194-231. A German popular play of Faust is older than Marlowe's and was, with the "Volksbuch," one of his sources. After Marlowe had brot the theme to a higher level, his version found entrance into Germany thru the English comedians and began to influence the old German version. Castle, E. Das erste Zeugnis fiir d. Bekanntschaft mit Mar- [69] lowes '*Dr. Faustus'' in Deutschland. ADA XXXV (1911) 300-302. A passage in Ayrer's "Historischer Processus Juris," Fkft. 1597. In 1596 two companies of comedians in Niirnberg that may have playdd "Faust." Gbabau, C. ShJ XLIX (1913) 199. Peele in repertoire of English comedians Optebing, Michael. Die Geschichte d. schonen Irene in d. [70] modernen Literaturen. Miinchen Diss. Wiirzburg 1897. Nine English versions, among them those of Wm. Painter (1566— 1575) and Geo. Pcele (1594). Two German versions: 1. Ayrer's tragedy, dependent on Bardello and on Peele's version. 2. Hamburg opera of H. Hinsch (1696), based on Painter's version. Cf. ttftering. ZVL XIII (1899) 164. HiPPK, M. ES XXVI (1899) 403-404. Shakespeare in repertoire of English comedians See [436 ]ff. Shirley in repertoire of English comedians Cbeizenach, W. Eine Tragodie Shirleys auf d. deutschen [71] Buhne. ShJ XL VII (1911) 201-202. Shirleys "The maid's revenge (1626) and the "TragicoComoedia von Gonte Montenegro" (1700ca.). 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 19 c. Tlie eighteenth century The 18th century in general BiEDERMANN, Karl. Deutschlaiid im 18. Jh. Bd. I, 1854; Bd. [72] II, 1858ff. 2. Aufl. 1880. Bd. II, "Deutschlands geibtige u. gesellige Zust&nde im 18. Jh," lays stress upon English influences. Anon. The influence of English literature on German litera- [73] ture. NAB LXXXIV (1857) 311-333. Deals with Idth century almost exclusively. Attributed to James Burrel Angell by Haertel [5] 783. Elze, Karl. Die englische Sprache u. Literatur in Deutsch- [74] land. Eine Festrede zum COG. Geburtstag Shakespeares. Dresden 1864; 92 pp. JoRET, Oh. La litt^rature allemande au XVIII* si^cle dans ses [74a] rapports avec la litt^rature frangaise et avec la litt^rature anglaise. Paris 1876. Hettner, Hermann. Geschichte d. deutschen Literatur im 18. [75] Jh. (= Lit.-gesch. d. 18 Jh. Teil III). Braunschweig 1879. 5. verb. Aufl. Braunschweig 1909. 3 Bde. in 4. tKocH, Max. t>ber d. Beziehungen d. englischen Literatur z. [76] d. deutschen im 18. Jh. Leipzig 1883; 40 pp. tSEiDENSTiCKER, OSWALD. The relation of English to German [77] literature in the 18th century. Poet Lore II (1890) 57-70 and 169-185. Meyer, R. M. Der Englander in d. deutschen Literatur. Na- [78] tion (Berlin) 1896; 418-420, 433-435. tFLiNDT, E. t)ber d. Einflusz d. englischen Literatur auf d. [79] deutsche d. 18. Jh. Prog. Charlottenburg 1897; 20 pp. Walz, J. A. English influence on the German vocabulary of [801 the 18th century. Paper read by title before the MLA. Haverford Pa. Dec. 1905. The great influence of English writers upon German literature during a large part of the century has left distinct traces in the German vocabulary. The attempt will be made to collect such words, flgures and phrases as show English influence and to give their history as far as possible. See PMLA XXI (1906) api>endix xxv. Vaughan, C. E. The influence of English poetry upon the ro- [81] mantic revival on the continent. Warton lecture on English poetry IV. Oct. 29, 1913. London, Oxford Univ. press; 18 pp. Superficial and inaccurate; chiefly 18th century. English esthetics in Germany See also [91], flOl], [129], [129a], [165], [166], [210], [211], [308]ff., and [556]. \ 20 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Servaes, Franz. Die Poetik Gottscheds u. d. Schweizer literar- [81a] historisch untersucht. QF LX (1887) 178 pp. Skuffert, B. GGA 1890; 22-24. Braitmaier, Fr. Geschiehte d. poetischen Theorie u. Kritik [81b] von d. **Diskursen d. Maler" bis auf Lessing. Frauenfeld 1888; xi + 313 pp. Seuffert, B. GGA 1890; 22-24. Translation in general Prutz, Robert. Zur Geschiehte d. deutschen tybersetzungs- [82] litteratur. Hallisehe Jahrbiieher 1840. Gruppe, Otto. Deutsche t^bersetzungskunst. Hannover 1866. [83] Franzel, W. F. a. Geschiehte d. t)bersetzens im 18. Jh. In [84] **Beitr. z. Kultur-u. Universalgesch. " XXV. Leipzig 1914; viii + 233 pp. Appeared in part as Leipzig diss. 1913. MoMMSEN, Tycho. Die Kunst des Dbersetzens fremdsprach- [84a] licher Dichtungcn ins Deutsche. Prog. Oldenburg 1857-1858. Zweite vermehrte Aufl. Frankft 1886; 138 pp. Koch, M. ES XI (1888) 306-308. Translation from the English GoEDEKE, Karl. Verdeutschungen aus d. lyrischen, epischen u. [85] dramatisehen Literatur Englands 1790-1815. In Goedekes "Grundrisz z. Gesch. d. deutschen Dichtung*' VIII (2. Aufl. 1890) 696-728. The list is far from complete. English dramas in German translation Beam, JaLessinK, Brawe, Weisze, and others, vox WjsiLEN, A. JbL IX (1898) IV, 4. 427 (2 + pp.). HON 10. B. ADA XXVII (1901) 179-183. 8CHL68SER, R. Euph IX (1902) 427-410. English influence on German novels in general tHEiNE, Carl. Der Roman in Deutschland von 1774-1778. Halle [89] 1892; 134 pp. Influence of Richardson and Fielding in the period between "Worther" and the beginnings of "Wilhelm Meister." English influence on German '^Novellen** in general FuRST, Rudolf. Die Vorlaufer d. modernen Novelle im 18. [90] Jh. Ein Beitr. z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. Hallo 1897; 240 pp. Among the "Vorlaufer" of Goethe's "Novelle," end so of the modern short story, were Chaucer, Addison with his char- acters, Defoe, Richardson, Fielding, Sterne. Lindner, F. ES XXV (1898) 443-445. English landscape gardening in Germany GoTHEiN, Marie. Der englische Landschafttsgarten in d. [91] Literatur. Verhandlungen d. XI. Philologentages, Koln, 1904. Pp. 100-112. The change of taste, the turning away from the formal Italian garden, obvious in Pope's and Thomson's poetry, affected Ger- many. Tho new teste was exemplified in the Weimar park After the burning of the ducal residence. English moral wecldics in Germany See [148 Iff. The American revolution in German literature See also [196] and [197]. BiEDERMANNy K. Die nordamerikanische u. franzosische Revo- [92] lution in ihren Riickwirkungen auf Deutschland. Zts. fiir deutsche Kulturgesch. 1858; 48ff. t.GoEBEL, Julius. Amerika in d. deutschen Dichtung bis 1832. [93] Forsch. z. deutschen Philol. Festgabe fiir Rudolf Hilde- brand. Leipzig 1894; 102-127. Attitude of Klopetock and Herder tcward America. America in the "Sturm u. Drang" literature. The attitude of Lenau com- pared with that of the aged Goethe. Minor, J. Supplement to above. GGA 1896; 662ff. tHATPiELD-HocHBAUM. The influence of the American revohi- [94] tion upon German literature. AG III (1899-1900) 338-385. References to the American revolution in works of Goethe, Gleim, Klinger, Klopstock, Schiller, Schubart, Stolbcrg, Wieland, Vosz. s 22 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Gallingeb, H. p. Die Haltung d. deutschen Publizistik z. d. [95J amerikanischen Unabhangigkeit9kriege. 1775-1783. Leip- zig Diss. Leipzig 1900; 77 pp. fWALZ, John A. The American revolution and German litera- [96] ture. MLN XVI (1901) 336-351, 411-418, 449-462. fWALZ, John A. Three Swabian journalists and the American [97] revolution. AG IV (1901-1902) 91-129, 267-291 and GAA I (1903) 209-224, 257-274, 347-356, 406-419, 593-600. Fr. Schiller, Ludwig Wekherlin, Chr. F. D. Schuhart. Anon. Der Freiheitskampf d. Union in d. deutschen Literatur. [98] Literar. Bundschau. Jan. 18. 1902. KoHN, Maximilian. Amerika im Spiegel deutscher Dichtung. [99] Zeitgeist (1905) No. 32. L. . . . D. P. LE VII (1905) 1696. The American revolution and Schiller Carruth, W. H. Schiller and America. GAA VII (1906) 131- [100] 146. A collection of quotations showing Schiller's feeling in regard to the deportation of German mercenaries to take part in the American revolution and his interest in the ideal Indian. Floreb, W. W. Schiller's conception of liberty and the spirit [100a] of 76. GAA VIII (1906) 99-115. A comparative studj. Little influence shown. English literature and Baumgartner* BoJANOWSKi, M. Literarische Einfliisse bei d. Entstehung von [101] Baumgartners Aesthetik. Breslau Diss. 1910; 60 pp. English literature and Bode See [87]. English literature and Bodmer See also Addison, Dryden, Milton. Shakespeare> Bodmer. tVETTER, Th. Ziirich als Vermittlerin englischor Literatur im [102] 18. Jh. Prog. Ziirich 1891; 26 pp. Peankl, L. ES XVI (1892) 412-418. Vetteb, Th. Anmerkungen z. "Die Discourse d. Mahlern*' [102a] (1721-1722). In *'Bibliothek alterer Schriftwerke d. deutschen Schweiz." Ser. II, Heft 2. Frauenfeld 1891. tVETTER, Th. Bodmer u. d. englischo Literatur. Pp. 313-386 [103] in ''J. J. Bodmer-Denkschrift. " Zurich 1900; 418 pp. English literature and Brawe See also [88] and [365]. tSAUER, August. Joachim Wilhelm von Bra we, d. Schiiler Les- [104] sings. QF XXX (1878) 145 pp. Minor, J. ADA V (1879) 880-395. * The next following entries are arranged alphaheticallj according to the name of the German author concerned. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 23 English literature and Brockes See also Thomsoii>Brocke8. Bbandl, a. B. H. Brockes. Ein Beitrag z. Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. [104a] Innsbruck 1878; 175 pp. English literature and Goethe See also Addison, Fielding, Goldsmith, Lillo, Milton, Ossian, Pope, Richardson, Shaftesbury, Sterne, Young>Goethe ; Shake- speare>Ooethe [503]ff. ; 19th century: [847], [848], and Byron, Carlyle, Emerson, Maturin, Scott>Goethe. Sanborn, F. B. Goethe's relation to English literature. Pp. [105] 157-188 in ''Life and genius of Goethe." Boston 1886; XXV + 454 pp. and in Dudley's "Poetry and philosophy of Goethe." Chicago 1887; 59-98. Of little value; presents few facts and no definite picture. Carr, Mary G. Goethe in his connexion with English litera- [106] ture. PEGS IV (1888) 50-57. Shakespeare, Richardson, Goldsmith. Waldberq, Max. Goethe u. d. Empfindsamkeit. BFDH XV [107] (1899) 1-21. Addison (Inkle and Yarico — "Spectator" 11), Goldsmith, Richard- son, and especially Sterne. Sachs, K. Goethes Bekanntschaft mit d. englischen Sprache u. [108] Literatur. Neuphilol. Zentralblatt XIX (1905) 1-3, 35-38, etc. Sachs, K. Abstract. Verhandlungen d. XI. deutschen Philo- logentages, Koln 1904; 132. Brown, Hume. Goethe on English literature. TKSL 2nd series, [109] vol. XXX, part 2 (1911) 59-86. The essential facts are doubtless also included in Hume Brown's "The youth of Goethe." London 1918; 295 pp., which gives especial heed to English influences. See index of volume. Bode, Wilhelm. Die Franzosen u. Englander in Goethes Leben [110] u. Urteile. Stunden mit Goethe. XXXVIII u. XXXIX (1915) 179 pp. Chapter VI, pp. 109-136: "Gcethes englische Beziehungen." Frankfurt: Boyhood studies, early English verses, readings in Edw. Toung and Richardson. Leipzig: Lillo, Moore, Addi- son, Steele, Johnson, Pope, Dodd's "Beauties of Shakespeare." Frankfurt: Wieland's "Shakespeare." Strassburg: Shake- speare, Goldsmith, Sterne, Ossian. Englishmen in Weimar and on the Italian journey. Shakespeare on the Weimar stage under Goethe's management. "Shakespeare u. kein Ende" (1818ff.), Byron, Scott. Goebel, Julius. Probable source of Goethe's " Goldschmieds- [111] gesell.*' MLN II (1887) 206-211. Henry Carey's "Sally in our alley," is the probable source. 24 University of California Publicatians in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 fjAHN, Kurt. *'Wilhelm Meisters theatralische Sendung" u. [112] d. humoristische Roman d. Englander. GBM V (1913) 225-233. Thesis: Tho "Bildun^srom.in" was the paternal, the "humoristi- sche Roman" the maternal ancestor of Goethe's "W. Meister." The influmce of Fielding, Sterne, Smollett, Goldsmith more evident in the "Th. Scndung" than in the "W. Meister." Alpord, R. G. Englishmen at Weimar. PEGS V (1890) 189- [113] 192 and VI (1891) 132-134. RuLAND, C. English books in Goethe's library. A letter in [114] [113]. Heine, Carl. Das englische Drama im Spielplan d. Wei- [115] marschen Theaters unter Goethes Leitung. ZVL IV (1891) 319-321. Includes plays of Sheridan, Moore, Otway, and Shakespeare. English literature and Goitschcd See also Addi8on>GottRched [160 Iff. Wakiek, Gustav. Gottsched u. d. deutsche Literatur seiner [116] Zeit. Leipzig 1897 ; xii + 698 pp. Many references to English literature. Indext. Drksoher, K. ADA XXVII (1901) 65-72. English literature and L. A. V. Goitschcd ScHLENTHER, Paul. Frau Gottsched u. d. biirgerliche Komodie. [117] Ein Kulturbild aus d. Zopfzeit. Berlin 1886; 257 + 10 pp. Seuffkkt, B. GGA 1887: 201-207. LiTZMANN, B. ADA XXXII (1S98) 94-96. English literature and Hagedorn See also Pope>Hapodorn [281]. tCoFPMAN, Bertha R. The influence of English literature on [118] Friedrieh Hagedorn. MPh XII (1914) 313-324, XII (1915) 503-520 and XIII (1915) 75-97. Reprinted as Chicago diss. 1914-15. Addison, Pope. Prior, Swift. Thoni8«n>IIagcdorn. WuKADiNovic, Sp. Hagcdonis "Aurelius u. Beelzebub.'* VL [119] V (1892) 607-612. Gay and Prior>Hagedorn. English literature and Ualhr See also Shafte8b\iry>Haller [318] and [319]. Wyplel, L. linglands Einllusz auf die Lehrdichtung Hallers. [120] Prog. Wien 1S88. English literature and Herder See also Franklin. Hogarth. Percy, Shaftesbury, ShakeRpeare> Herder. Joket, Ch. Herder et la renaissance litt^raire en Allemagne [120a] au XVllP siiyde. Paris 1875. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 25 Breul, Kabl. Herder and England. In "In memory of [121] Johann Gottfried Herder." Centenary address, Dec. 22, 1903. MLQ VII (1904) 6-8. English literature and Holty Rhoades, Lewis A. Holty s Verhaltnis z. d. englischen Litera- [122] tur. Gottingen Diss. Gottgn. 1892; 48 pp. Gray, Swift, Thomson, Mallet, Percy>H61ty. Sauer, a. JbL IV (1893) IV 2a, 34. English literature and Lenz See also Shakespeare>Lenz [536 Iff. Anwand, O. Beitrage zum Studium d. Gedichte von J. M. R. [123] Lenz. Miinchen 1897; 118 pp. Pp. 52-70: Young>Lenz. Pp. 80-82: Thom8on>Lenz. Clark, K. H. Lenz' Cbersetzungen aus d. Englischen. ZVL [124] X (1897) 117-150 and 385-418. =[538]. Shakespeare, Pope, Ossian, popular ballads. English literature and Lessing See alHO Biirkc, Crisp, Dryden, Farquhar. Fielding, Pope, Richard- son, Shaftesbury, Shakespeare, and Swift> Lessing. Albrecht, Paul. Lessings Plagiate. Hamburg 1888-1891. [125] 6 Bde. in 3; 2494 pp. English Iiteraturo>"Minna von Bcrnhelm," 270ff. ; English litera- ture>"Mias Sara Sampson," 1872ff. Schmidt, Erich. Lessing. Geschiehte seines Lebens u. seiner [126] Schriften. Berlin 1884-1892. 2. Aufl. Berlin 1899. 3. Aufl. Berlin 1910. 2 Bde., 734 + 668 pp. Best treatment of Eng1i8h>Le68ing influences. Indext. tCARO, J. Lessing u. d. Englander. Euph VI (1899) 465-490. [127] Shakespeare, Wycherley, Beaumont nnd Fletcher, Congreve, Dry- den, Farquhar, Thomson, Otway, Moore, Lillo, Pope, and Sterne. fKETTNER, Gust A V. Lessings Dramen in Lichte ihrer u. unserer [128] Zeit. Berlin 1904; 511 pp. Pp. 6—18: Lillo, Moore, Richardson>Lessing. Howard. W. G. **Reiz ist Schonheit in Bewegung.'' PMLA [129] XXIV (1909) 286-293. Concerns a phrase in Lessing's '%aokoon." Spence>Webb> Home>Le8sir.g. Howard, W. G. Introduction to "Laokoon.'* New York, [129rt] Henry Holt and Co., 1910; vii-cl. English literature and Lichtenberg See also Hogarth and Swift>Lichtenberg. Leitzmann, a. Notizen iiber die englische Biihne aus Lichten- [130] bergs Tagebuchern. ShJ XLII (1906) 158-178. tKJLEiNEiBST, Richard. G. Ch. Lichtenberg in seiner Stellung z. [131] deutschen Literatur. FFDL IV (1915) 172 pp. Stammlee, W. DLZ XXXVI (1916) 663-664. 26 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 English literature and Moritz See also Shafte8bary>Morits [324]. ZUB LiNDE, Otto. Einleitung zu "Reisen eines Deutschen in [132] England im Jahre 1782" von Carl Philipp Moritz. DLD CXXVI (1903) v-xxxiii. English literature and Mylius HiTzio, — .* t)ber die zahlreichen t^bersetzungen franzosischer u. [133] englischer Bomane von Mylius. Gelehrtea Berlin (1825) 185ff. English literature and Nicolai. tSOHWiNGER, BiCHARD. Friedrich Nicolais Boman "Sebaldus [133a] Nothanker" (1776) ein Beitrag z. Gesch. d. Aufklarung. LF n (1897) 265 pp. Fielding, Smollet, Sterne, and Qold8mith>Nicolai. Indext. English literature and Postel Hageb, H. Beview of "H. C. Postels u. Jacob von Melles Reise [134] durch d. nordwestliche Deutschland nach d. Niederlanden u. nach England.'' ES XVII (1892) 182-184. English literature and Schiller See also Brydone, Fielding. Fletcher, Milton, Moore, Ossian, Otway, Shaftesbury, Shakespeare, and ThomBon> Schiller. Sachs, C. Schillers Beziehungen zur franzosischen u. eng- [135] Uflchen Literatur. ASNS XXX (1861) 83-111. Pp. 98-102: English literature (Shakespeare, Ferguson, Gibson). Koch, Max. Schillers Beziehungen zur vergleichenden Litera- [135a] turgeschichte. SVL V, Erganzungsheft (1905) 1-39. English literature and Schroeder See also Schroeder and Shakespeare [558]ff. tHAUPPEN, A. Friedrich Ludwig Schroeder. DNL CXXXIX: 1 [136] (1890 ca.) 87-106. Pp. 99-102: Schroeder's adaptations of English plays. LiTZMANN, B. F. L. Schroder. 2 Bde. Hamburg 1890-1894. [136a] English literature and ** Sturm und Drang*' See also Fielding and Shakespeare >" Sturm und Drang," [104] and [597]fr. Wolff, Euq. Die Sturm- u. Drangkomodie u. ihre fremden [137] Vorbilder. ZVL I (1887) 192-220 and 329-337. Chiefly Rousseau, Richardson, Shakespeare, Hogarth. English literature and Sturz See also Johnson >Sturz [213al. tKocH, Max. Helferich Peter Sturz nebst einer Abhandlung [138] iiber die schleswigschen Literaturbriefe. Miinchen Diss. Miinchen 1879; 292 pp. Francis Brook's novel "Julia Mandevi]le">Sturz'8 drama "Julia Mandeville." Sturz's visit to England 1762. Acquaintance with Oarrick. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 27 English literature and Waser See alio Batler> Waser [168]. BoDMEB, J. J. Denkmal dem t^bersetzer Buttlers, Swifts und [139] Luzians errichtet. Deutsches Museum 1784; 511-527. Vetter, Th. Johann Heinrich Waser, Diakon in Winterthur [140] (1713-1777) ein Vermittler der englischen Literatur. Neu- jahrsblatt hrsg. v. d. Stadtbibliothek in Ziirich. 1898. English literature and Weisze See also Shad well, Shakespeare, and Wycherle7>Weisze. MiNOE, J. Einleitungr zu "Christian Felix Weisze.*' In "Les- [141] sings Jugendf reunde. " DNL LXXII (No date) v-xxv. English middle-class tragedy>"Mis8 Sara Sampson">WeiMze. Shakespeare, Coffe7> Weisze. OiESSiNG, C. P. The plagiarized book reviews of C. F. Weisze [141a] in the ''Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaf ten. " MPh XVI (1918) 77-88. English literature and Wieland See also Fielding, Kirkpatrick, Pope, Prior, Richardsqn, Shaftes- bury, Shakespeare, Steme>Wieland. LiESZ, L. Wielands Verhaltnis zu E. Spenser, Pope und Swift. I. [142] Prog. Hersfeld 1903; 12 pp. IscHEB, B. Kleine Studien iiber Wieland. Prog. Bern 1904; [143] 37 pp. Marx, Emilie. Wieland u. d. Drama. FFDL III (1914) 136 pp. [144] Rowe and "Johanna Gray." Richardson and "Clementina von Poretta." Addison and "Rossmonde." "Schluszbetrachtung. Wieland im Yerhftltnis su Shakespeare." English literature and Zacharid MuNCKEB, Frakz. Friedrich Wilhelm Zacharja. Einleitung [145] DNL XlilV (No date) 245-260. Influence of Pope, Milton, Thomson, Young. KiRCWGEORG, Otto H. Die dichterische Entwicklung J. F. W. [146] Zacharias. Greifswald Diss. Greifswald 1904; 52 pp. Pope, Young, Thomson>ZachariS. Crosland, Jessie. Zacharia and his English models. ASNS [147] CXX (1908) 289-295. ^ Pope, Milton, Thomson, and Young>Zachariil. Addison^ and German literature (and influence of the English moral weeklies) MiLBERO, Ernest. Die deutschen moralischen Wochenschriften [148] d. 18. Jh. Leipzig Diss. Meiszen 1880; 86 pp. "Die Discourse der Mahlem," "Der Patriot," "Die vemfinfftigen Tadlerinnen." * The English authors follow in alphabetical order. For further proTisiona reffarding arrangement see the Introduction, page 5. 28 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 fKAWCZYNSKi, Maxim. Studien zur Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. I [149] Moralische Zeitschriften. Leipzig 1880; 170 pp. Brandl, a. ADA VIII (1882) 26-52. Ceuger, Johannes. Gottsched und die Schweizer. DNL XLII [150] (1882) i-ci. Jacob v, K. Die ersten moralischen Wochenschriften Hamburgs [151] am Anfange d. 18. Jh. Prog. Hambg. 1888; 48 pp. *'Der Verntinfftler" (1713), "Die lustigc Fama aus der narrischen Welt" (1718), "Neuangelegte Nouvellen — Correspondence aus dem Reiche derer Lebendigen in das Reich derer Todten" (1721), "Der Patriot" (1724-1726). WOHLWILL, A. ZVL II (1889) 384-387. Geiger, L. Die jiltcsten Berliner Wochenschriften. Gegenwart [152] XXIV (1883) 72ff. "Das moralische Femglas" (1732), "Der Weltbttrger" (1741). Keller, L. Die deutschen Gesellschaften d. 18. Jh. u. d. mora- [153] lichen Wochenschriften. Monatsh. d. Comeniusgesellschaft IX, 7 and 8 (1900). Kraeger, H. The German '^Bpy^' (1738). ES XXIX (1901) [154] 211-234. "The German Spy" was a collection of letters based on articles in the Hamburg "Patriot" (1724ff.). Hence much interest- ing muteriul concerning the "Patriot" is included. Lachmanski, H. Die deutschen Frauenschriften d. 18. Jh. [154a] Bern Diss. 1900; 76 pp. EcKART, J. H. Die moralischen Wochenschriften. Grenzboten [1545] LXIV, 2 (1905) 477-485. tlJMBAOH, E. Die deutschen moralischen Wochenschriften u. d. [155] ' ' Spectator ' ' von Addison u. Steele. Ihre Beziehungen z. ein- ander u. z. deutschen Literatur d. 18. Jh. Straszbg. Diss. Straszbg. 1911; 89 pp. Chap. V: Influence of moral weeklies on Haller, Hagedom, Rabenor, Gellort. IIartung, Wilkelm. **Der Hamburger Verniinf tier, ' ' die erste [156] deutsche Wochonschrift (1713). Hamburger Nachrichten Lit. 1913 No. 19-20. Its editor Johrinn Mattheson described it as "ein teutscher Aus- zug aus den Engliindischen Moral. Schrifften des "Tatler" u. "Spectator" mit etlich(n Zugp.ben vcrschen und auf Ort u. Zeit gerichtet." Addison and Bodmer and Breitinger See also [1021. and [103]. tVETTER, Til. Der ** Spectator *' als Quelle d. ''Discourse d. r^*^^] Mahlern.'^ Fraucnfeld 18S7: 34 pp. A'etter corrects these find'rgs in [103]. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 29 Addison and Gellert Nedden, Budolp. Quellenstudien zu Gellerts **Fabeln u. Er- [158] zahlungen. " Leipzig Diss. Leipzig 1899; 81 pp. Addison and Goethe ' See also [107] and [110]. Cornish, F. F. Goethe and Addison. TMGS 1894; 175-176. [159] Addison and Gottsched See also [116], and [117]. TuRKHEiM, L. Addisons **Cato'' u. Gottscheds "Sterbender [160] Gato." ASNSXLVI (1881) 17-49, 126-165. tCRL'OER, Johannes. Gottscheds "Sterbender Cato." Ein- [161] leitung DNL XLII (1882) 531-540. Hegnauer, A. G. Der Einflusz von Addisons *'Cato'' auf d. [162] dramatische Literatur Englands u. d. Kontinents in d. 1. Halfte d. 18. Jh. Diss. Zurich 1912; 157 pp. Addison and Rahener Hartuno, Wilhelm. Die deutschen moralischen Wochen- [163] Bchriften als Vorbild G. W. Kabeners. Hermaea Bd. IX. Halle 1911; viii + 156 pp. and Halle Diss. Halle 1911; 70 pp. The dissertation has only chapters I and II. I: ''Geschichte d. moralischen Wochenschriften bis zum Jahre 1775." 11: "Rahener und die moralischen Wochenschriften." Parisee, L. JbL XXII (1911) 775-776. Beaumont in Germany See [195]. Brydone and Schiller Kettner Gustav. Eine Quelle z. Schillers '*Braut von Mes- [164] sina.'' ZDPh XX (1888) 49-54. Brydone's "Travels in Sicily and Malta" (1770), from which "Wieland had publisht excerpts in the "Teutscher Merkur" 1773. A translation of the entire work appeared in 1774. Burke and Kant Candrea, G. Der Begriff d. Erhabenen bei Burke u. Kant. [165] Straszbg. Diss. Straszbg. 1894; 80 pp. Burke and Lcssing Howard, William Guild. Burke among the forerunners of [166] Lessing. PMLA XXIT (1907) 609-632. Butler and German literature tTHAYER, Harvey W. *'Hudibras'' in Germany. PMLA XXIV [167] (1909) 547-585. Butler>Bodmer and Oottsched. Lessing's attitude toward Butler. Butler and Waser See also [139] and [140]. HiRZEL, L. J. H. Waser. VL V (1892) 301-312. [168] 30 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Cibber and Weisze See [606]. Crisp and Lessing BoETHE, GusTAV. Zu Lessings dramatischen Fragmenten. I. [169] ''Virginia'' u. "Emilia Galotti." VL II (1889) 516-529. Crisp's "Yirginius" (1754), Lessing's translation thereof, and "Emilia Oalotti." Defoe in Germany Hettner, Hermann. Robinson u. Bobinsonaden. Berlin 1854. [170] No longer to be regarded as authoritative. tKiPPENBERO, August. Bobinson in Deutschland bis zur ''Insel [171] Felsenburg." (1731-1743). Bin Beitr. z. Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. Hannover 1892; 122 pp.+ xix pp. bibliography. Ullrich, H. ZVL VI (1898) 259-266. BiLTZ, Karl. Magister Ludwig Frd. Vischer, d. erste deutsche [172] Bobinson-tlbersetzer (1720). ASNS XC (1893) 13-26. Kleemann, S. Zur Geschichte d. Bobinsonaden. Euph I (1894) [173] 603-604. Botteken, Hubert. Weltflucht u. Idyllen in Deutschland von [174] 1720 bis zur "Insel Felsenburg'' (1731). Bin Beitr. z. Gesch. d. deutschen Gefuhlslebens. ZVL IV (1896) 1-32. tlJLLRiCH, Hermann. Bobinson u. Bobinsonaden. Bibliographie, [175] Geschichte, Kritik. Bin Beitr. z. vgl. Lit.-gesch., im Besond. z. Gesch. d. Bomans u. z. Gesch. d. Jugendlit. Teil I. Bibliographie. LF VII (1898) xix + 247 pp. HiPPB, M. ES XXVI (1899) 405-411. Strauch, p. ADA XXVII (1901) 245-248. Ullrich, H. Nachtrage u. Erganzungen zu meiner Bobinson- [176] bibliographie. ZB II (1907) 444-456, 489-498. MiLDEBRATH, B. Die deutschen * * A vanturiers " d. 18. Jh. [176a] Wiirzbg. Diss. Grafenhainichen 1907; 147 pp. Ullrich, H. Unbekannte Cbersetzer von Schriften Daniel [177] Defoes. ZB April 11, 1902. ScHOTT, E. Der erste deutsche Obersetzer d. "Bobinson" [177a] (Ludwig Fr. Vischer). Blatter d. Wiirttemb. Schwarz- waldes IX (1902). Ullrich, H. Neudruck d. ersten Bobinsoniibersetzung (Ham- [178] burg 1731). Mit einem Nachwort von H. Ullrich: Gesch. d. Bobinsonmotivs. Leipzig 1909. See JbL XX (1909) 226 for complete title. VON Bloedau, C. A. JbL XXI (1910) 436-437. Wagner, H. F. Bobinson u. d. Bobinsonaden in unserer Jugend- [179] literatur. Prog. Wien 1903. Ullrich, H. Die Berechtigung ciner neuen Bobinson-t^ber- [179a] setzung. ES XXXVI (1906) 394-403. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 31 Defoe and Schnahel See also [174]. Halm, H. Beit rage z. Kenntnis Joh. G. Schnabels. Euph YIII 1795 ] Erganzungsheft (1909) 27-49. Bruggemann, Fritz. Utopie u. Bobinsonade. Untersuchungen [180] zu Schnabels ''Insel Felsenburg" (1731-1743). FNL XLVI (1914) 200 pp. Endebs, Carl. LE XYII (1914-1915) 888-889. Defoe in Austria Wagner, H. F. Bobinsonaden in Oesterreich. £in Beitr. z. [181] Gesch. d. deutschen Bobinson-Literatur. Salzbg. 1888; 27 pp. Dryden and German literature See also [482]. tBAUMGARTNER, MiLTON D. On Dryden 's relation to Germany in [182] the 18th century. Diss. Univ. of Chicago 1914; 84 pp. and Univ. of Nebraska studies XIV, 4 (1914) 289-375. MuTSCHMANN, H. AB XXVI (1915) 874. Dryden and Bodmer Ibershoff, C. H. Dryden 's "Tempest" as a source of Bod- [183] mer's '^Noah." MPh XV (1917) 247-253. Numerous parallel passages. Dryden and Lessing tPRiCE, L. M. Lessing and Dryden. Paper read before the [184] American philol. assn. Pacific coast division. San Fran- cisco, Dec. 1917. Dryden and Werniclce tEiCHLER, Albert. Christian Wernickes "Hans Sachs'' (1701) [185] u. sein Drydensches Vorbild "MacFlecknoe** (1682). Zur Gesch. deutscher Kritik. ZVL XVII (1908) 208-224. According to P. L. Bab'ngton ULR XIII (1918) 25-34 not Dryden but John Oldham (1653-1683) was the author of "MacFlecknoe," but cf. G. Thorn-Drury, MLR XIII (1918) 276flP. and H. M. Belden, MLN XXXIII (1918) 449ff. Farquhar and Lessing See also [126] and [127]. tBoBERTSON, J. G. Lessing and Farquhar. MLB II (1906) [186] 56-59. Fielding and German literature fWooD, Augustus. Der Einflusz Fieldings auf d. deutsche Litera- [187] tur. Heidelberg Diss. Yokohama 1895; 53 pp. Translations; attitude of Lichtenberg, Lessing, Ooethe; imitations of Mus&us, Wieland, Hermes. BOBEBTAO. F. ES XXV (1898) 445-447. 32 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Waldschmidt, Carl. Die Dramatisierungen von Fieldings [188] *'Tom Jones/' Rostock Diss. Wetzlar 1906; 103 pp. fKuRRELMEYER, W. A German version of "Joseph Andrews." [188a] MLN XXXIII (1918) 468-471. Fielding and Bode Keieg, Hans. J. J. C. Bode (1730-1793) als tJbersetzer des [189] **Tom Jones'* von H. Fielding. Greifswald Diss. Greifs- wald 1909; 87 pp. Fielding and Goethe See also [112]. tMiNOR, Jacob. Die Anfiinge d. *'Wilhelm Meister." GJ IX [190] (1888) 163-187. Fielding and Lcssing fCLAEK, C. H. Einflusz Fieldingscher .Romane auf Lessings [191] '* Minna von Barnhelm" u. Lessings '^Miss Sara Samp- son.*' Anhang B & C in CJlark [194] 97-100. Fielding and Milllcr von Itzehoe tBELA.ND, Albert. Miiller v. Itzehoe (1743-1828), sein Leben u. [192] seine Werke. Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. deutschen Romans im 18. Jh. LF XVII (1901) 100 pp. Pp. 45-49: Fielding>Muller. Fielding and Schiller fCLARK, C. H. Einflusz Fieldingscher Romane auf Schillers [193] "Rauber.'' Anhang A in CJlark [194]. Fielding and '* Sturm und Drang** tCLARK, C. H. Fielding u. d. deutsche Sturm u. Drang. Frei- [194] burg Diss. Freibg. 1897; 100 pp. BOBEETAG, F. ES XXV (1898) 447-448. Fielding and Wieland tBLANKENBURQ, CHRISTIAN Friedrich. Versuch iibor don Roman. [194a] Leipzig and Liegnitz 1774; 528 pp. Fletcher and Schiller Anon. Schillers "Braut von Messina*' u. Beaumont u. Fletchers [195] "Rollo Ilerzog d. Normandie. '* Zeitung fiir die elegante Welt 1843; 365ff. Franklin and German literature Victory, Beatrice M. Benjamin Franklin and Germany. AG [196] XXI (1915) 180 pp. Franklin's visit to Germany. Reputation in Oermany. F. in German poetry. F. as known to Goethe, Schiller, Moser, Herder. F. in the novel of SeaUfield, Auerbach, and others. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 33 Franklin and Herder SuPHAN, Bernhard. Benjamin Franklin's ''Bules for a club [197] established in Philadelphia." t^bertragen u. ausgelegt als Statu! fiir eine Gesellschaft von Freunden der Humanitat von J. G. Herder 1792. Aus d. Nachlasz veroffentlicht u. Eduard Simson zum 22. Mai 1883 zugeeignet. Berlin 1883; 36 pp. Cf. "Briefe xur Bef5rderung d. Humanit&t," in "Herder's Werke," hrag. Suphan. XVII and XYIII. Berlin 1881 and 1883. JACOBY, D. AL XIII (1885) 273-277. Glover and Klopstock Bbigos, F. Some traces in Klopstock 's poetry of Bichard [198] Glover's allusion to the marble form in his ''Leonidas." Paper read by title before the MLA (Central division) Iowa City, Iowa. Dec. 1909. For further description see PMLA XXY (1910) xlii. Glover and Wieland See [144]. Goldsmith and German literature See also [935] and [986]. fZiEGERT, Th. Goldsmiths " Landprediger " in Deutschland. [199] BFDH X (1894) 509-525. tSoLLAS, Hertha. Goldsmiths Einflusz in Deutschland im 18. [200] Jh. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1903; 44 pp. Goldsmith and Goethe See also [110] and [112]. tLEVY, SreoMUND. Goethe u. Oliver Goldsmith. GJ VI (1885) [201] 281-298. fBRANDEis, A. Goethe u. Goldsmith. Chronik d. Weimarer [202] Goethevereins XII (1898) 9-15. Goldsmith's "Edwin and Angelina" >Ooethe's "Erwin u. Elmire." Ferguson, I. Goethe and the notions "Grille'' and ''Wan- [203] derer" in ''Werthers Leiden." MLN XVII (1902) 346- 356 and 411-418. Walz, J. A. Replj. MLN XVIII (1903) 31-32. tSoFFi, Emil. Die erlebten u. literarischen Grundlagen von [204] Goethes * * Erwin und Elmire. "In * * Vermischte Schrif ten. ' ' Briinn 1909; 154-188. Prog. Brunn 1890-1891. Compare Brandeis [202]. BoRCHERDT, H. H. Die Entstehungsgeschichte von ** Erwin [204a] und Elmire." GJ XXXII (1911) 73-82. Goldsmith and Holty SPREkoEE, R. Zu Holtys "Das Feuer im Walde." ZDU IV [205] (1890) 379-380. Influence of Goldsmith's "Deserted village." 34 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Goldsmith and Zschokke tAMES, P. W. The supposed source of the "Vicar of Wake- [206] field" and its treatment by Zschokke and Goldsmith. TRSL XIX (1898) 93-105. Gray and German literature See also [122]. Uebel, Otto. Grays Einflusz auf d. deutsche Lyrik im 18. [207] Jh. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1914; 43 pp. NoRTHUP, Clark S. A bibliography of Thomas Gray, in [208] ** Cornell studies in English.'' New Haven 1917; 296 pp. Pp. 106-109: List of German translations of Gray's poems. TOYNBEE, p. MLR XIII (1918) 343-345. Hogarth and Lichtenherg See also [131]. Anon. Lichtenberg and Hogarth. Foreign quarterly review [208a] XVI (1836) 279-303. Hogarth and Herder RiETHMi'rLLER, RiCHARD. Herder und Hogarth. GAA II (1904) [209] 185-191. • Home and German esthetics Wohlgemuth. J. Henry Homes Aesthctik u. ihr Einflusz auf [210] d. deutschen Aesthetiker. Rostock Diss. Berlin 1893; 77 pp. Neumann, W. Die Bedeutung Homes fur d. Aesthetik u. sein [211] Einflusz auf d. deutschen Aesthetiker. Halle Diss. Halle 1894; 168 pp. Leshing, Schiller. Kant. Hooper and Bulling er Vetter, Th. Johannes Hooper, Bischof von Gloucester u. [212] Worcester, u. seine Beziehungen z. Bullinger u. Zurich. Turicensia, Ziirich 1891. Cf. Frankl. L. ES XVI (1892) 412. Hume and German thot Soe nlso [307). Ruthe, B. D. Humes Bedeutung fiir d. deutsche Geistesleben. [213] Deutsche Schule XV (1911-1912) 201-209. Johnson and Sturs Richards, Alfred E. Dr. Johnson an.d H. P. Sturz. MLN [21 3n] XXVI (1911) 176-177. Jonson and Tirck WUSTLING, Fritz. Tiocks ** William Lovell.'' = [30lo]. [213&] Pp. 120-122: Hon .Tonson's "The now inn">Ti«*ck's "William Lovoll" (1705). 1919] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 35 Kirkpatrick and Wieland Ibershofp, C. H. a new English source of Wieland. JEGPh [214] XIV (1915) 56-60. J. Kirkpatrick "The sea piece" (London 1750) and Wieland's "Briefe von Verstorbenen." Lillo and German literature tKuNZE, A. Lillos Einflusz auf d. englische u. deutsche Litera- [215] tur. Prog. Magdebg. 1911; 18 pp. Little not already set forth in Sauer [104] and Eloesser [88]. GLdDE, O. ES XLV (1912) 114-115. IFath, J. Die Schicksalsidee in d. Tragodie. Leipzig Diss. [216] Miinchen 1895; 35 pp. jMiNOB, Jacob. Zur Geschichte d. deutschen Schicksalstragodie [217] u. z. Grillparzers *'Ahnfrau." GpJ IX (1899) 1-85. Minor maintains that the German fate tragedy rose and developt quite independently of English influences. VON Weilen, a. ''Der Kaufmann von London'* auf deutschen [218] u. franzosischen Biihnen. Pp. 98-104 and 220-234 in Beitr. z. ncueren Philol. Wien 1902; 501 pp. Lillo and Goethe tWALZ, John A. Goethe's "Gotz von Berlichingen ' ' and Lillo 's [219] History of George Barnwell.'' MPh III (1906) 493-505. ( < Locke and German thot See [307]. Mallet t and Eanzner Sprenger, R. Zu einem deutschen Volksliede. ES XX (1896) [220] 148. Mallet's "William and Margaret" and Kanzner's "Brautnacht" (1779 ca.). Marlowe and Goethe Helleb, Otto. Goethe and Marlowe. Paper read before the [221] MLA (Central division) Chicago. Dec. 1917. A comparison of "Faust" and "The tragical history of Dr. Faustus." A number t>f hitherto unnoticed similarities between the versions were adduced and the critical question of direct influence of Marlowe's tragedy upon Goethe was reopened. In the light of the new evidence the hypothesis was advanced that, contrary to existing scholarly opinion, Goethe was familiar with the first dramatic version of .the theme. For oldc-r literature see Ooedeke* IV, 3; 786-788. Marlowe and Lens Bleibtreu, K. Marlowe, Grabbe u. Lenz. Wiener Rundschau [222] IV (1900) 24. No influences; a comparative study of genius. 36 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Mason and Klopstock Walz, John A. An English parallel to Klopstock 's '*Her- [223 J mannsschlacht/' MLN XXI (1906) 51-64. Mason's "Caractacus" (1759). No external evidence of influence. Milton and German literature See also [102 J and [103]. Brandl, Alois. Zar ersten Verdeutschung von Miltons '*Ver- [224] lorenem Paradies." Anglia I (1878) 460-463. Th. Haake (1678). BoLTE, Johannes. Die beiden altesten Verdeutschungen von [225] Miltons "Verlorenem Paradies." ZVL I (1888) 426-442. Haake (1678) and Berge (1682). Jenny, Gustav K. Miltons ^'Verlorenes Paradies*' in d. deut- [226] schen Literatur d. 18. Jh. Leipzig Diss. St. Gallen 1890; 99 pp. Koch, M. ZVL IV (1891) 120-122. K&8TKR, A. ADA XVII (1891) 259-260. Robertson, J. 6. Milton's fame on the continent. Proceed- [227] ings of the British Acad. Vol III. London 1908; 22 pp. Also publisht separately. More about influence on France and Italy than on Germany. Baldensperokr, F. RQ VI (1910) 73-74. Byse, Fanny. Milton on the continent. MLQ III (1900) 16-19. [228] Treats of the effect of continental travel on Milton. fPizzo, Enrico. Miltons '*Verlorenes Paradies'* im deutschen [229] Urteile d. 18. Jh. LF LIV (1914) 144 pp. Opinions of Bodmer, Brockes, Denis, Oerstenber^, Goethe, Gott- sched, Hagedom, Haller, Herder, Holty, Jacob!, Kleist, Klinger, Klopstock, Lessing, Lichtenber^r, Nicolai, Novalis, Pyra, Schiller, Schlegel, Tieck, Wieland, Vosa, Zachariil. and others and extent of Milton's influence. 1ft {ton and Bodmer See also [102], [1031. and [150]. Bodmer, Hans. Die Anfange d. ziircherischen Miltons. Stud. [230] z. Lit. Michael Bernays gewidmet von Schiilern u. Freunden. Hambg. u. Leipzig 1893; 179-199. ViLES, George B. Comparison of Bodmer 's translation of Mil- [231] ton's '* Paradise Lost" with the original. Cornell Diss. Leipzig 1903; 127 pp. SCHMITTER, J. J. J. Bodmer 's t^bersetzungen von Miltons [232] **Verlorenem Paradies'' 1732, 1742, 1754, 1759, 1769 sprach- lich verglichen. Ziirich Diss. Ziirich 1913; 283 pp. Milton and Goethe Sprenoer, R. Anklangc an Milton in Goethes "Faust." ES [233] XVni (1893) 304-306. 1919] Price: En glish'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 37 Milton and Klopstock Bknkowitz, K. F. Klopstocks ' ' Messias " fLsthetisch beurtheilt [233a] u. verglichen mit d..**Iliade," d. "Aeneide" u. d. Mver- lohrnen Paradiese." Breslau 1797. MuNCKER, Feanz. Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock. Geschichte [234] seines Lebens u. seiner Schriften. Stuttgt. 1888; 566 pp. 2 Aufl-, Stuttgt. 1893. Pp. 117-128: Milton>KIopBtock. Hdbler, F. Milton u. Klopstock. Prog. Reichenberg 1893-95. [235] Nadeb, E. ZaO XLVI (1895) 665-666. Koch, M. ES XXVII (1900) 142-144. flBEBSHOFP, C. H. A neglected Klopstock-Milton parallel. [236] MLN XXVI (1911) 264. tiBBRSHOFF, C. H. A second note on Klopstock *8 indebtedness [237] to Milton. MLN XXXII (1917) 186-187. Milton and Lange and Pyra Sauer, August. Einleitung z. " Freundschaf tliche Lieder von [238] J. J. Pyra u. S. G. Lange." DLD XXII (1885) iii-xlvii. Pp. xxxiiii-xxxy : MiIton*8 influence on the poems. Milton and Schiller Kbaegeb, Heinrich. Der Byronsche Heldentypus. FDL VI [238a] (1898) 139 pp. Pp. 9-19: "Paradise lost" and Schiller's "Riiuber." This con- nexion is disparaged by Pizzo [229] 99. Moore and German literature See also [88]. jFwTZ, Gottlieb. Der Spieler im deutschen Drama d. 18. Jh. [239] Berlin Diss. Berlin 1896; 43 pp. Maler Miiller, Iffland, Kotzebue. R08KNBAUM, R. Euph IV (1897) 607. Moore and Schiller tWiHAN, Josef. Zq Schillers ' * Raubern. ' ' Beziehungen zum [240] biirgerlichen Drama. PDS IX (1908) 91-103. 91-103. Moore's ••Gamc8ter">Schiller's "Riiuber." Oldham and Wernicke See [185]. Ossian and German literature* See also [956]. Waao, E. Ossian und d. Fingal-Sage. Prog. Mannheim 1863. [241] "Anhang," pp. 61-70: Denis, Goethe, Herder, Schlegel, Ahlwardt. Ausgaben n. Ubersetzur.gen. * Anders, H. R. D. Ossian. PrJ CXXXI (1908) 1-28, is a good discussion of the genuineness of the poems of Ossian. Stem, L. C. Die ossianischen Heldenlieder. ZVL YIII (1895) 51-86 and 143-174 should be consulted. 38 Univentity of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Ehbmann, E. Die bardische Lyrik im 18. Jh. Heidelberg [242] Di88. Halle 1892; 108 pp. Seujfebt. B. GGA (1895) I 69-80. K(0CH, M.) LCbl XLIV (1893) 796-797. Leitzmann, a. LblGRPh XVI (1895) 223-224. tToMBO, Rudolf. Ossian in Germany. Bibliography. General [243] survey. Ossian 's influence upon Klopstock and the bards. CUGS vol. I, no. 2 (1901) 175 pp. 088ian>Klop8tock, Gerstenberg, Denis, Kretschmann, and others. Bibliography of entire subject. The promist continuation of the text: ORsian>Herder, Goethe, Schiller, storm and stress, Gottinger Hain failed to appear. Tombo died in 1914. GOLTHEB. W. ZDPh XXXV (1903) 285-286. Leo, . Ossian in Deutschland. Versuch einer Erklarung [244] seiner tiefen Wirkung. Prog. Jena 1909. Ossian and Denis VON HoFMANN-WELLENHorF, P. Michael Denis; ein Beitr. z. [245] deutsch-osterreichischen Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. Innsbruck 1881. Ossian and Gerstenberg Pfau. W. Da3 Altnordische bei Gerstenberg. VL U (1889) [246] 161-194. X Ossian and Goethe See also [110]. Ulrich, O. Eine bisher unbekannte Radierung Goethes. ZB [246a] XI (1906) 283-286. Zum "Ossian" (1773-1777). jHeueb, O. Eine unbekannte Ossian ubersetzung Goethes. JFDH [247] (1908) 261-273. RiCHTER, Helena. Was hat Goethe an Ossian gefessoltf [248] Chronik d. Wiener Goethevereins XXV (1911-1912) 18-22. Ossian and Klopstock .See [234], and [243]. Ossian and Kretschmann Knothe, H. Karl Friedrich Kretschmann. Zittau 1858. [249] Hamel, Richard. Karl Friedrich Kretschmann (d. Barde [250] Ringulf). DNL XLVII (1883) 305-311. Ossian and Schiller jFiELiTZ, WiLHELM. * ' Hectors Abschied'* u. Ossian. AL [251] VIII (1879) 534-543. Ossian and Ticck Hemmer, H. Die Anfange L. Tiecks u. seiner diimonisch- [251a] schauorlichcn Dichtung. Acta Gcrmanica VI, 3. Berlin 1910; 452 pp. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 39 Otway and German literature See also [851] and [957]. Falke, JoHANi^s. Die deutschen Bearbeitungen d. "geret- [252] teten Venedig" von Otway (1682). Rostock Diss. Wester- land-Sylt 1906; 62 pp. Ottcay and Schiller LiOEWENBEBO, J. Cbcr Otways u. Schillers "Don Carlos." [253] Heidelberg Diss. Lippstadt 1886; 126 pp. Mueller, E. Otways, Schillers u. St. Heals ''Don Carlos" [254] Markgroningen 1898. Suloer-Gebino, E. Schiller u. "Das gerettete Venedig." SVL [255] V (1905) Erganzungsheft 358-363. Contains also a list of German "t)bersetzungen u. Bearbeitungen" of Otway'a "Venice preserved." Percy and German literature See also [835 Iff. Schmidt, F. W. Valentin. Balladen u. Romanzen d. deutschen [256] Dichter Biirger, Stolberg u. Schiller. Berlin 1827. tWAGENER, H. F. Das Eindringen von Percys "Reliques" in [257] Deutschland. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1897; 61 pp. tLoHRE, Heinrich. Von Percy z. Wunderhorn. Beitr. z. Gesch. [258] d. Volkssliedforschung in Deutschland. Pal XXII (1902) 136 pp. "Die Aufnahme d. Beliques in Deutschland." "Die Wiedergeburt d. deutschen Volksliedes." tBoYD, E. I. M. The influence of Percy's **Reliques of ancient [259] English poetry" pn German literature. MLQ VII (1904) 80-99. Biirger, Herder, Goethe, Uhland and romanticists, Fontane, Dahn. Jennet, F. G. Die ideelle u. formale Bedeutung d. Volkslieds [260] fiir d. englische u. deutsche Dichtung. Diss. Freiburg 1912; 57 pp. Neszler, Karl. Geschichte d. Ballade "Chevy Chase." Pal [261] CXII (1911) 190 pp. Pp. 177-187: "Chevy Chase" in Germany. Klopstock, Geszner, Gleim. Percy and Burger Grater, D. F. t>ber Biirgers Quellen u. ihre Beniitzung. Wie- [262] land '3 Neuer Teutscher Merkur 1797, III, 143. Suffolk miracle as source of Biirger's "Lenore." This connexion is now discredited. See Lohre [258] 102, and E. Schmidt [268]. Schleoel, A. WiLHELM. Biirger (1800). In Schlegers "Sammt- [263] liche Werke'' XIII Bde. Leipzig 1846. Bd. VIII 64-139. Influence of Percy's "Rcliques" on Biirger. 40 University of Calif omia Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 GoETZiNGER. t>ber die Quellen der Biirgerschen Gedichte. [263o] Zurich 1831. HoLZHAUSEN, P. Die Ballade u. Romanze von ihrem ersten Auf- [264] treten in d. deutschen Kunstdichtung bis zu ihrer Ausbil- dung durch Biirger. ZDPh XIV (1883) 128-193, 297-344. BoNET- Maury, G. Biirger et les origines anglaises de la ballade [265] litt^raire en Allemagne. Paris 1889. fBEYEE, Valentin. Die Begnriindung d. ernsten Ballade durch [266] G. A. Biirger. QF XCVII (1905) 114 pp. Beyer maintains on ground of internal and external evidence (in- cluding Bttrger's letters) that Biirger did not become familiar with Perey's "Reliques" until 1777, thus contra^erting the assertions of Schlegel, Bonet-Maury, Lohre, Boyd, Wagener, and others. Ebstein, E. Euph XV (1908) 410-412. tvoN Wlislocki, H. Zu Burgers ''Kaiser und Abt." ZVL IV [267] (1891) 106-112. tScHMiDT, Erich. Biirgers '*Lenore." In * ' Charakteristiken ' ' [268] I. Berlin 1886; 199-249. Sprenoer, R. Zu Burgers *' Lenore. " ZDU XIX (1905) 59-60. [269] Percy and Goethe Waetzoldt, Stephen. Goethes "Ballade vora vertriebenen u. [270] zuruckkehrenden Grafen'' u. ihre Quelle. ZDU III (1889) 502-515. Percy and Herder Waao, Albert. t>ber Herders t^bertragung englischer Gedichte. [271] Habilitationsschrift. Heidelberg 1892; 51 pp. Besides numerous Percy translations the few translations from Thomson, Burns, Ramsay, Swift, Pope, Prior, Shakespeare, and Ossian are mentioned. . Karsten, Gustav E. Folklore and patriotism. JEGPh VII [272] (1907) 61-79. Phi bota knppa address at Northwestern Univ. June 1906. An extension of "Herder u. d. Volkslied." Bulletin of Wash. Univ. assn. Ill lOlff. Pope and German literature See also [966]. Deetz, Albrecht. Alexander Pope. Leipzig 1876; 180 pp. [273] BOBERTAG, F. ES I (1877) 526-530. Bobertao. F. *'The rape of the lock'' in Germany. ES II [273a] (1879) 217-219. Bobertao, F. **The essay on man" in Germany. ES III [273l»] (1880) 77-83. Heinzelmann, J. H. A bibliography of German translations of [274] Pope in the 18th century. Bulletin of the bibliographical 80C. of America IV. Chicago 1912; 3-11. 1919] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 41 tHEiNZELMANN, J. H. Pope in Germany in the 18th century. [275] MPh X (1913) 317-364. The text to the preceding bibliography. The author intends to treat of: 1. Extent to which Pope was read in Germany in the 18th century. 2. Critical attitude of German writers. 3. Influence exerted by Pope on German literature. This article covers the first division only; the translations of Bod- mer, Brockes, Biirger, Eschenburg, Frau Oottsched, Hagedorn, Lens, and Mylius. tPxTZET, Erich. Deutsche Nachahmungen d. Popeschen *'Lok- [276] kenraubes." ZVL IV (1891) 409-433. tMAACK, R. tiher Popes Einflusz auf d. Idylle u. d. Lehrge- [277] dicht in Deutschland. Ein Beitr. z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. Prog. Hambg. 1895; 16 pp. Brockes, Kleist, Dusch, Hagedorn, Zemitz, Uz, Lessing, Wieland, Schiller. Graner, Karl. Die tJbersetzungen von Popes ** Essay on [278] Criticism" u. ihr Verhaltnis zum Original. Aschaffenburg 1910. Blei, F. Rokoko. In "Vennischte Schriften.'' Miinchen 1911. [279] Bd. TIT; 315 pp. Thesis: Many faces of this period have two different aspects, a serious and a mocking one, a sympathetic and a cynical one (= Rokoko). Portraits of Bodmer, Wieland, Heinse, Pope, Sterne, Lenz, and others. Seeks to prove no literary relation- ships but is suggestive. Pope and Goethe Levy, Siegmund. Einige Parallelen zu Goethe aus Pope. GJ [280] V (1884) 344-346. Pope and Hagedorn See also [118]. Prick, A. Uber Popes Einflusz auf Hagedorn. Prog. Wien [281] 1900. Pope's influence on Hagedom's poem "Gliickseligkeit." Pope and Haller See [120]. Pope and Lessing Meyer, R. M. Quellennachweise zu Lessing. ZDA XXXI [282] (1887) 104. Lessing's poem "Das Muster der Ehen" and Pope's "On a certuin lady at court." A highly doubtful parallel. Pope and Schiller Sprenoer, R. Eine Reminiscenz aus Pope bei Schiller. ES [283] XIX (1894) 464. "Don Carlos,' II, 155, and Pope's "Temple of fame." 42 University of California PuhUcations in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Pope and Wieland Koch, Max. Das Quellenverhaltnis von Wielands "Oberon." [284] Marburg 1880; 57 pp.=[622]. Chaucer's "The Merchant's tale" and Shakespeare's "Midsummer night's dream." Lenz, L. Wielands Verhaltnis, etc.= [142]. [285] Prior and German literature tWuKADiNovic, Spiridion. PrioF in Deutschland. Grazer Stu- [286] dien z. deutschen Philol. IV (1895) 71 pp. Wyplkl, L. Euph IV (1897) 338-842. Walzel. O. ZOG XLVIII (1897) 895-896. Sabrazin, G. ZDPh XXX (1898) 262-268. Prior and Hagedom See [118]. Prior and Wieland Minor, J. Quellenstudien zur Literaturgeschichte d. 18. Jh. [287] ZDPh XIX (1887) 219-240. Prior and Wieland's "Nadine." pp. 228-229, Prior and Wie- land's "Musarion" 230-232. ASMUS, J. R. Die Quellen von Wielands ** Musarion." Euph [288] V (1898) 267-290. Chiefly Prior (pp. 267-277) and Lucian. Bichardson and German literature See also [968]. TEN Brink, Bernhard. Die Roman in Brieven 1740-1840. Am- [289] sterdam 1889. fRoBERTSON, J. G. The beginning of the German novel. West- [290] minster rev. CXLII (1894) 183-195. Richardson, Gellert, Musaus, Wieland. FuRST, RuDOLr. Die Vorlaufer d. modernen Novolle im 18. Jh. [291] Halle 1897; 240 pp. =[90]. Landau, M. Der Ahnherr d. modernen Romans. BMAZ 1903; [292] 90-95 and 101-103. Boas, F. S. Richardson 's novels and their influence. Pp. 36-70 [293] in ** Essays and sketches by members of the English assn. " Oxford (Clarendon press) 1911. Deals almost exclusively with influence on English Authors. Schwartz, F, H. AB XXIII (1912) 277. Bichardson and GcUert Kketsohmer, Eliz. Gellert als Romanschriftsteller. Heidel- [294] berg Diss. Breslau 1902; 53 pp. Gellert's "Lebon d. schwedischen Grafln von G." (1747) in its relation to the English, French, and contemporary German novel. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 43 Richardson and Goethe See also [89], [106], [107], and [110]. fScHMiDT, Erich. Richardson, Rousseau u. Goethe. Ein Beitr. [295] z. Gesch. d. Romans im 18. Jh. Jena 1875; 331 pp. Schmidt. J. PrJ XXXV (1875) 482-508. Pk&by. T. S. am XXXIX (1877) 248-249. Bichardson and Hermes Prutz, Robert. **Sophien8 Reise von Memel nach Sachsen." [296] Pnitz' Literarhist. Tasehenbuch VI (1848) 353-439. tBucHHOLZ, JoH. J. T. Hermes' Beziehungen z. englischen [297] Literatur. Marburg Diss. Gottingen 1911; viii + 59 pp. Richardson chiefly; also Toung, Fielding, Sterne. fMusKALLA, KoNSTANTiN. Die Romane von Joh. Timotheus [298] Hermes. Ein Beitr. z. Kultur- u. Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. BBL XXV (1912) 87 pp. Chapter YI, "Sti&nde," appeared as Breslau Diss. 1910; 33 pp. Bichardson and La Boche See also [295]. jRiDDERHOFF, K. Sophie von La Roche, Schiilerin Richardsons [299] u. Rousseaus. Gottingen Diss. Einbeck 1895; 109 pp. HA88ENCAMP, R. Euph IV (1897) 577-579. Bichardson and Lessing See also [126] and [128]. IKettner, G. Lcssings ** Emilia Galotti" u. Richardsons [300] ''Clarissa." ZDU XT (1897) 442-461. tBLOCK. John. Lessing u. d. biirgerliche Trauerspiel. ZDU [301] XVIIT (1904) 224-246 and 321-330. Bichardson and the romantic school See [968]. Bichardson and Tiech See also [968]. WusTLiNG, Fritz. Tiecks ** William Lovell. " Ein Beitrag z. [301a] Geistesgesch. d. 18. Jh. Bausteine z. Gesch. d. neueren deutschen Lit. VII. Halle 1912; 192 pp. Pp. 115-120: Richardson's ••Clari8sa">Ticck'8 "William LoveU" (1795), Bichardson and Wieland See also [144]. Ettlinoer, Josef. Wielands Clementina von Poretta u. ihr [302] Vorbild. ZVL IV (1891) 434-440. Clementina von Poretta in Richardson's "Orandison." fLow, Constance Bruce. Wieland and Richardson. MLQ VII [303] (1904) 142-148. 44 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Bowe (Elizabeth) and German literature tWoLr, Louise. Elisabeth Rowe in Deutschland. Ein Beitr. [304] z. Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1910; 88 pp. Rowe>KIopBtock, Herder, Wieland. SIKVEB8. J. F. JEGPh XI (1912) 451-465. Bowe (Nicholas) and German literature See [144] and [969]. Shadwell and Weisze tRiCHARDS, Alfred E. A literary link between Shadwell and [305] Christian Felix Weisze. PMLA XXI (1906) 808-830. Richards, Alfred E. ' < Der Teuf el ist los. " MLN XXI (1906) [306] 244-245. Shakespeare and German literature See [400]-[735]. Shaftesbury and German literature Zart, G. Der Einflusz der englischen Philosophie seit Bacon [307] auf d. deutsche Philosophie d. 18. Jh. Berlin 1881; 237 pp. =[87a]. Fbeudknthal, J. ES VI (1883) 112-114. Walzel, O. F. GRM I (1909) 423-424. PoMENZY, F. Grazie u. Grazien in d. deutschen Literatur [308] d. 18. Jh. Harabg. u. Leipzig 1900; 247 pp. Shafte8bury>WieIand, Oeszner, J. G. Jacobi. "^ Walzel, O. F. Shaftesbury u. d. deutsche Geistesleben d. 18. [309] Jh. GRM I (1909) 416-437. Introduction to all Shaftesbury litereture to ita date. For litera- ture since 1909 see Weiser [313]. Walzel, O. F. Das Proraetheussymbol von Shaftesbury zu [310] Goethe. NJKA XXV (1910) 40-75 and 133-165. Also Leip- zig and Berlin 1910; 70 pp. Bacheracu, A. Shaftesbury u. sein Einflusz auf d. deutsche [311] Geistesleben. Frankftr. Ztg. Feb. 15, 1913. Grudzinski, Herbert. Shaftesburys Einflusz, etc. = [328], [312] Weiser, Christian F. Shaftesbury u. d. deutsche Geistesleben. [313] Leipzig and Berlin 1916; 564 pp. Pp. 554-564: Comprehensive biblio^aphy. Shaftesbury and Goethe Dilthey, Wilhelm. Aus d. Zeit d. Spinoza-Studien Goethes. [314] Archiv f. Gcsch. d. Philosophie VII (1894) 317-341. Shafte8bury>Goethe and Herder. Walzel, O. F. Einleitung zu. Bd. XXXVI, Goethes Werke, [315] JubUiiumsausgabe (1902-1907). Pp. xxiv-lxxv deal with Shaftesbury's influence on Ooethe. 1919] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 45 BoucKE, £. A. Goethes Weltanschauung auf historischer [316] Grundlage. Stuttgt. 1907; 230 pp. B nino> ShafteMbu ry> Go«the> Herder . ScHNEiDEB, Hermann. Goethes Prosahymne ''Die Natur." [316a] ASN8 CXX (1907) 157-281. Waoschal, F&iedkich. Goethes u. Byrons Prometheusdich- [317] tungen. GRM IV (1912) 17-29. Goethe owed to Shaftesbury only the first suggestion. Byron, con- trary to contemporary opinion, owed to Ooethe nothing. Shaftesbury and Haller tBoNDi, Georo. Das Verhaltnis von Hallers philosophischen [318] Gedichten zur Philosophie seiner Zeit. Leipzig Diss. Dres- den 1891; 40 pp. Shaftesbury's influence in "Qedanken iiber Vemunft," "Aber- glauben u. Unglauben," "Die Falschheit menschlicher Tu- genden," "t*ber den Ursprung d. Dbels." t Jenny, H. E. Haller als Philosoph. Bern Diss. Basel 1902; [319] 107 pp. Inquiries to what extent Haller thru the influence of Shaftesbury came into opposition to Leibniz. A better safeguarded dis- cussion than Bondi's [318]. Shaftesbury and Herder Hatch, I. C. Der Einflusz Shaftesburys auf Herder. 8VL I [320] (1901) 68-119. Walzel, O. F. GRM I (1909) 432. SuPUAN, Bebnhard. Aus Herders Ideenwerkstatt. DR [321] CXXXVIII (1909) 366-379. Schluszwort lur Ausgabe d. "Ideen xur Philosophie d. Oesch. d. Menschheit." Herders "Samtliche Werke" Bd. XIII and XIV. Shaftesbury and W. von Humboldt Spranger, E. W. von Humboldt u. d. Humanitatsidee. Berlin [322] 1909; 506 pp. Shaftesbury and Lessing Behorn, F. t>ber daa Verhaltnis Shaftesburys zu Lessings [323] ''Laokoon.'' BFDH III (1886-1887) 145-148. Shaftesbury and Moritz Dessoir, M. Karl Philipp Moritz als Aesthetiker. Berlin Diss. [324] Naumburg 1889; 57 pp. Shaftesbury and Schiller Walzel, O. F. Einleitung z. Bd. XI (1905) d. Sakularausgabe [325] Schillers. Pp. iz ff. and xliii ff. Thesis: "Der Kiinstler" (1789) marks the beginning rather than the end of Shaftesbury's influence on Schiller. 46 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Shaftesbury and Wieland Ebmatingeb, E. Die Weltanschauung d. jungen Wieland. [326] Frauenfeld 1907; 175 pp. Chapter V, pp. 101-121. "Sokrates und Shaftesbury." IElson, Charles. Wieland and Shaftesbury. CUGS 1913; [327] 143 pp. ROBEBTSON, J. 0. MLR IX (1914) 424. SCH&NEMANN, Fb. MLN XXX (1915) 261-265. Von Klenzb. C. JEGPh XIII (1914) 603-606. Stammleb, W. LCbl LXV (1913) 266-267. IGbudzinski, Herbert. Shaftesburys Einflusz auf Wieland, mit [328] einer Einleitung iiber d. Einflusz Shaftesburys auf d. deutsche Literatur bis 1760. BBL XXXIV (1913) 104 pp. Reviews identical with those of Elson [327]. Sheridan and German literature ViNCKE, GiSBEBT. Sheridans * * Lasterschule ' ' seit hundert [329] Jahren. Neue Zeit 1879 no. 25 & ThF VI (1893) 141-148. History of the play in Germany. Steubeb, F. Sheridans '* Rivals." Entstehungsgesch. u. [330] Beitr. z. einer deutschen Theatergesch. des Stiickes. Mar- burg Diss. Leipzig 1913; 97 pp. Smith and Kant Oncken, August. Adam Smith u. Immanuel Kant. Der Ein- [331] klang u. d. Wechaelverhiiltnis ihrer Lehren iiber Sitte, Staat u. Wirtsehaft. 1. Abt. Ethik u. Politik. Leipzig 1877; xii -f 276 pp. A parallel; no influence shown. Smollett and Engel See [993]. Smollett and Goethe See also [112 J. MosELEY, R. D. Goethe and Smollett. Notes and queries, [332] series 8. vol. II (1892) 466. Absolutely without sijrnificnnco. Leitzmank, a. Zu Goothes Briefen. VL VI (1893) 320. [333] First reference of Goethe to Smollett's "Humphrey Clinker," Dec. 15. 1772. Spenser and Wieland Lenz, L. Wiolauds Vorhiiltnis, etc. = [142]. [334] Sterne and German literature See also [995]flf. Baker, Thomas S. The influence of Laurence Sterne on Gor- [335] man literature. AG 11, 4 (1S99) 41-57. IThayer, Harvey W. Laurenre Sterne in Germany. CrGS [336] vol. 11, no. 1 (1906> 200 pp. Baldexspkr^fr. F. RC LXI (I0or>) 30. Hrkvl. K. MLR II (1907) lsr,-18T. B\KKR. T. S. MLN XXII (1907) 80-94. Mkvkr. R. M. ZDPh XXXIX (1907) 142. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences-^Bihliography 47 Sterne and Brentano Se« [345]. Sterne and Goethe See also [107], [110], and [112]. Appell, Joh. Wilhelm. Werther u. seine Zeit. Leipzig 1855. [337] 4. Aufl. Oldenburg 1896; 367 pp. In 3. Aufl. (Oldenburg 1882) 241-245: Sterne in Germany. fH^DOuiN, Alfred. Goethe plagiaire de Sterne. In "Le Monde [338] ma^onnique, " July 1863, and in his *' Goethe, sa vie et ses oeuvres." Paris 1866; 291-298. M(ARGaBAFF), H. BLU 1863; 666. BUcHNER, A. Morgenblatt fUr gebildetete Leser 1863; 922-923. Spsinqeb, R. Deutsches Museum 1867; no. 690. Sprinqeb, R. BLU 1869: 158-159. VON LOEPEB. O. BLU 1869; 222-223. fSpRiNGER, RoBT. Ist Goethe ein Plagiarius Lorenz Sternest In [339] "Easays z. Kritik u. z. Goethe-Literatur. " Minden i. W. 1885; 330-336. DuNTZER, Heinbich. Goethc u. Tristram Shandy. AL IX [340] (1880) 438-439. Three references of Goethe to Tristram Shandy. CzERNY, JoH. Goethe u. Sterne. Euph XVI (1909) 512. [341] Parallel passages: Faust I, 72 and a passage in Sterne's "Koran." fWuxDT, M. Gehoren die * * Betrachtungen im Sinne d. Wan- [342] derer" u. *' Aus Makariens Archiv" z .d. ** Wanderjahrenl" ''Anhang'' (pp. 493-507) in Wundt's '*Goethes Wilhelm Meister. " Berlin u. Leipzig 1913; 509 pp. WuNDT. M. Addenda to above. GRM VII (1915) 177-184. tPiNGER, W. R. R. Laurence Sterne and Goethe. A forthcom- [342a] ing essay in UCPMPh (Semi-centennial publications) 1919 (?) ca. 50 pp. Sterne and Hippel See [346]. Sterne and Jacohi LoNGO, J. Laurence Sterne u. Joh. Georg Jacobi. Prog. [343] Krems. Wien 1898. tRANSOHOFF, Georg. Joh. Jacobis Jugendwerke. Berlin Diss. [344] Berlin 1892; 52 pp. Sterne and Jean Paul (Richter) and Brentano tKERR, Alfred. ''Godwi" (1800). Ein Kapitel deutscher [345] Romantik. Berlin 1898; 136 pp. Pp. 72-79: Steme>Brentano. Walzel, O. ADA XXV (1899) 305-318. 48 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Sterne and Hippel and Jean Paul Bichter tCzERNY, JoH. Sterne, Hippel u. Jean Paul. Ein Beitr. z. [346] Gesch. d. humoristischen Romans in Deutschland. FNL XXVII (1904) vii + 86 pp. Wbbneb, R. M. DLZ XXV (1904) 2868-2869. PtfBST, R. JbL XV (1904) 467. Landau, Paul. 8VL VI (1906) 283. FiBMEBY, J. RG IV (1908) 58-59. Sterne and Schummel tKAWERAU, Waldemar. Johann Gottlieb Schummel in ''Cultur- [347] bilder aus d. Zeitalter der Aufklarung." Bd. I (Aus Magde- burgs Vergangenheit) Halle 1886; 141-177. Pp. 148-163: Sterne in Germany. Sterne and ThUmmel IKyrieleis, Richard. Moritz August v. Thiimmels Roman [348] "Reise in d. mittaglichen Provinzen von Frankreich. * ' BDL IX (1908) 75 pp. tTHAYER, Harvey W. Thummels ^^Reise" (1798-1805) and [349] Laurence Sterne. MLN XXIV (1909) 6-8. Sterne and Wieland tBEHMER^ K. A. Laurence Sterne u. Chr. M. Wieland. FNL [350] IX (1899) and Diss. Miinchen 1899; 62 pp. Bobebtao, p. ZVL XIV (1901) 887-388. IBauer, Friedrich. tJ^ber d. Einflusz Laurence Sternes auf Chr. [351] M. Wieland. Prog. Karlsbad 1898-1899; 32 pp. Maoer, a. Wielands ^'Nachlasz d. Diogenes von Sinope*' u. [352] d. englische Vorbild. Prog. Marbg. 1890; 15 pp. "Das englische Vorbild" is Yorick in "Tristram Shandy." Swift and German literature fPHiLiPPOVic, Vera. Swift in Deutschland. Ziirich Diss. [353] Agram 1903; 76 + pp. Swift and Goethe Metz, a. Goethes *' Stella.'' PrJ CXXVI (1906) 52-61. [353a] Swift and Lessing tCARO, Jakob. Lessing u. Swift. Studie uber ** Nathan d. [354] Weisen.'' Jena 1869; 105 pp. FiscHEB, KUNO. Criticism of above in "Kritische StreifsU^ wider d. Unkritik" (1896). No. 4 in "Kleine Schriften" Erate Reihe. Heidelberg 1896; 291-304. Swift and Lichtenherg jMeyer, Richard M. Jonathan Swift and 6. Ch. Lichtenberg. [355] Zwei Satiriker d. 18. Jh. Berlin 1886; 84 pp. Two parallel essays; passing references only to influence. 1919] Price: Engli8hy> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 49 Swift and Bahener AiGNER, K. G. W. Rabeners Verhaltnis zu Swift. Prog. Pola [356] 1905; 20 pp. Swift and Wieland Lenz, L. Wielands Verhaltnis, etc. = [142]. [357] Thomson and German literature tGjERSET, Knut. Der Einflusz von James Thomsons **Jahres- [358] zeiten'' (1726-1730) auf d. deutsche Literatur d. 18. Jh. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1898; 76 pp. Ibershoff, C. H. a German translation of passages in Thom- [359] son's '* Seasons." MLN XXVI (1911) 106-109. Thomon and BrocJces tSTEWART, M. C. B. H. Brockes' rendering of Thomson's "Sea- [360] sons'' and later German translations. JEGPh X (1911) 20- 41, 197-213, 378-414. Thomson and Geszner Bitter, Otto. Geszner u. Thomson. ASNS CXI (1903) 170. [361] ThomxoH and Hagedom See [118]. Thomson and Ew. Chr. von Kleist Sauer, a. Einleitung z. "Kleists Werke" (III Bde.). Ber- [361o] lin 1881-1883. Bd. I, pp. xi-cvi. Thomson and Klopstock tSTEWART, M. C. Traces of Thomson's ''Seasons" in Klop- [362] stock's earlier works. JEGPh VI (1907) 395-411. Similnrity of themes: God, xxatriotism, religion, friendship, love. Parallel passages. Tliomson and Schiller tWALZ, John A. Schiller's ' ' Spaziergang " and Thomson's [363] ''Seasons." MLN XXI (1906) 117-120. Internal and external evidence of influence. Wolcot and Germany RiTTER. O. Dr. Wolcot (Peter Pindar) in Deutschland. ASNS [363a] CVII (1901) 378-399. Wolcot and Biirger Bitter, O. Dr. Wolcot und G. A. Biirger. ASNS XVII (1901) [3635] 397-398. Wycherley and Weisze Hartmann, H. William Wycherley u. Chr. Felix Weisze. [364] Zum Einflusz d. engl. Lit. auf d. deutsche d. 18. Jh. VVDPh Wien (1894) 406-420. Young and German literature See also [123], [145], [597], and [598]. Thomas, W. Le po^te Edward Young. Paris 1901; 663 pp. [364a] 60 University of California PublicatioM in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 tKiND, John L. Edward Young in Germany. Historical sur- [365] yeyHf influence upon German literature, bibliography. CIJOH vol. II no. 3 (1906) 186 pp. JiiUth, K. DLZ XXVIII (1907) 1250-1252. Haldknipkbokb, F. RO III (1907) 616-617. Kratz, F. ES XXXIX (1908) 122-124. rROHt^ND, J. R. MLR II (1907-8) 869-371. WiiiAN, J. Euph XV (1908) 842-844. Mkykb. R. M. ZVL XVII (1909) 483-484. Kooil, M. LObl LVIII (1907) 614. VON Rndk. a. LE IX (1907) 965. Hee nlio IIulmk In MLN XXXII (1917) 96-109. tSTBiNKB, M. V. Edward Young's * * Con jectures on original [366] composition'' in England and Germany. A study in lit- erary relations. Univ. of Illinois diss, and N. Y. 1917; 127 i>p. Kaufman. J. P. JEGPh XVII (1918) 298-804. H(RI«niT), J. W. MLN XXXIII (1918) 444-447. Ehkkt. .Ioh. a. Dr. Eduard Youngs '^Klagen oder Nachtge- [367] daiikon iibcr Leben, Tod, und Unsterblichkeit. " V Bde. Braunschweig 1760-1771. ThiM edition contnins in the notes parallel passages from German poets later than Young. BAHNsTimrr, Joh. Youngs * * Naohtgedanken " u. ihr Einflusz [368] auf d. deutsche Literatur. Bambg. 1895; 87 pp. Wl'KAni.NOVic. 8. Euph V (1898) 137-144. YouHfj and Hrawe »^ also [881. [104], and [365]. MiNOK, %1akob. Joachim Wilhelm von Brawe. Einleitung z. [368a] Brn\vo!« »• Brutus." PNL LXXIl (no date) 203-209. YouHti and Crvu^ Haktmann, C.VRi.. Fricdrich Carl Casimir, Freiherr von Creuz [369] u. soino PichtungtMi. lu^ipzig Diss. Heidlbg. 1890; 88 pp. Pp. :U J^a and 56-71: Younjr>Creui. BioN, riHV Boitriigo zur Konntnis des Lebens u. d. Schriften [370] d. Pichtors Fr. i\ Oasimir von Creuz, Munchen Diss. Moiningt'n IS94: 48 pp. Tp. 1 4 -C 1 : Younir^Orvui. SoMUX<»>K. R. Kuph III ^1896) 514-518. S^ aUo [1101. W'kknkr. RiouvRi^ M. Kin ajH^kryphcs Gedioht Goethes. AL [371] XIV viss6^ is:> ISS. ■ lurtu^vvv of Your J on "na* AUifr." a po^rm incorrectlT attribcted to Ov*ih*. Tv^et: KSft. Gvsrv\. Vvuv-o;:.- B5*r:ib.ar I Tsvharner vl"-S-ir7S\ [372] NVvv;AhrsbUtt d. liTt^rar. Gt»*ei:<^han. IWrne 1S9^. l> 3» 2*-i*. 31: Yoaa^^T^c^rr^r. 1919] Price: Engli8hy> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 51 PABT n SHAKESPEAKE IN GERMANY a. General works Bibliographical works Die DEUTSCHE Shakespeare-Gesellschaft. Shakespeare-Biblio- [400] graphien. ShJ I-LI (1865-1915). Albert Cohn 1865-1900. Richard Schroeder 1901-1903. Oustav Becker 1904-1905. Richard Schroeder 1906-1907. Hans Daffis 1908-1914. Unplad, L. Die Shakespeare-Literatur in Deutschland. 1762- [401] 1879. Munchen 1880. "Ein recht verungliickter Versuch." ShJ XVI (1881) 894. KoHLER, R. Gesamtkatalog d. Bibliothek d. deutschen Shake- [402] speare-Gesellschaft. In ShJ (Erganzungsheft) XVII (1882) 55-82. EocH, Max. Shakespeare in Deutschland. Bibliographische [403] Anm. pp. 303-306 in "Shakespeare." Stuttgt. 1885. Jaooabd, William. Shakespeare bibliography. A dictionary of [404] every known issue of the writings of our national poet and of recorded opinions thereon in the English language, etc. Stratford-on-Avon, Shakespeare press, 1911; xxiv + 729 pp. New and cheaper edition. Stratford-on-Avon 1914; 754 pp. NORTHUP, C. JEGPh XI (1911) 218-228. For list of other reviews see p. 218 of Northup's review. Grabbe, Christian Dietrich. t*^ber die Shakespearomanie. [404a] (1827). In '^Samtliche Werke," (ed. Grisebach), Berlin 1902; I, 437-468. Shakespeare in Germany — general works (i.e., works covering more than one century.) fHEiNE, H. Einleitung zu ' ' Shakespeares Madchen u. Frauen " [405] (1839) in ''Heines samtliche Werke'' hrsg. O. Walzel. Leipzig 1910-1914; VIII 170-180. VisCHER, Fr. Th. Shakespeare in seinem Verhaltnis z. deutschen [406] Poesie, insbesondere z. politischen. Prutz' Literarhist. Taschenbuch II (1844) 73-131. Thoms, W. J. Shakespeare in Germany. In ** Three notelets [406a] on Shakespeare," London 1865. Reprinted from '*The Athenaeum," August 25, 1849, pp. 862-863. RUMELIN, G. Shakespeare-Studien. Stuttgt. 1862. 2. Aufl. [407] Stuttgt. 1874; xiv + 315 pp. Pp. 225-315: "Der deutsche Shakespeare-KultuR." LemckE; L. B. Vortrag iiber Shakespeare in seinem Verhiilt- [408] nis z. deutschen Poesie. Leipzig 1864. 52 University of Calif ornin PuWcations in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Humbert. C. Moli^re, Shakespeare u. d. deutsche Kritik. [409] Leipzig 1869; 510 pp. Discussion of the question why Shakespeare, unjustly to the author's mind, has been deemed by the Oerman critics a greater creator of comedies than Molidre. Hense, C. C. Deutsche Dichter in ihrem Verhaltnis z. Shake- [410] speare. ShJ V (1870) 107-147 and VI (1871) 83-128. Lenz, Klinger. Schiller, Leasing, Oocthe, Kleist, Wieland, Tieck, EichendorflP. Cf. M. Koch in ES IX (1886) 78-84. Stern, Alfred, t^ber Shakespeare in Deutschland. GGA 1872; [411] 650ff. Review of Gen^e [427] with new data. Benedix, Roderick. Pie Shakespearomanie. Zur Abwchr. [412] Stuttgt. 1873; iv-f 446 pp. Hauffen, Adolf. Shakespeare in Deutschland. Prag 18i»3; [413] 26 pp. P(E0E8CH0LDT, L.) ShJ XXIX-XXX (1894) 309-810. ViscHER, Fr. Th. Shakespeare-Vortrage. Stuttgt. 1899; 6 [414] Bde. Vol, I, pp. 190-210 treats of Shakespeare in Germany. Wolff, Eugen. Von Shakespeare z. Zola. Zur Entwicklungs- [415] gesch. d. Kunststils in d. deutschen Dichtung. Berlin 1902; vii -f- 196 pp. Treats especially of Shakespeare's influence on the classic drama- tists and on Kleist. fGuNDOLF, Friedrich. Shakespeare u. d. deutsche Geist. Ber- [416] lin 1911; viii -f 360 pp. 2 Aufl. Berlin 1914. BiKBBB. H. JbL XXII (1911) 790-792. Stadtler, E. LE XIV (1911) 88-90. Walzkl. O. ShJ XL VIII (1912) 259-274. BALDKNSPKBasB, F. RG VIII (1912) 565-566. WiTKOWSKi, G. ZB III (1911-1912) 187-188. Hebbmann, H. Zts. fur Asthetik VIII (1913) 466-489. EiCHLKB, A. DLZ XXXVI (1916) 508-511. Brandl, Alois. Shakespeare and Germany. 3rd annual Shake- [417] speare lecture of the British Acad. Oxford press, N. Y. and London 1913; 15 pp. Bbakdl, a. Summary of above. ShJ L (1914) 207-210. Hauptmann. Gerhart. Deutschland u. Shakespeare. ShJ LI [418] (1915) \'ii-xii. Sachs,—. Shakespeares Gedichte. ShJ XXV (1890) 132-184. [419] Lists also the translations. Leo, F. a. Gefliigelte Worte u. volksthiimlich gcwordone [419a] Ausspriiche aus Shakespeares dramatischen Werken. ShJ XXVII (1892) 4-107 and 311-314. Some of these pnssagos are lonjf. others are lacking in ureneral ap- plicability. It is difficult to believe they have become genuinely "volkstiimlich." 1919] Price: English';^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 53 ViNCKE, GiSBERT. Zur Geschichte d. deutschen Shakespeare- [420] Bearbeitung. ShJ XVII (1882) 82-99 and ThF VI (1893) 87-106. ViNGKE, GiSBERT. Zur Geschichte d. deutschen Shakespeare- [421] Ubersetzung. ShJ XVI (1881) 254-271 and ThF VI (1893) 64-87. Wieland, Eschenburg, Schlegel, Tieck, Yosz, etc. Vi.vcKE^ GiSBERT. Gesammelte Aufsatze z. Buhnengeschichte. [422] ThF VI (1893) viii -f 254 pp. Includes his essays in the ShJ and a few others. Herford, C. H. The German contribution to Shakespeare [422a] criticism. In **The book of homage to Shakespeare'* (ed. I GoUancz) Oxford, University press, 1916; 231-235. Shakespeare and German music ScHAEFER, Albert. Historisches u. systematisches Verzeichnis [423] samtlicher Tonwerke z. d. Dramen Schillers, Goethes, Shake- peares, Kleists u. Korners usw. Leipzig 1886; viii -f 192 pp. Koch, M. ZVL I (1887) 109-111. FriedlXnder, Max. Shakespeares Werke in d. Musik. Ver- [424] such einer Zusammenstellung. ShJ XXXVII (1901) 85-123. Shakespeare and Switzerland Vetter, Th. Shakespeare u. d. deutsche Schweiz. ShJ XLVIII [425] (1912) 21-36. Bodmer, Ilaller, Br&ker, Keller, Meyer. Shakespeare *s dramas in Germany — general works (i.e., works covering more than one century.) See also [436]ff., [483]ff., and [651]ff. Ulrici, Hermann. Shakespeares dramatische Kunst. Halle [426] 1839. 3 Aufl. Halle 1876. In the third volume the author discusses "Die Geschichte d. Shakespeareschcn Dramas in Deutschland." Ulrtci, H. Shakespeare's dramatic art. Translated from the [426a] 3rd ed. of the German by L. Dora Schmitz. London, Bell, (Bohn's classical library) 1906-08, 2 vols. Gen£e, Rudolf. Geschichte d. Shakespeareschen Dramen in [427] Deutschland. Leipzig 1870; 504 pp. Gives a list of "Vbersetzungen und t^bertragungen" up to 1867. From 1865 on such works are lifted in the ShJ. Sternk, a. GGA 1872; 650flf. LvDWio. A. ShJ LI (1915) 209-211. (An estimate of its pre- sent day worth.) Jacobi, J. Das deutsche Nationaldrama im Hinblick auf d. [428] englische Nationaldrama z. Shakespeares Zeit. ASNS LVIII (1877). = Betz [1946]. The citution is erroneous but I have not been able to rectify it. 64 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 "Hamlet" on the German stage For the stage history of other plays see [449 ]ff., [485 ]ff., and [651 Iff. For "Hamlet" see also [486]ff., [483 ]ff., and [652]ff. VON Weilen, a. " Hamlet'* auf. d. deutschen Biihne bis z. [429] Gegenwart. Schriften d. deutschen Shakespeare-Gesell- Bchaft III. Berlin 1908; ix + 200 pp. KiLiAN, E. 8hJ XLV (1909) 847-850. Fkankl, L. LE XI (1908-9) 785-786. RiCHTEB. H. ES XL (1909) 420-422. Mbibb, K. ASN8 CXXIII (1909) 167-173. Mkyeh. R. DLZ (1909) 847-849. Koch, M. LCbl LXI (1910) 561-562. Bbotankk. R. AB XXII (1911) 111-119. Winds, Adolp. ' ' Hamlet ' ' auf d. deutschen Buhne bis z. Gegen- [430] wart. Schriften d. Gesellschaft fiir Theatergesch. Bd. XII. Berlin 1909; 234 pp. KiLiAN, E. ShJ XLVI (1910) 292-295. Franxi., L. LE XII (1909) 413. Dafpis, Hans. " Hamlet '* auf d. deutschen Biihne bis z. Gegen- [431] wart. LF L (1912) x + 154 pp. Brandl, a. ASNS CXXVIII (1912) 454. Baloknspbkqbr. F. RO VIII (1912) 566. Frenzel, K. Die Darsteller d. Hamlet. ShJ XVI (1881) 324- [432] 349. BOLTE, J. '* Hamlet '' als deutsches Puppenspiel. ShJ XXXVIII [433] (1893) 157-176 and 362. A version of 1855 that has its ori^n in the Wieland translation. "Hamlet" and its German critics Hermes, K. H. Ober Shakespeares ** Hamlet" u. seine Beur- [434] theiler, Goethe, A. W. Schlegel u. Tieck. Stuttgt. and Munchen 1827; 88 pp. LoEKiNO, Richard. Die Hamlet-Tragodie Shakespeares. Stuttgt. [435] 1893; X -f 418 pp. Teil I. Die deutsche Hamlet-Kritik. Gbnbb. R. Naflxtg. XLV Nov. 30, 1892. PR.. L. LCbl XLIV (1893) 892-893. WVlker, R, AB IV (1893) 11. Koch. M. ES XIX (1894) 125-131. "Taming of the shrew" Winds, Adolf. Shakespeares '*Bezahmte Widerpanstige ' ' u. [435a] ihre deutschen Bearbeitungen. Biihne und Welt V (1903) 755-764. b. The seventeenth century and before The 17th century and before in general See also English comedians in Germany [26 Iff. "Cymbeline" See [464a 1. k 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 55 "Eamlet" and '*Der bestrafte Brudermord" See also [67]. Ceeizenach, W. Die Tragodie ' ' Der bestrafte Bnidermord oder [436] Prinz Hamlet aus Danemark" u. ihre Bedeutung fiir d. Kritik d. Shakespearschen Hamlet. Bericht d. philol.-hist. Klasse d. kgl. sachs. Gesellschaft d. Wiss. Leipzig 1887; 1-43. Pbobscholdt, L. ZVL I (1887) 107-108. Pboischoldt, L. ES XI (1888) 141-143. Sarrazin. O. Anglia XIII (1891) 117-124. Cezizenach, W. (The same essentially) in DNL XXIII (1889) [437] 127-145. Tanqer, Gustav, "Der bestrafte Brudermord oder Prinz [438] Hamlet aus Daneroark" u. sein Verhaltnis z. Shakespeares "Hamlet." ShJ XXIII (1888) 224^245. Creizenach [436] is Tanger's starting point. LiTZMANN, B. Die Entstehungsgeschichte d. ersten deutschen [439] " Hamlet. '' ZVL I (1887) 6-14. Sicher nicht vor 1650, wahrscheinlich erst um 1670," p. 13. VON LiLiENCRON, B. Das deutsche Drama im 16. Jh. u. "Prinz [440] Hamlet aus Danemark." DR LXV (1890) 242-264. A popular account of results of research up to its date. PiNLOCHE, A. De Shakespearii "Hamleto'* et Germanica [441] tragoedia quae inscribitur * ' Der bestrafte Brudermord oder Prinz Hamlet aus Danemark" quantopere inter se distent, etc. Paris Diss. 1890. LiTZMANN, B. " Hamlet " in Hamburg 1625. DR LXX (1892) [442] 427-432 and LXXI (1892) 316. Based on recent investigations in the writings of J. Rist. CORBIN, John. The German "Hamlet" and the earlier English [443] versions. Harvard studies in philol. V (1896) 245-260. A review of Creizenach [437] and Tanger [438] with a third hypothesis. Evans, Makshall B. "Der bestrafte Brudermord," sein Ver- [444] haltnis zu Shakespeares "Hamlet." Bonn Diss. Bonn 1902; x-f 49 pp. Ackebmann. R. AB XIV (1903) 109-112. DiBBLiiJS, W. LblGRPh XXV (1904) 274-275. Gbbsohmann, D. E8 XXXV (1906) 290-300. Creizenach, W. "Der bestrafte Brudermord" and its relation [445] to Shakespeare's "Hamlet." MPh II (1904) 249-261. Evans, Maeshall B. ' ' Der bestrafte Brudermord ' ' and Shake- [446] speare's "Hamlet." MPh II (1904) 433-451. Reply to Creiienach [445]. Additional literature on the relation of the "Hamlet** versions to one another is listed. Cemzenach, W. Hamletfragen. ShJ XLII (1906) 76-86. [446a] 56 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Evans, Marshall B. **Der bestrafte Brudermord, " sein Ver- [447] haltnis z. Shakespeares ''Hamlet." ThF XIX (1910) 70 + pp. Cf. [444]. VON Wbiucn, a. DLZ XXI (1910) 2979. VON Gersdorff. Vom Ursprung d. deutschen ' ' Hamlet. ^ ^ ShJ [448] XLVIII (1912) 148-149. History of the Hamlet MS. previous to the year 1675. **King Lear** Trautmann, K. Eine Augsburger Lear-Auffiihrung (1665) [449] AL XIV (1886) 321-324. CoHN, Albert. ''Konig Lear" 1692 u. ''Titus Andronicus ' ' [450] 1699 in Breslau aufgefiihrt. ShJ XXIII (1888) 266-281. ** Merchant of Veiiice" BoLTE, JoH. Jacob Rosenfelds "Moschus/* eine Parallele zum [451] "Kaufmann von Venedig." ShJ XXI (1886) 187-211 and XXII (1887) 265-266. Bolte holds to theory of a common origin. "Merchant of Venice" existed as early as 1598, was printed in 1600, "Moschus" 1599. BoLTE, JoH. "Der Jude von Venetien'* (1654), die alteste [452] deutsche Bearbeitung d. "Merchant of Venice.*' ShJ XXII (1887) 189-201. "Midsummer night *s dream*' See also [464]. KOLLEWIJN. R. A. tJber die Quelle d. "Peter Squenz.'* AL [453] IX (1880) 445-452. M. Oramsbergen's "Kluchtige Tragodie" of "den Hartoog van Pier- Icpon" and its influence on Gryphius's version. Burg, F. Cber d. Entwicklung d. "Peter Squenz' 'Stoffes bis [454] Gryphius. ZDA XXV (1881) 130-170. Palm, II. p]inleitung zu "Peter Squenz*' von A. Gryphius. [455] DNL XXIX (1883) 193-196. Wysocki, Louls G. An German Literary Influences — Bibliography 59 SuPHAK, B. Shakespeare im Anbruch d. klassischen Zeit [476] unserer Literatur. DB LX (1889) 401-417. ShJ XXV (1890) 1-20. Lessing, Widand, Goethe. HALiiAM, George. Contributions to a history of Shakesperian [476a] criticism. Shakespeariana IX (1892) 79-98. Lessing, Ooethe, Schlegel. FiscHEE, KuNO. Die deutsche Shakespeare-Kritik. In ' ' Kleine [477] Schriften," erste Beihe (1895) no. XI 275-282. Lessings's, Goethe's, and Schiller's views of Shakespeare. fBoBEBTSON, J. G. The knowledge of Shakespeare on the con- [478] tinent at the beginning of the 18th century. MLB I (1906) 312-321. Thomas Fuller's "History of the worthies in England" as the source of the references of Buddeus (1709), Mencke (1715), and Bentheim (1732). The French "Spectator" as a source of German references. Conti as the source of Bodmer's "Sasper." fJOACHiMi-DEQE, Marie. Deutsche Shakespeare-Probleme im 18. [479] Jh. u. im Zeitalter d. Bomantik. UNSL XII (1907) 296 pp. Leasing, Herder, Wieland, Schrdder, "Sturm u. Drang," romantic period. Dkibkl. p. LE VIII (1008) 604-605. Baloknspsrgbr, F. RG IV (1908) 606-607. DowDSN, E. ShJ XLIV (1908) 329-330. RiCHTBB, K. SVL VIII (1908) 888-891. Co.VBAD, H. LCbl LX (1909) 950-951. Petsch, R. ZDA XLIV (1910) 501-503. K68TBR, A. ADA XXXIV (1910) 78-83. tBiCHTER, Kurt. Beitrage zum Bekanntwerden Shakespeares in [480] Deutschland. T and II, Breslau 1909-1910. Ill, Oppeln 1912; 48, 35, 31 pp. Wolff, M. J. ES XLVI (1913) 293-294. F5BflTEH. M. ShJ XLIX (1913) 248. Abokstkin. p. AB XXIV (1914) 807. tGuNDELFiNGEB, Friedrich. SJiakospeare u. d. deutsche Geist [481] vor d. Auftreten Leesings. Leipzig 1911; 87 pp. Identical with pp. 1-88 of [416]. Shakespeare in Konigsberg See [464a], [492a], and [662a]. Shakespeare in Vienna See also [649]. tHoRNER, Emil. Das Aufkommen d. englischen Geschmackes in [482] Wien u. Ayrenhoffs Trauerspiel '*Kleopatra u. Antonius" (1783). Euph II (1895) 556-571 and 782-797. 60 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 "Hamlet** in the 18th century See also [429]ff. Creizenach, W. Zum deutschen ''Hamlet." ZVL JI (1889) [483] 369-370. A Hamlet poster of 1778. Meeschberger, — . Die AnfiiDge Shakespeares auf d. Ham- [484] burger Buhne. ShJ XXV (1890) 205-272 and Prog. Hambg. 1890. =[590] HOlschkb, L. A8NS LXXXVI (1891) 473-474. "Julius Caesar** in the 18th century Koch. Max. Shakespeares ''Julius Caesar" in Deutschland. [485] Einleitung z. Kochs "Shakespeares siimtliche Werke. " Bd. IX. Stuttgt. 1899. GuNDELPiNGER, F. Casar in d. deutschen Literatur. Pal XXXIII [486] (1904) 129 pp. Borck, pp. 88-95. Dalberg. pp. 95-100. Bodmer, pp. 102-107. Herder, pp. 110-112. Goethe, pp. 112-119. Schiller, p. 120. Schlegel, pp. 120-122. KrpKA. K. SVL IV (1904) 374-379. "Romeo and Juliet** in the 18th century Miller, Anna E. Die erste deutsche t)bersetzung von Shake- [487] speares "Romeo u. Juliet.*' JEGPh XI (1912) 30-60. By an anonymoiiR trauKlator, Basel 1758. Grabau, C. ShJ XLVIII (1912) 257. German authors and Shakespeare The German authors follow in alphabetical order; the entries thereunder in chronological order. Ayrenhoff and Shakespeare See [4821. Bodmer and Shakespeare See also 1425]. Elze, Karl. Bodmers "Sasper.'' ShJ I (1865) 337-340. [488] Cf. [4781. Tobler, GusTAV. Bodmers politische Schauapiele. In "Bodmer- [489] Denkschrift/* Zurich 1900; 117-162. Bodmer's extensive borrowings from Shakespeare. Borck and Shakespeare Paetow, W. Die erste nietrische deutsche Shakespeare-tyberset- [490] zuug in ihrer Stollung z. ihror literar. Epoche. Bern Diss. Rostock 1892; 81 pp. Borck's "Julius Casar" in alexandrines, Berlin 1741. Briiker and Shakespeare Gotzincjer, E. Das Shakespeare-Biichlein d. armen Mannes in [491] Toggenburg von 1780. (Nach d. Original-IIS. mitgeteilt). ShJ XIT (1877) 104-169. Conrad. Hermann. Ein Mann aus d. Volk iiber Shakespeare. [492] PrJ CXLIV (1911) 444-465. 1919] Price: Englishy> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 61 BUrger and Shakespeare PoBSCHKE, Karl L. t^ber Shakespeares ' ' Macbeth ' * mit einem [492a] Anhange iiber Burgers * * Macbeth. ' ' Konigsberg 1801. The work is described by A. Hagen in [464a]. Bkexays, M. Ein kleiner Nachtrag z. Burgers Werken. AL I [493] (1870) 110-115. A fragment of Bfirger's translation of "Midsummer night's dream." Minor, J. Zu Burgers Macbeth-Obersetzung. ShJ XXXVI [494] (1900) 122-128. Ebstein, Erich. Die Hexenszenen aus Burgers Macbeth-t)ber- [495] setzung im ersten Entwurf. ZB III (1911-12) 398-402. Kauenhowen, Kurt. Gottfried August Biirgers Macbeth-Be- [496] arbeitung. Werda in Thiiringen 1915; 89 pp. Ddlherg and Shakespeare KiLiAN, E. Die Dalbergsche Biihnenbearbeitung d. **Timon [497] von Athen." ShJ XXV (1890) 24^77. KiLiAN, E. Dalbergs Biihnenbesirbeitungen d. ''Kaufmanns [498] von Venedig'' u. " Coriolanus. ' ' ShJ XXVI (1891) 4-26. Alafberq, Fr. Wolfgang Heribert von Dalberg als Biihnen- [499] leiter u. als Dramatiker. BBGRPh XIX (1907) 156 pp. Pp. 74-91 : "Dalbergs Shakespeare-Bearbeitungen." Eschenhurg and Shakespeare See Wieland and Shakespeare. Gersienberg and Shakespeare See also [530]. Koch, Max. Die schleswigschen Literaturbriefe usw. Diss. [500] Miinchen 1879. =[138]. DoRiNO, P. Der nordische Dichterkreis und die schleswig- [500a] schen Literaturbriefe. Prog. Sondershausen 1880. VON Weilen, a. Einleitung z. Gerstenbergs '^Briefe iiber d. [501] Merkwiirdigkeiten d. Literatur.'' (1760-1767). DLD XXIX and XXX (1890) v-cxlii. Koch. M. ZVL IV (1&91) 124-125. Hamel, R. *'H. W. von Gerstenberg'' and **Ugolino.'' Ein- [501a] leitungen z. ''Ugolino.^' DNL XLVII (1883) 193-204, 207-216. Jacobs, Montague. Gerstenbergs * * Ugolino, * ' ein Vorlauf er d. [502] Geniedramas. Mit einem Anhang: Gerstenbergs **Wald- jungling.'' BBGRPh VII (1898) 145 pp. Pp. 53—64 : Shakespeare>0er8tenberg. Goethe and Shakespeare — general ScHLEGEL, Aug. W. Etwas iiber W. Shakespeare bei Gelegen- [503] heit *'W. Meisters.'' Die Horen VI (1795-1797) 57-112. Ulrici, H. Shakespeares dramatische Kunst u. sein Verhalt- [504] nis zu Calderon u. Goethe. Halle 1839. = [426] 62 University of Calif amia Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Ulrici, H. Shakespeare's dramatic art and its relation to [504a] Calderon and Goethe. Translated from the German by A. J. W. Morrison. London, Chapman bros. 1846 ; xiv-f 554 pp. Lowell, James Russell. Shakespeare once more. NAB CVI [505] (1868) 629-670. Ulrici, H. Goethe u. Schiller in ihrem Verhaltnis z. Shake- [506] speare. Abhandlungen z. Kunstgesch. als angewandter Aesthetik. Leipzig 1876. tMiNOR, J. AND Sauer, A. **Gotz'' u. Shakcspearc. In ''Studien [507] zur Goethe-Philologie.'' Wien 1880; 237-299. tLEO, Fr. Aug. Shakespeare u. Goethe. ShJ XXIV (1889) 9-24. [508] fWAOENER, Carl B. Shakespeares Einflusz auf Goethe in Leben [509] u. Dichtung. I. Diss. Halle 1890; 54 pp. Koch, M. E8 XVII (1892) 239-242. (Koch condemns the work in its entirety.) fDuNTZER, H. Shakespeare u. d. junge Goethe. In "Zur Goethe- [510] forschung. Neue Beitr." Stuttgt. 1891; 380-436. fHARNACK, O. t>ber Goethes Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare. Ein [511] Vortrag. (1896). In "Essais u. Studien zur Lit.-gesch. " Braunschweig 1899; 211-225. Fischer. R. AB XV (1914) 300-301. Green, Ben. E. Shakespeare and Goethe. Chattanooga, Mac- [512] Gowan Cook. 1901; 78 pp. tCHUBB, E. W. The influence of Shakespeare on Goethe. Poet [513] Lore XVI (1905) 65-76. fBoHTLiNGK, Arthur. Shakespeare u. unsere Klassiker. Bd. II. [514] Goethe u. Shakespeare. Leipzig 1909; x -f 320 pp. Drrws. — . PrJ CXXXIX (1910) 543-546. Jahn, K. ShJ XLVI (1910) 279-281. Jantzen. H. ES XLVI (1913) 296-298. Burkhardt, C. a. H. Repertoire d. Weiniarschen Theaters [515] unter Goethes Leitung. 1791-1817. ThF I (1891) xi+152 pp. Di*NTZKB, H. Grenzlwten 1891 II, 175-185. K68TER, A. ADA XVII (1891) 221-227. Goethe and Shakespeare *s historical dramas Alford, R. G. Shakespeare in two versions of '*Gotz von [516] Berlichingen.'' PEGS V (1890) 98-109. Huther, a. Goethes **Gotz von Berlichingen " u. Shakespeares [517] historische Dramen. Prog. Cottbus 1893. Koch. M. ES XVIII (1893) 466. H5L8C1IBB, L. ASXS XCI (1893) 471. Chuquet, a. fttudos de litt^rature allemande, 1* s6rie: "Gotz [517o] et Shakespeare.*' Paris 1900. Brandl, a. Zwei Falstaff-Fragmente von Goethe. GJ XXI [518] (1901) 85-91. 1919] Price: Engli8hy> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 63 Goethe and *' Hamlet" ToMUNSON, Chas. On Goethe 's proposed alterations in Shake- [519] speare's ''Hamlet." PEGS V (1890) 67. Dims, Hans. Goethe u. ''Hamlet." SVZ (1907) 327-328. [520] Presumable form of "Hamlet" on the Weimar stage under Qoethe's management. Grabau, K. ShJ XLIY (1908) 806-807. Goethe and * ' Julius Caesar ' ' Jacoby, D. "Egmont" u. Shakespeares " Julius . Caesar. " [521] GJ XII (1891) 247-252. Goethe and * * Midsummer night *s dream ' ' Hense, C. C. Gesehichte d. " Sommernachtstraums. " ASNS [522] Xn (1853) 278-294. =[619] and [731]. * Pp. 278-280: "Midsummer night's dream" and Goethe's "Faust." Goethe and *' Othello" EuLLMEB, Chas. J. A Shakespeare reminiscence in Goethe's [523] "Iphigenia." MLN XXII (1908) 95. "Iphigenia," II, 620 and "Othello," I, 8, 128-166. Goethe and *' Borneo and Juliet" Minor, J. Die Lesarten z. Goethes Bearbeitung von "Romeo [524] u. Julia." VII. allg. Neuphilol.-tag in Wien 1898. Kellbr, W. ShJ XXXV (1899) 299. Wolff, M. J. "Romeo u. Julia'' bei Shakespeare, Goethe u. [525] Lope de Vega. In "William Shakespeare." Leipzig 1903. IHauschild, G. R. Das Verhaltnis von Goethes "Romeo u. [526] Julia" z. Shakespeares gleichnamiger Tragodie. Prog. Frankft. 1907; 57 pp. Bbib, F. ShJ XLV (1909) 279-280. VON Weilen, a. DLZ XXIX (1908) 2532. Wendlino, E. Goethes Biihnenbearbeitung von "Romeo u. [527] Juliet." Prog. Zabem 1907; 22 pp. MoBBis. Max. JbL XVIII (1907) 871. Goethe and Shakespeare *s lyric poetry Cawley, — . Zur Entstehungsgeschichte d. "Heidenroslein. " [528] GJ XXXIX (1913) 206-209. Denies influence of a song in "Love's labor's lost" IV, 3 on "Heidenroslein." Haydn and Shakespeare Daffner, Hugo. Haydn u. Shakespeare. ShJ L (1914) 51-59. [529] Herder and Shakespeare See also [479]. SuPHAN, B. Herder an Gerstenberg iiber Shakeapeare. VL [530] II (1899) 446-465. 64 Vnivcrsiiy of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. > Lambel, Hans. Einleitung z. ''Von deutscher Art u. Kunst." [531] DI.I) XL and XLI (1892) v-lv. KoscHMiEDER, A. Herders theoretische Stellung z. Drama. [532] BBL XXXV (1913) 172 pp. PKT8CII. R. ASNS CXXXI (1913) 448-457. Gkiukr. a. LE XVI (1913) 814-319. Abramczyk. Kolaxd. Herders Anteil an Schlegels Shake- [533] spcareObersetzung. 8VZ 24. April 1910. Grabau, C. ShJ XLVII (1911) 286. Iffland and Shakespeare Fresenius, a. Shakespeare auf d. deutschen Biihne d. 18. Jh. [534] ShJ XLIV (1908) 148-150. Thive quotntionH from Tffland's "Meine theatralische Laufbahn.'* I^ipzijC 1798, pp. 84-85, 131-134, 187-188. Kleist (Chr, Kuald) and Shakespeare Sprenger, R. "Shade'' bei Shakespeare u. ''Schatten'' in [534a] Chr. Ewald von Kloists ' ' Fruhling. ' ' ES XX (1896) 149-151. Klingcr and Shakespeare Seo aiKo [410J and [536]. Jacobowski, Ludwiq. Klinger u. Shakespeare. Ein Beitr. z. [535] Shakespeareoinanie d. Sturm- u. Drangperiode. Dresden 1891; 66 pp. P(ROK80HOLDT). L. ShJ XXVIII (1893) 333. PROKSCIIOLDT, L. AB III (1893) 243. Koch. M. ES XVIII (1893) 235-236. Lene and Shakespeare StH> also [4101. Schmidt. Ericii. Lenz u. Klinger, zwei Diehter d. Geniezeit. [536] Berlin 1878; 115 pp. Hraiim. O. AL XI vl882) 607-611. tRAUCH. 11. Iamiz u. Shakespeare. Ein Beitr. z. Shakespeare- [537] manic d. Sturm- u. Drangperiode. Berlin 1892; 101 pp. Korn. M. KS XVIII (1893) 235-236. Clark. K. 11. Lonz* rhersotzungen aus d. Englischen. ZVL [538] X (1S97) 117-150. 385-418. =[124]. "lA^xe'H labor's lout.** "Coriolanus." "IVriclen." tRosANOV. M. N. Jacob Lenz. Ein Diohter d. Sturm- u. Drang- [539] periode. Moscow 1901 (Russian). Deutsoh von C. von Oiitschow, Leipzig 191^9; 5')6 pp. Stammi.er. Wolfgang. **Der Hofmeister" von J. M. R. Lenz. [540] Halle Diss. Halle 190S; 134 pp. I*p. 32ff. : Sh.ikenpoari.in iiifluoncos. Friedrioh. Theoih>r. Die •• Anmerkungen iibers Theater'* d. [541] Dichters Jakob Michael Reinhold Lenz. Pf XIII (1909) 145 pp. 1919] Trice: English'^ German Literary Influences — Btbliograj^hy 65 Lessing and Shakespeare See also [126], [127], [410], and [466]-[481]. BovENHAOEN, L. Lessings Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare. Aachen [542] 1870; 28 pp. Anon. ASNS XLYIII (1871) 208. fSiNOEL, Kabl. Lessing-Aristoteles' Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare. [543] AL II (1872) 74-93. fWiTKOwsKi, Oeobg. Aristoteles u. Shakespeare in Lessings [545] Hamburgischer Dramaturgie. Euph 11 (1895) 517-529. tMEiSNxsT, F. W. Shakespeare and Lessing. PMLA XIX [547] (1904) 234-249. Obabau, K. ShJ XLI (1905) 291-292. tKETTNER, GusTAV. Lessing u. Shakespeare. NJKA XIX [548] (1907) 267-292. Orabau, K. ShJ XLIY (1908) 306. fBoHTLiNOK, Arthur. Shakespeare u. unsere Klassiker. Bd. [549] I. Lessing u. Shakespeare. Leipzig 1909; xix + 303 pp. RiCHTiB, K. 6VL IX (1909) 461-464. D&EW8. — . PrJ OXXXIX (1910) 537-543. JAHN, K. ShJ XLVI (1910) 279-281. Jantzbk, H. ES XLVI (1918) 294-296. ScHACHT, BoLAND. Die Entwicklung d. Tragodie in Theorie [549a] u. Praxis von Oottsched bis Lessing. Diss. Miinchen 1910; 84 pp. Lessing and * * Hamlet * * Jacoby, D. Der Hamlet-Monolog III, 1 u. Lessings Freunde [550] Mendelssohn u. Kleist. ShJ XXV (1890) 113-124. Fresenius, August. Hamlet-Monologe in d. t^bersetzung von [551] Mendelssohn u. Lessing. ShJ XXXIX (1903) 241-247. Lessing and "Merchant of Venice" Heinemann, n. Shylock u. Nathan. Ein Vortrag. Frankft. [552] 1886; 14 pp. Lessing and ' ' Othello ' ' Jaooby, D. "Emilia Galotti" u. Shakespeares "Othello.'' [554] SVZ no. 26. June 16, 1887. Lichtenberg and Shakespeare See also [181]. Leitzmann, a. Notizen iiber d. englische Biihne aus Lichten- [555] bergs Tagebuchern. ShJ XLII (1906) 158-178. =[130]. 66 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Mendelssohn and Shakespeare See also [550] and [551]. Goldstein, Ludwiq. Moses Mendelssohn u. d. deutsche Aes- [556] thetik. Teutouia III (1904) 240 pp. Pp. 174-187: "Mendelssohng Verdienst um Shake8]>eare," ahows that M'a studies in Shakespeare were well in advance of Les- sing's. Frequent reference also to Burke, Home, Shaftesbury, and others. Walzel, O. ADA XXXI (1908) 41-43. Spitzeb, H. DLZ XXVI (1905) 1858-1857. Leitzmann, a. ShJ XLII (1906) 277-278. Schiller and Shakespeare See abio [410]. LuDWiG, Otto. ** Shakespeare u. Schiller/' in ** Shakespeare- [557] Studien." In *'Otto Ludwigs Werke, " Stern's edition. Leipzig 1891; Bd. V, 253-281. Ulrici, H. Goethe u. Schiller in ihrem Verhaltnis z. Shake- [558] speare. =[506] 218-291. Minor, J. Schiller u. Shakespeare. ZDPh XX (1888) 71-75. [559] Numerous parallel passages. KoNTZ, Albert. Les Drames de la jeunesse de Schiller. Paris [559a] 1899; 501 pp. Zernial, U. Zu Schillers ** Wallenstein" u. Shakespeare. [560] Neue Jahrbucher fiir Philol. u. Padagogik CLVI (1897) 553- 569. Engel, Jakob. Spuren Shakespeares in Schillers dramatischen [561] Werken. Prog. Magdeburg 1901; 24 pp. Gl5de, O. ES XXXIV (1904) 380-381. Bormann, Walter. Schillers Dramentechnik in seinen Jugend- [562] werken im Vergleich mit d. Dramentechnik Shakespeares. SVL (Erganzungsheft 1905) 70-161. Petsch, R. Zu Marlowe, Shakespeare u. Schiller. ES [563] XXXVIII (1907) 132-135. LuDWiG, A. Schiller u. d. deutsche Nachwelt. Berlin 1909; [564] xii + 679 pp. Treats of Shakespeare and Schiller as rivals for favor with the theater-attending public. Jahn. K. ShJ XLVI (1910) 281-282. tBoHTLiNGK. Arthur. Shakesj)eare u. unsere Klassiker III. [565] Schiller u. Shakespeare. Leipzig 1910; xiv -f 457 pp. Jahn, K. ShJ XLVII (1911) 300-301. Jantzbn, H. ES XLVI (1913) 298-300. Schiller and ''Hamlet'* Berg, L. Die Beziehungen ** Hamlets'' z. ''Wallenstein." [566] Deutsche Studentenzcitung 1886 nos. 33 and 34. Luther. Bernhard. **Don Carlos'' and ** Hamlet." Euph [567] XII (1905) 561-572. 1919] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 67 Miller and * * Julius Caesar ' * SCHKEEBEBOER, H. Die Wechselbeziehung zwischen Schillers [569] "Tell" u. Shakespeares *' Julius Caesar." Prog. Munner- stadt 1881-1882; 31 pp. Sturtevant, a. M. a new trace of Shakespeare's influence [570] upon SchUler's ' * Wallenstein. " MLN XXIV (1909) 129- 132. •Ticcolomini." II. 6, 928 and "Julius Caesar," IV, 8, 218-224 and some other passages compared. Sehillerand '*King John" Heuwes, — . Nahe Verwandtschaft einer Stelle aus Schillers [571] "Tell" u. Shakespeares '*K6nig Johann." ZDU V (1891) 55. "Tell," III, 3, 223ff. and "King John," IV, 1, 75ff. Schiller and ** Macbeth'' Sprenger, R. Shakespearesche Beminiscenzen in Schillers [572] *'Wallen8tein." ES XIX (1894) 468. Parallel passages. Of. £S XX (1896) 149. DuscHiNSKY, W. Shakespeares EinflUsse auf Schillers * ' Tell. ' ' [573] Z6G L (1899) 481-491. Speenger. R. Zu Schillers ' ' Wallenstein " u. "Macbeth." [574] ASNS CXI (1903) 405-406. Parallel passages "Wallensteins Tod." I, 2. 40 and "Macbeth," II, 9, 825. VON Westenholz, Fried. * ' Wallenstein " u. "Macbeth." In [575] Marbacher Schillerbuch. Stuttgt. u. Berlin 1905; 132-142. Sandmann, Bernhard. Schillers "Macbeth" u. d. englische [576] Original. Prog. Tarnowitz 1888; 16 pp. ScHATZMANN, Gebhard. Schillers "Macbeth" mit d. Original [577] verglichen. Prog. Trautenau 1889; 30 pp. Beckhaus, H. Shakespeares "Macbeth" u. d. Schillersche [578] Bearbeitung. Prog. Ostrowo 1889; 25 pp. Koch, Majc. (Rev. of foregoing three "Programme"). ES [579] XVI (1892) 93-96. KosTER, Albert. Schiller als Dramaturg. Berlin 1891; vii -f [580] 343 pp. =[618]. Pp. 74-124: Schiller's "Macbeth-Bearbeitung" and its influence on "Wallenstein." FiETKAU, H. Schillers "Macbeth" unter Beriicksichtigung d. [581] Originals u. seiner Quelle erlautert. Prog. Konigsbg. 1897; 46 pp. Koch, M. ES XXIV (1898) 319. PuLS, Alfred. Macbeth u. d. Lady bei Shakespeare u. Schiller. [581a] Prog. Gotha 1912; 27 pp. 68 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Schiller and ** Othello** ViNCKE, GiSBKBT. Schillers Biihnenbearbeitung d. ''Othello." [582] ShJ XV (1880) 222-229. Schiller and **Two gentlemen of Verona" WuKADiNovic, 8. Eine Quelle von Schillers *'Raubern." Euph [583] VIII (1901) 676-681. Schink and Shakespeare Minor, Jacob. Zur Hamburgisehen Preisausschreibung. In [584] ''Quellenstudien z. Lit.-gesch. d. 18. Jh.'' ZDPh XX (1888) 55-65. Schink's "Oianelli Montaldi" a fusion of "Emilm Oalotti" and "Clavigo" with Shakespeare's "Othello." A "Sturm u. Drang" Drama. Humbert, C. Schink u. d. erste Periode d. deutschen Hamlet- [585] kritik. Zts. fiir lateinlose hohere Schulen 1898. Heft 11. "Ein harmloses Geschwatz ttber d. Autors Einigkeit mit d. Ton Schink im Auszug mitgeteilten Hamlet-Anschauungen." Bit- terling [536] 197. BiTTERLiNO, Richard. Joh. Fr. Schink. Ein Schiiler Diderots [586] u. Lessings. ThF XXIII (1911) 210 pp. Pp. 130ff.: Schink der Dramaturg; "Makbeth" ; "die bezahmte Widerbellerin" ; "Koriolan" ; Schink's view of Shakespeare. Schlegel, J, E. and Shakespeare fvoN Antoniewicz, Johann. Einleitung z. *'J. E. Schlegels [587] aesthetische u. dramaturgische Schriften. " DLD XXVI (1887) clxxx pp. Pp. Ixxiii-lxxxix deal with J. E. Schlegel's view of Shakespeare. [587] forms the introduction to [464]. Schlegel, Aug, Wilh. and Shakespeare Sec Bibliog. II. d. Schroder and Shakespeare See also [479]. Meyer, F. L. W. Friedrich Ludwig Schroder. Hamburg 1823. [588] ViNCKE, Gisbert. Friedrich Ludwig Schroder, d. deutsche [589] Shakespeare-Begiiinder. ShJ XI (1876) 1-30 and ThF VI (1893) 5-21. Merscuberoer, — . Die Anfange Shakespeares auf d. Ham- [590] burger Biihne. ShJ XXV (1890) 205-272. = [484]. "Hamlet" Sept 20, 1776. Schroder's retirement 1798. Frankl. L. BLU (1890) no. 42 (II, 662). H6L8CHBR, L. ASN8 LXXXVI (1891) 473-474. Brauns, C. W. E. Die Schrodersche Bcarbeitung d. * 'Hamlet " u. [591] ein vermuthlich in ihr enthaltenes Fragment Lessings. Breslau 1890; 35 pp. The fragment is a translation of the monolog beginning: "To be or not to be." 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 69 Haupfen, Ad. Schroders Bearbeitung cL ' ' Kauf manns von [592] Venedig." VL V (1892) 87-97. LiTZMANN, B. Fr. Ludw. Schroder. Ein Beitr. z. deutschen [593] Theatergesch. Toil U. 178-288: Im Zeichen Shakespeares, 1775-1780. Hambg. and Leipzig 1894. Devrient, Ed. Gesc&ichte d. deutschen Schauspielkunst. Bd. [594] I and n. 2 Aufl. Berlin 1905. Vol. I. 469-475 and Vol. II, 21-41: Schrdder and Shakespeare. Zabel, E. Theatergange. Berlin 1908; 185 pp. [595] Pp. 20-63: Garrick u. Schrdder, ein dramaturgischer Vergleich. Schubari and Shakespeare KnAUSZ, B. Ludwig als Shakespeare-t^bersetzer. ShJ XXXIX [596] (1903) 69-73. *' Sturm und Drang** and Shakespeare See also Shakespeare>GerBtenberg, Herder, Goethe, Klinger, Lenz, Schiller, Schubart. Sauer, A. Einleitungz. *' Die Sturm- u. Drangperiode." DNL [597] LXXTX (1883) 7-77. With due reference to the influence of Shakespeare, Young, Swift, Sterne, and Goldsmith. Wolff, E. Die Sturm- und Drangkomodie u. ihre fremden [598] VorbUder. ZVL I (1887) 329-337. Pp. 334-343: Shakespeare, Young, and Hogarth among others. Wolff, E. Der Einflusz Shakespeares auf d. Sturm- u. Drang- [599] periode unserer Literatur im 18. Jh. Prog. Chemnitz 1890; 28 pp. Koch, M. ZVL IV (1890) 120-127. E£CK£is, GusTAV. Dramaturgische Probleme im Sturm u. [600] Drang. UNSL XI (1907) 135 pp. Pp. 109-115: Shakespeare. Metsb, R. M. ASNS CXIX (1907) 2$4-255. BOBMANN. W. SVL VIII (1908) 386. Landsbebo, H. Feindliche Bruder. LE VII (1904) 818-825. [601] Especially in Shakespeare's dramas and in the "Sturm u. Drang " dramas. Landau, Mabcus. Die feindlichen Briider auf d. BUhne. [602] Biihne u. Welt IX (1907) 237flf. Weisze and Shakespeare MiNOB, J. Einleitung z. ^'Lessings Jugendf reunde. ' ' DNL [603] LXXII (1880-1883) xxv pp. Pp. xviii— xx: Weisze and Shakespeare. Gbubeb, Johanna. Das Verhaltnis von Weiszes ** Romeo u. [604] Julia" z. Shakespeare u. d. Novellen. SVL V (1905) 395- 438. HuTTEMANN, W. Christian Felix Weisze u. seine Zeit in ihrem [605] Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare. Bonn Diss. Duisburg 1912; 92 pp. 70 University of Calif ornia Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Meisnest, Fb. W. Die Quellen z. Christian Felix Weiszes [606] '* Richard III." Euph XVII (1910) 538-556. Reprinted in Univ. of Wash, studies. Seattle Wash. no. 4 (1910) 19 pp. = Colley Cibber'8 stage version of "Richard III" 1700. Grabau. C. SbJ XL VIII (1912) 257-258. Wieland and Shakespeare (and Eschenhurg and Shakespeare) See also [410]-[421], [479]. and [482]. HiBZEL, L. Ungedruckte Briefe von Wieland aus d. Nachlasz [607J Salomon Geszners. AL VII (1878) 489-518. Business letters referring to the Shakespeare translation. Seuffert, Bernhabd. Wielands, Eschenburgs u. Schlegels [608] ShakespeareDbersetzung. AL XIII (1885) 229-232. Simpson, M. Eine Vergleichung d. Wielandschen Shake- [609] spearet)bersetzung mit d. Original. Diss. Miinchen 1898; 133 pp. TJhde-Bernays, Hermann. Der Mannheimer Shakespeare. [610] Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. ersten deutschen Shakespeare-tJber- setzungen. LF XXV (1902) x 4-90 pp. Leitzmann, a. ShJ XL (1904) 284-285. Pr(0B8CH0LDt), L. LCbl LIV (1903) 489ff. Obfterino, M. ASNS CXI (1903) 195-197. IscHER, Rudolf. Ein Beitrag z. Kenntnis von Wielands Dber- [611] setzungen. Euph XIV (1907) 242-256. Pp. 242-247: "Wielands ShakespeareDbersetzung." Schmidt, E. Shakespeare u. Wieland. DLZ XXTX (1908) [612] 1200-1201. Wieland's views regarding Shakespeare in 1757 liberal. Gbabau, C. ShJ XLV (1909) 813-314. tSTADLER, Ernst. Wielands Shakespeare. QF CVH (1910) [613] 133 pp. WiTKOWSKi. G. ShJ XLVII (1911) 801-302. ISCHBR. RuD. Euph Ergilnzungsheft ix (1911) 266. See also the following reviews of Stadler's edition of Wieland's translation of Shakespeare's dramas. Berlin 1909-1911: Keli-ER, W. ShJ XLVIII (1912) 277-278. PET8CII, R. NJKA XXIX-XXX (1912) 501-516, 540ff. ScHRADER, Hans. Eschenburg u. Shakespeare. Diss. Marbg. [614] 1911; 81 pp. Gboeper, R. Wieland im Licht seines Verhiiltnisses z. Shake- [616] speare. Piidagogisehes Archiv LV (1913) 116-120. Inspired by Gundolf [416]. fMEiSNEST, F. W. Wieland 's translation of Shakespeare. MLR [616] IX (1914) 14-40. Wieland's aids in making the translation. Gen£e, Rudolph. Wieland u. Falstafif. Nationalzeitung Ber- [617] lin April 8, 1880. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 71 KosTEK, Albert. Schiller als Dramaturg. Berlin 1891; 343 pp. [618] = [580]. Pp. 45-56: Macbeth. Shakeapeare-t^benetsang Ton Wieland a. Eschenburg. Hense, C. C. Geschichte d. * ' Sommemachtstraumes. " A8NS [619] Xn (1853) 51-61. =[522]. "Hidaummor night'a dream" and Wieland'a "Obcron." KoLLMANN, Aug. Wieland u. Shakespeare mit bes. Beriicksicht. [620] d. Cbersetzimg d. * ' Sommemachtstraums. " Prog. Bem- scheid 1896; 17 pp. Koch, M. ES XXIY (1898) 317-319. WuRTH, Leopold. Zu Wi elands, Eschenburgs u. A. W. Schle- [621] gels tJbersetzungcn d. * * Sommemachtstrauraes. " Prog. Budweis 1897. WuKADiyovic, S. 8bJ XXXVI (1900) 315. Koch, Max. Das Quellen verbal tnis von Wielands "Oberon." [622] Marbg. 1879; 57 pp. =[284]. Shakeapeare and Pope>Wieland. Sprenqee, R. Englische Anklange in Wielands "Oberon." [623] ES XIX (1894) 469. d. The nineteenth century German Shakespearian study Peankel, L. Die gegenwartige Beschaftigung d. akademisch- [624] neuphilol. Vereine Deutschlands mit Shakespeare. ShJ XXVI (1891) 120-131. Fbankel, L. Shakespeare an d. deutschen Hochschulen d. [625] Gegenwart. ShJ XXXII (1896) 87-109. Henoesbach, T. Shakespeare im Unterrichte d. preuszischen [626] Oymnasien. Die neueren Sprachen III (1896) 513-523. LuDWio, A. Rudolf Gen^e 1824-1914. Nekrolog. ShJ LI [627] (1915) 205-213. Inclndea much of the history of Shakespearian reeearch in the 19th century. German Shakespeare societies Frankel, L. Die Shakespeare-Forschung u. d. Shakespeare- [628] Jahrbuch. Gegenwart XLIV (1893). WoLPF, Max J. Die deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft. Inter- [629] nationale Monatsschrift VIII (1914) 813. LuDWiG, A. Die deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft. Ein [630] Riickblick anlaszlich ihres 50jahrigen Bestehens. ShJ XLIX (1913) 1-96. LuDWio. A. (Same in brief) LE XVI (1914) 890-892. Leo, F. a. Ruckblick auf d. 25jahrige Bestehen d. "Deutschen [631] Shakespeare-Gesellschaft." ShJ XXIV (1889) 1-9. Geabau, C. ShakespeareJubilaen in Deutschland. ShJ LI [632] (1915) 235-240. 72 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 German stage and Shakespeare in generdl ViNCKE, GiSDERT. Zur Geschichte d. deutschen Shakespeare- [633] Bearbeitung. ShJ XVII (1882) 82-99. Iffland, Dingelstedt, OechelhHuser, Devrient, Wehl, "die Meininger." Enoel, Eduard. Das englische Drama in Deutschland. Ttirmer [634] IV (1901) Heft 1. Anon. LE IY (1901) 835. GOLDSCHMIDT, K. W. Wir und Shakespeare. LE IX (1907) [634a] 491-497. Hecht, Hans. Shakespeare u. d. deutsche Biihne d. Gegenwart. [635] GRM II (1910) 288-299, 348-357. Grabav. C. ShJ XLVII (1911) 287-288. Friedrich, Paul. Shakespeare u. d. Neuromantik. In his [636] ''Deutsche Renaissance." Leipzig 1911; 107-112. Ernst, Paul. Shakespeare u. d. deutsche Drama. Der Tag [637] 1912; 248. Grabau, C. ShJ XLIX (1913) 200. Marx, Paul. Shakespeare u. d. modernen 3iihnenprobleme [63S] (seit 1907). ShJ LI (1915) 53-70. With a reference to Max Reinhardt's indebtedness to Arthur Gordon Craig. German stage and Shakespeare (individual stages) Meiszner, Johannes. Die Shakespeare-Auffiihningen in Berlin [639] 1851-1871. ShJ VII (1872) 340-347. Prolsz, R. Shakespeare-Aufifiihningen in Dresden 20. Okt. 1816 [640] bis Ende 1860. ShJ XV (1880) 173-211. See also [643 |. Devrient, Otto. Statistik d. Karlsruher Shakespeare-Auffiih- [641] rungen 1810-1872. ShJ VIII (1873) 280-306. Gericke, R. Statistik d. Leipziger Shakespcare-Auffiihrungen [642] in d. Jahren 1817-1871. ShJ VII (1872) 324-339. Oericke. R. Shakespeare-Aufifiihrur.gen in Leipzig u. Dresden [643] 1778-1817. ShJ XII (1877) 180-222. Anon. Shakespeare-Aufftihrungen an d. Mannheimer Hof- [644] u. Nationalbuhne 1779-1870. ShJ IX (1874) 295-309. KiLiAN, E. Die Munchener Shakespeare-Buhne. ShJ XXXII [645] (1896) 109-132. BoRMANN, W. Die Miinchener Shakespeare-Vorstellungen von [645a] 1908. ShJ XLV (1909) 250-259. Krausz, Rudolf. Shakeapcares Dramon auf d. Stuttgarter Hof- [646] biihne 1783-1908. ShJ XLV (1909) 126-138. Bartels, Adolf. Chronik d. Wcimarischen Hof theaters 1817- [647] 1907. Weimar 1908; xxxv -f- 304 pp. F6B8TIB, Ma\. ShJ XLV (1909) 407-408. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 73 FiscHjR, Rudolf. Shakespeare u. d. Burgtheater (Wien) 1776- [648] 1899. ShJ XXXVII (1901) 123-165. Bub, Otto. Das Burgtheater (Wien). Statistischer Buckblick [649] auf d. Tatigkeit u. d. Personalverhaltnisse 1776-1913. Wien 1913; xvi + 307 pp. Stahi., E. ShJ L (1914) 184-185. The review treats only of the English plays, especially Shake- speare's. See also [482]. VON Wmlen, a. Shakespeare u. d. Burgtheater (Wien) 1773- [650] 1910. ShJ L (1914) 60-73. German stage and Shakespeare (individual plays) The plays are arranged alphabetically, and the entries thereunder are in chronological order. "Anthony and Cleopatra^' BoLiN, WiLHELM. ''Antonius u. Kleopatra" in deutscher [651] Biihnenbearbeitung. ShJ XVn (1882) 128-164. KiLiAN, E. ''Antonius u. Kleopatra" auf d. deutschen Biihne. [652] 8hJ LI (1915) 84-97. "As you like it" ViNCKE, GiSBEBT. **Wie es euch gefallt" auf der Biihne. ShJ [652a] XIII (1878) 186-204. ViNCKE, GiSBERT. *'Wie es euch gefallt" und seine neueren [652?>] Bearbeiter. ThF VI (1893) 123-141. "Comedy of errors" See [683]. "Coriolanus" See [686]ff. "Cymheline" Mendheim^ M. Shakespeares ''Cymbelin" auf der deutschen [652c] Buhne. Buhne und Welt XV (1912-1913) 45-53. "Hamlet" See also [685]ff., [720], and [722]. Blaze de Bury, Henbt. Hamlet et ses commentateurs alle- [653] mands depuis Goethe. RDM LXXIV (1868) 409-448. Rtimelin's " Shakespeare- Studien," Stuttgt. 1866, gives occasion to this article, which is chiefly made up of Blaze de Bury's own interpretations of Hamlet. Meyee, R. M. ' ' Deutschland ist Hamlet.'' ZVL XV (1904) [654] 193-205. History of the phrase. Schbeibee, Carl F. "Deutschland ist Hamlet.'' PMLA [655] XXVIII (1913) 555-576. ** Julius Caesar" See [686]fr. and [677]fr. 74 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. > King dramas See also [686 J ff. and [722]. KiLiAN, EuGEN. Die Konigsdramen auf d. Karlsruher Biihne [656] 1829ff. mit bes. Beriicksicht. d. Einrichtungen von "Hein- rich V" u. '^Heinrich VI." 8hJ XXVIII (1893) 111-157. KiLiAN, EuOEN. Eine neue Buhnenbearbeitjung von "Konig [657] HeinrichVI." Munchen 1894. 8h J XXXII (1896) 212-234. VON Gleichen-Ruszwubm, — . Shakespeares Konigsdramen u. [658] d. moderne Buhne. Biihne u. Welt VI (1904) 25-31. V(incke), G(isbert). Eine altere deutsche Bearbeitung von [659] Shakespeares ''Konig Johann." ShJ XIII (1878) 315-317. "Arthur Prinz von England" in "Nene Schauspiele aufgefiihrt auf d. National-Theater," Altona 1801. ''King Lear'* BOLIN, W. Zur Buhnenbearbeitung d. Konig Lear. ShJ XX [660] (1885) 131-148. Oechelh&user 1871. Pro&sart 1875. Deyrient 1875. Kdehj 1879. "Macbeth" 6en£e, Rudolf. Antiquarisches u. etwas Shakespeare. SVZ [661] 1907; 367-368. Treats of some Shakespeare translations and adaptations, especially of "Macbeth." "Merchant of Venice** See [722]. "Merry wives of Windsor" Haoen, a. Shakespeare in Konigsberg. ShJ XV (1880) 325- [661a] 338. =[464a]. "Midsummer night's dream" See [619] and [731]. "Othello" See [722]. "Borneo and Juliet" See [719]. "Taming of the shrew" See also [462], [465]. [586], [675a]. and [676]. Winds, Adolf. Shakespeares **Bezahmte Widerspenstige ' ' [662] u. ihre deutschen Bearbeitungen. Biihne u. Welt V (1903) 755-764. =[435a]. German authors and Shakespeare The German authors follow in alphabetical order; the entries there- under in chronological order. Amengruber and Shakespeare Wolfing, J. E. Anzengruber u. Shakespeare. ZDU XVIII [663] (1904) 65. "Der Meineidbauer," II, 3 and "Hamlet," II, 2. 1919^] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 75 Bau^in and Shakespeare Fbeytag, Gustav. Baudissins Shakespeare-t^bersetzung u. d. [664] Shakespeare-Gesellschaft. Im neuen Beich 1880 no. 24 and Freytags gesammelte Werke XVI, Leipzig 1887; 364-370. Bismarck and Shakespeare BoHTLiNGK, Arthur. Bismarck u. Shakespeare. Stuttgt. and [665] BerUn 1908; viii + 148 pp. FdBSTBB, M. SbJ XLY (1009) 408. LdsCHHO&N. K. ZDU XXIII (1909) 805. Fbakkl, L. LE XII (1909) 418-414. LoscHHORN, Karl. Bismarcks Zitatenschatz aus Shakespeare. [666] ZDU XXin (1909) 526-527. Grabau, C. ShJ XLVI (1910) 246-247. Bitzius and Shakespeare LuDWio, Otto. Jeremias Gotthelf u. Shakespeare. In **Otto [667] Ludwigs gesammelte Schriften" (ed. A. Stern). Leipzig 1891; Bd. VI 207-208. Borne and Shakespeare Leo, F. a. Shakespeare u. Borne. ShJ XXXIII (1897) 253-257. [668] BuUhaupt and Shakespeare Conrad, H. Shakespeares u. Bulthaupts ' ' Timon. ' ' ShJ XXIX [669] (1894) 110-147. IHngeUtedt and Shakespeare BoENNEKE, Rudolf. Franz Dingelstedts Wirksarakeit am [670] Weimarer Hof theater. Ein Beitr. z. Theatergesch. d. 19. Jh. Greifswald Diss. Greifswald 1912; 233 pp. Stahl, E. L. LCbl LXIII (1912) 1388-1389. Stahl. E. L. ShJ L (1914) 124-125. Eichendorf and Shakespeare See [410]. Fontane and Shakespeare Ck)NRAD, H. Fontane u. Shakespeare. LE II (1899) 15-18. [671J Gotthelf and Shakespeare See Bitzius and Shakespeare [667]. Grahhe and Shakespeare * Bartmann, Hermann. Grabbes Verhaltnis zu Shakespeare. [672] Diss. Miinehen 1908; 50 pp. See ShJ XXXVI (1900) 416. tHoCH, H. L. Shakespeare's influence on Grabbe. Diss. Univ. [673] of Pennsylvania 1911. Philadelphia! 1911! 75 pp. Grillparzer and Shakespeare BOLIN, W. Grillparzers Shakespeare-Studien. ShJ XVIII [674] (1883) 104-127. tGaosz, Edgar. Grillparzers Verhaltnis zu Shakespeare. ShJ [674a] LI (1915) 1-34. ZuCKKB, A. E. MLN XXXI (1916) 896-398. 76 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Hauptmann and Shakespeare Bbaun, H. Grillparzers Verhaltnis zu Shakespeare. Munchen [675] Diss. Niirnberg 1913. TABDELy Hermann. Gerhart Hauptmanns ''Schluck und Jau" [675a] und Verwandtes. SVL II (1902) 184-202. Shakespeare chiefly; also Holberg and (pp. 199-201) "Ein Analogon" (Mark Twain's "The Prince and the pauper"). Beckmann, J. H. Hauptmann u. Shakespeare. Poet Lore [676] XXIII (1912) 56-63. "Schluck u. Jau" and "Taming of the shrew." 'Hehbel and Shakespeare See also [682]. tALBEETS, W. Hebbels Stellung z. Shakespeare. FNL XXXII [677] (1908) 78 pp. Petsch, R. ShJ XLV (1909) 356-357. Wesneb, R. M. DLZ XXIX (1908) 2565. ECKBLMANN, E. O. JEGPh VII (1908) 171. Brandl, a. ASNS CXXI (1908) 471. Zeiss, K. LE XII (1909) 99-101. BttHME, R. ZDU XXIV (1910) 271-272. Keller, W. Eino Bearbeitung d. "Julius Casar'' von Fr. [678] Hebbel. ShJ XXXIX (1903) 247-249. Werner, R. M. Hebbels Theaterbearbeitung von Shakespeares [679] ** Julius Casar." Nach ungedrucktem Material. ZOG LVin (1907) 385-399. Heine and Shakespeare fScHALLES, E. A. Heines Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare, mit einem [680] Anhang iiber Byron. Diss. Berlin 1904; 69 pp. Petsch, R. ShJ XLI (1905) 260-262. Strecker, K. Heine und Shakespeare. Tiigliche Rundschau [6S0a] 1906, Unterh.-Beilage no. 40. VON Rudiger, Gertrude. Die Zitate in ''Shakespeares Madchen [681] u. Frauen" von Heine. Euph XIX (1912) 290-297. Hofmannsthal and Shakespeare Anwand, O. Dichtung d. Hasses. Die Post, Berlin 1904, [682] Sonntagsbeilage 6. Shakespeare's "Hamlet," Hebbel's "Nibelungen" and Ilofmanns- thal's "Elektra." Holtei and Shakespeare Wehl, F. Shakespeares "Komodie d. Irrungen" in Holteis [683] Bearbeitung. Europa 1849, no. 49. Hegel and Shakespeare LuDWiG, Otto. Hegel gegen Shakespeare. In O. Ludwig's [683a] ''Gesammelte Schriften" (ed. Stern) 1891; Bd. V 181-188. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 77 Eerwegh and Shakespeare EnJAN, Wernek. Herwegh als t^bersetzer. BBL XLIII [684] (1914) 112 pp. Part III, pp. 81—108: "Die t^benetzung Shakespeareacher Dramen." Imfnermann and Shakespeare YiscKE, GiSBERT. Immermaiins Einrichtung d. ''Hamlet." [685 J ShJ XXI (1886) 175-187 ViNCKE^ GiSBERT. Karl Immermanns Shakespeare-Elnrich- [686] tungen H. ShJ XXII (1887) 172-188. "Konig Johann." "K«nig Heinrich IV. Teil 2," "Coriolan," "JuliuB Casar." Fellner, Bichard. Karl Immermann als Dramaturg. Hamburg [687] and Leipzig 1896. Pp. 151—203: Shakespeare and Immermann. WiTTSACK, Bichard. Karl Leberecht Immermann d. Dra- [688] maturg. Ein Beitr. z. Theatergesch. d. 19. Jh. Greifswald Diss. Berlin 1914; xiv + 130 pp. Stahl, E. L. ShJ LI (1915) 274-277. Kleist and Shakespeare See also [410]. Wolff, Euo. Shakespeares Einflusz auf Heinrich von Kleist. [689] Frankftr. Ztg. 27. u. 28. Sept. 1901. DiBiLius, W. ShJ XXXVIII (1902) 331. Fries, A. Stilistische u. vergleichende Forschungen z. Hein- [690] rich von Kleist mit Proben angewandter Aesthetik. BBGRPh XVII (1906) 108 pp. Pp. 2 and 3 : Numerous parallel passages, Shakespeare and Kleist. Cf. Fries in SVL IV (1904) 236. Fischer, Ottokar. Mimische Studien zu Heinrich von Kleist. [691] 1. Heinrich von Kleist u. Shakespeares ''Macbeth." Euph XV (1908) 488-503. Keller and Shakespeare See also [425]. LuDwiG, Otto. Gottfried Kellers ''Romeo u. Julia auf. d. [692] Dorfe.** In "Otto Ludwigs gesammelte Schriften" (ed. A. Stern) Leipzig 1891; Bd. VI 49-51. Kruse and Shakespeare Palm, H. Shakespeares "Julius Caesar" u. Kruses "Brutus." [693] ASN8 LVin (1877) 23-42. "Brutus," Trauerspiel von Heinrich Kruse, Leipzig 1874. Laube and Shakespeare VON Weilen, a. Laube und Shakespeare. ShJ XLIII (1907) [693a] 98-138. 78 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Liliencron and Shakespeare Wetz, W. Eochus von Liliencron tiber Hamlet. BMAZ 1904; [694] 196-197. » A reyiew of Liliencron's Noyelle "die siebente TodsUnde/' Leipzig 1903, which treats of Shalcespesre and "Hamlet." Ludwig and Shakespeare tScHEREB, W. Otto Ludwigs **8hake8peare-Studien." In [695] **Vortrage u. Aufsatze zur Geschichte d. geistigen Lebens in Deutschland u. Oesterreich. " Berlin 1874; 389-397. tMEYER, R. M. Otto Ludwigs Shakespearestudium. ShJ XXXVII [696] (1901) 59-85. fADAMS, Kurt. Otto Ludwigs Theorie d. Dramas. Mit einem [697] Anhang: Versuch einor kritischen Wiirdigung. Greifswald Diss. Greifswald 1912; 106 pp. In the "Versuch" the author takes issue with Meyer's interpreta- tion of Ludwig's attitude toward Shakespeare. Cf. [696]. Meiningen (Duke of) and Sliakespeare Klaar, Alfred. Herzog Georg von Meiningen. ShJ LI (1915) [698] 193-204. Meyer, C. F. and Shakespeare ElRAEGER, H. Shakespeare-Verse auf d. Wanderung in Conrad [699] Ferd. Meyers Gedichten. ES XXVIII (1900) 153-159. Nicolai and Shakespeare Kruse, G. R. Shakespeare u. Otto Nicolai. ShJ XL VI (1910) [700] 84-91. Composer of "Merry wives of Windsor," an operetta (1894). Nietzsche and Shakespeare WiTTE, E. Der t)bormensoh Nietzsches u. d. tragischen Helden [701] Shakespeares. Neuphilol. Blatter XII (t) 404-409. ECKERTZ. Erich. *' Hamlet*' u. Nietzsches * * Zarathustra. ' * [702] Miinchener neueste Nachrichten 1909, no. 327. Platen and Shakespeare Leitzmann, a. Shakespeare in Platens Tagebiichern. ShJ [703] XXXVII (1901) 216-230. Kallexbach, IIelene. Platens Beziehungen z. Shakespeare. [704] SVL VIII (1908) 449-469. Kallexbach, H. axd Schlosser, R. Shakespearschc Spuren [705] in Platens Sonotten. SVL IX (1909) 360-362. Reinhardt and Shakespeare Kahaxe. Arthur. Max Roinhardts Shakespoaro-Zyklus im [706] Deutschen Theater z. Berlin. ShJ L (1914) 106-120. 1919] Price: Engliah^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 79 Schlegel, A. W,, and Shakespeare See also [421] and [479]. GoETHi, J. W. Sliakespeare u. kein Ende. 1813ff. Weimar [707] Ausg. I 41, 1; 52-71. The second part of this essay "Shakespeare verglichen mit d. Alten u. d. Nenesten," is directed against the romanticists, tho none of the latter are mentioned by name. Bernays, M. Der Schlegel-Tiecksche Shakespeare. ShJ I [708] (1865) 396-405. Bernays, M. Zur Entstehungsgesch. d. Schlegelschen Shake- [709] speare. Leipzig 1872; 52 pp. H. W. ShJ VIII (1873) 848-853. Gen^e, R. Studien z. Schlegels Shakespeare-Obersetzung nach [710] d. Handschriften A. W. Schlegels. AL X (1880) 236-262. Bernays, M. Vor- u. Nachwort z. neuen Abdruck d. Schlegel- [711] Tieckschen Shakespeare. PrJ LXVIII (1891) 524-569. ScHUDDEKOPP, Kabl, AND Walzel, Oskar (editors). Goethe u. [712] d. Romantik. Briefe mit Erlauterungen. I TeiL Schriften d. Goethe-Gesellschaft Bd. XIII. Weimar 1898; xcv+382 pp. Goethe's letters showing his interest in the Schlegel-Tieck trans- lation. Putsch's review contains the important passages. Petsch, R. &hJ XXXVI (1900) 816-320. Wetz, W. Zur Beurteilung d. sogenannten Schlegel-Tieckschen [713] Shakespeare-tybersetzung. ES XXVIII (1900) 321-365. Wetz, W. Schlegel-Tieck. Die Zukunft 1902; 222-238. [713a] Brandl, a. Ludwig Fulda, P. Heyse u. Ad. Wilbrandt uber d. [714] Schlegel-Tiecksche Shakespeare-Obersetzung. ShJ XXXVII (1901) xxvii-lv. DiBELTUS, W. Schlegel-Tieck. ShJ XXXVIII (1902) 331-332. [715] Review of criticisms of the Shakespeare-Oesellschaft 'for under- taking a revision of the Schlegel-Tieck translation. Gen£e, Rudolf. A. W. Schlegel u. Shakespeare; ein Beitrag [716] z. Wiirdigung d. Schlegelschen tybersetzungen. Berlin 1903 ; 43 pp. Keller, W. ShJ XL (1004) 283-284. Walzel, O. Enph XV (1908) 267-268. VON WuRZBACH, W. Zur Revision des deutschen Shakespeare- [716a] Textes. Oesterr. Rundschau VII (1906) 91-107. Wetz, W. Schlegel-Tieck. Die Zukunft LVI (1906) 207-216. [716&] fCoNRAD, H. Unechtheiten in d. ersten Ausgabe d. Schlegel- [717] schen Shakespeare-Obersetzung (1797-1801) nachgewiesen aus seinen Manuskripten. Berlin 1912; 93 pp. Abdruck aus d. Zs. fiir franz. u. engl. Unterricht 1916, Heft 4-6. Anhang: Karolinens Textentstellungen im 4. u. 5. Akt. d. "Kaufraanns von Venedig. '' Abdruck aus d. ''Deutschen Revue'' XXXVIII (1911) 241-252. Grabau, C. ShJ XLVIII (1912) 258 and ShJ XLIX (1913) 201. WOLF», M. ES XLVII (1914) 264-265. 80 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol^ ^ AszMANN, Bkuno. Studien z. A. W. Schlegelschen Shakespeare- [71S^ ^ ttbersetzung. Die Wortspiele. Prog. Neustadt. Dresden 1906. HoLTEBMANN, K. Vergleichung d. Schlegelschen u. Voszschen [719 Obersetzung von Shakespeares ** Borneo u. Juliet." Prog. Miinater 1892; 30 pp. Lanoe. p. AB III (1893) 305. Koch, M. ES XYIII (1893) 244-246. Horn, Ella. Zur Geschichte d. ersten Auffiihrung von ScHlegels [720] Hamlet-Obersetzung auf d. koniglichen Nationaltheater z. Berlin (15. Okt. 1799). ShJ LI (1915) 34-52. Schopenhauer and Shakespeare Gebhabd, Hkthabd. Shakespeare u. Schopenhauer. ShJ [721] XLVII (1911) 170-188. Schreyvogel and Shakespeare KiLiAN, E. Schreyvogels Shakespeare-Bearbeitungen. [722] Contributions to ShJ. 1903-1907, as follows: "KSnig Lear" and "KSnig Heinrich IV." ShJ XXXIX (1903) 87-120. "Romeo u. Julia." ShJ XLI (1905) 135-163. "Kaufmann von Venedig," "OtheUo," "Hamlet." ShJ XLIII (1907) 53-98. Strauss and Shakespeare Siegfried, E. Macbeth. Tondichtung nach Shakespeares Drama [723] von Richard Strausz. Studie. Straszbg. and Leipzig 1912. Tieck and Shakespeare See also [251al, [410], and [421]. Kaiser, O. Der Dualismus Tiecks als Dramatiker u. Drama- [724] turg. Leipzig 1885. Pp. 49-58: Tieck u. Shakespeare. Koch, Max. Ludwig Tiecks Stellung z. Shakespeare. ShJ [725] XXXII (1896) 330-347. BiscHOPP, Heinrich. Ludwig Tieck als Dramaturg. Bibl. de [726] la faculty de phil. et lettres de 1 'university de Li^ge. Brux- elles 1897; 125 pp. Pp. 23-36: Tieck's relation to Shakespeare. CJONRAD, H. F. Vischer u. Dorothea Tieck als MacbethDber- [727] seizor. ASNS CVI (1901) 71-88. Zelak, D. Tieck u. Shakespeare. Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. [728] Shakespearomanie in Deutschland. Prog. Tarnopol 1900. Leipzig 1902; 72 pp. PXTSCH. R. ShJ XXXIX (1903) 288-289. Kerber, E. Neues uber L. Tiecks Shakespeare-Studien. Biihne [729] u. Welt XV (1913) 62-67. 1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 81 Fberking, Johann. Zwei Shakespeare-Parodien in Tiecks [730] "Verkehrte Welt." Euph XVIT (1910) 355-356. "Schriften" Bd. YI, 315ff. King Lear in the storm. "Schriften'* Bd. Y, 405ff. Julius Caesar, the conspiracy of the Romans in Brutus' garden. HiNsi, C. C. Geschichte d. " Sommernachtstraums. * ' ASNS [731] XU (1853) 281-289. = [522]. Vosz and Shakespeare See [421]. Wagner (Bichard) and Shakespeare Bennett, J. Bichard Wagner. The musical times 1890; 564. [732] Beferences to his relation to Shalcespeare. Chatek, a. G. Shakespeare and Wagner. Temple Bar CXIII [733] (1898) 287-293. Spick, Hermann G. B. Wagners Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare. [734] Bichard Wagner-Jahrbuch I (1906) 209-226. OOLTHKB, W. DLZ XXVII (1906) 2721-2722. Gebha&ds, K. a. Sophokles, Shakespeare, Wagner. Neue [735] Musik-Zeitung (Stuttgt.) XXXIV (1913) 465-468. 82 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 PABT m THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (Shakespeare excluded) a. General American influences American literature in Germany. Bibliographical works FLt^OEL, EwALD. Die nordamerikanische Literatur; Biblio- [800] graphie. Pp. 557-561 in the 2nd edition of Wiilker 's ' ' Ge- schichte d. engUschen Literatur." Bd. II. Leipzig 1907. The most important Oerman translations of the American works are here indicated. Smith, C. Alphonso. Die amerikanische Literatur. Vorle- [801] sungen Berlin Univ. 1910-1911. Berlin 1912. The hibliography, pp. 860-380, supplements Fltigel [800]. BOEHM, Alfred I. Bibliographie u. Kritik d. deutschen t^ber- [802] setzungen aus d. amerikanischen Dichtung. Diss. Univ. of Chicago. Leipzig 1910; 62 pp. Bryant, Longfellow, Poe, Whittier, Lowell, Holmes, Emerson, Whitman, Taylor, Joaquin Miller, Bret Harte, Aldrich, Stod- dard, and others. Anthologies. Statistics. CoLBRON, Grace I. The American novel in Germany. Book- [802a] man XXXIX (1914) 45-49. Peckham, H. Houston. Is American literature read and re- [803] spected in Europe f South Atlantic quarterly XITI (1914) 382-388. Oives an affirmative answer supported hy a bibliography of Oerman and French translations of Bryant, Clemens, Cooper, Emerson, Franklin, Harte, ^Hawthorne, Irving, Longfellow, Lowell, Mot- ley, Parkman, Poe, Prescott, Whitman, and Whittier. fVoLLMER, Clement. The American novel in Germany. GAA [803a] XIX (1917) 113-144 and 165-219. The bibliography contains a list of 997 volumes by 87 American novelists that were translated into Oerman during the period 1871-1913, or of which reprints appeared in Oermany. America and German literature See also [921-[1011. Kapp, Fr. Deutsch-amerikanische Wechselbeziehungen. DR [804] XXV (1880) 88-123. Material drawn largely from Oustav Kdmer's "Das deutsche Ele- ment in d. vereiniglen Staaten von Amerika (1818-1848)." Cincinnati 1880. 2nd ed. 1884. Lenau, Sealsfield, Schurs, among others, mentioned. KOHN, Maximilian. America im Spiegel deutscher Dichtung. [805] Zeitgeist XXXIl (1905). =[99]. L. . . . D, P. LE VII (1905) 1696. 1919] Friee: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 83 Wanamaksb, W. H. Some German criticisms of America. [806] South Atlantic quarterly V (1906) 150-160. A review of Goldberger*8 "Das Land d. unbegrensten Moglich- keiten*' and Polenx's "Das Land d. Zukunft." ▼ON Klenze, Camillo. The United States in European litera- [807] ture. Paper read before 16th meeting of MLA. Prince- ton Dec. 1908. The romantie view of America and America as the land of pure democracy: Rousseau, Schiller, Kant, Ooethe, Chateaubriand. Waning romanticism : Lenan, Dickens, KUmberger. Influence of civil war, of writings of Emerson and others, of the rise of industrialism, of the Spanish war on European literature. At the close of the 19th century critical studies of the U.S. by Bryce, Polenx, Mtinsterberg, Lamprecht, and others. See PMLA XXIY (1909) Appendix xiii-xiv. tBAKER, T. S. America as the political Utopia of Young Ger- [808] many. AG I, 2 (1897) 62-97. LsARNED, Marion D. Guide to the manuscript material relating [809] to American history in the German state archives. Pub. of Carnegie Inst, of Washington. Washington D.C. 1912; 352 pp. Faust, Albert B. Guide to the materials for American history [810] in Swiss and Austrian archives. Pub. of Carnegie Inst, of Washington. Washington D.C. 1916; 300 pp. This work, like that of Learned [809], points to valuable sources of information regarding the influence upon German thot of the extensive emigration to America. AfMrica in German fiction See also [828] and [915]ff. fvoN Krockow, Lida. American characters in German novels. [811] AM LXVin (1891) 824-838. Influence of Hawthorne's, Cooper's, Bret Harte's romantic char- acters and of Howells's, James's, Mark Twain's realistic char- acters on German pictures of American life. IBarba, Preston A. The American Indian in German fiction. [812] GAA XV (1913) 143-175. tBARBA, Preston A. Emigration to America reflected in German [813] fiction. GAA XVI (1914) 193-228. America and German poetry See also [92]ff. Eeppler, E. a. C. America in the popular and student poetry [815] of Germany. Paper read by title before the MLA, Balti- more Md. Dec. 1903. Full outline in PMLA XVIII (1903) appendix xxvii-xxviii. America and Freiligrath Learned, M. D. Freiligrath in America. AG I (1897) 54-73. [816 J Freiligrath's acquaintance with Longfellow, and other American connexions. 84 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol- O America and Goethe tMACKALL, Leonard. Brief wechsel zwischen Goethe u. Ameri- [817 3 kanern. GJ XXV (1904) 1-37. Edw. Everett, Th. Lyman. J. O. Cogswell, John Kirkland, Geo. Bancroft. G. H. Calvert. America and Heine Belden, H. M. Heine's "Sonnenuntergang*' and an American [81^ J moon myth. MLN XX (1905) 205-206. A legend of the Wyandots as a parallel to the moon myth in Heine's "Sonnenuntergang." ("Die Nordsee, Erster Cyclus," 3.) No influence suggrested. America, Kiirnherger and Lenau tCxsTLE, Eduabd. Amcrikamijde. Lenau u. Kiirnberger. GpJ [S10J XII (1902) 15-42. tMuLFiNGER, George A. Ferdinand Kiirnbergers Roman ''Der [820 3 Amerikamiide/' dessen Quellen u. Vorhaltnis z. Lenaus Amerikareise. GAA V (1903) 315-346, 385-405. America and Lenau See also [819] and [820]. Ebner. E. ''Deutsche Dichter auf Reisen.** Niirnbg. 1913; [821] ▼ii 4- 252 pp. Pp. 143-176: Lenau in America. America and Sealsfield Faust, Albert B. Charles Sealsfield, der Dichter beider Hemi- [822] spharen. Weimar 1897; 295 pp. FUrst, R. JbL VIII (1897) IV, 3, 149. GOBBKL, J. AG I. 3 (1897) 97-103. Helleb, O. Comments on above in JEGPh YII (1908) 130-133. tHELLER, Otto. Some sources of Sealsfield. MPh VII (1910) [823] 587-592. Tales in popular American periodicals as sources for some of Seals- field's best known work. Cf. Heller in MLR III (1908) 360-365. tHELLER, Otto. The source of Chapter I of Sealsfield 's "Lebens- [824] bilder aus d. westlichcn Hemisphare. ' ' MLN XXIII (1908) 172-173. A sketch from life in "New York mirror and ladies' literary gazette." Nor. 7, 1829. and Chap. I of "George Howard's Esq. Brantfahrt." The plots are identical. fBoRDiER, Paul. Sealsfield, ses id^es, ses sources d'apr^ le [825] " Ka jiitenbuch. " RG V (1909) 273-300 and 369-421. Accounts of explorations, works of Chateaubriand, Irving's "Astoria." Thompson, Garrett W. An inquiry into the sources of Charles [826] Sealsfield 's novel "Morton oder d. grosze Tour." Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia 1909 or 1910; 56 pp. Personal observation. Cooper, Irving, Scott. 1919] Price: English"^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 85 Heller, Otto. Sealsfield-Funde. GAA XHI (1911) 3-31. [827] Barba, Preston A. Sealsfield sources. GAA XIII (1911) [828] 31-39. "Das Kajiitenbnch" and "A journey to Texas," anon. N. T. 1834. b. Qeneral Englisli influences English literature and German literature Muller-Freienfels, Richard. England u. wir. LE XI (1909) [829] 757-765. A comparison of contemporary literatures. English lyric poetry in German translation ZscHALiG, — . Englische Gedichte in deutschem Gewande. [830] Prog. Dresden 1894; 19 pp. Shakespeare, Cowper, Barry Cornwall, Hemans, Longfellow, Tenny- son. The work is of no value to the historian of literature. English novel and German novel Schmidt, Julian. Studien iiber d. englischen Roman (1873). [831] In **Bilder aus d. geistigen Leben unserer Zeit" IV. Leip- zig 1875; 272-340. tMiKLKE, Hellmuth. Der deutsche Roman. Dresden 1912; [831a] 461 pp. "Vierte, umgearbeitete nnd stark vermehrte Auflage von "Der deutsche Roman des 19. Jh." Braunschweig 1890. England and Young Germany tWHYTE, John. Young Germany in its relations to Britain. [832] Ottendorfer memorial series of Germanic monographs VIII. Collegiate Press, Menasha Wis. 1917; 87 pp. Borne, Outzkow, Heine, Laube, Wienbarg, Mundt. Their attitude toward British politics, British literature, the Briton. SCHOENXMANN. F. MLN XXXIII (1918) 168-172. English literature and Binzer Phillipson, p. H. a German adaptation of *'The blue bells of [833] Scotland." MLN XXV (1910) 89. "The blue bells of Scotland" was written by Annie McVickar Grant. Binzer translated also Young and Franklin. English literature and Droste-HUlshof, Badt, Bertha. Annette von Droste-Hiilshoff, ihre dichterische [834] Entwicklung u. ihr Verhaltnis z. englischen Literatur. BBL XVII (1909) 96 pp. Shakespeare, Scott, Irving, Southey, Byron. KALLfcSBACH, HELENA. SVL IX (1909) 464-467. Baldbnsperqkr, F. RG VI (1910) 78. Andrae, a. AB XXI (1910) 137-139. 86 University of California Puhlicationa in Modern Philology [VoL !► English literature and Fontane Weomann, Carl. Thcodor Fontane als t^bersetzer englischer u. [835] schottischer Balladen. Munster Diss. Miinster 1910; 113 pp. Benzmann, Hans. Der Balladenstil Theodor Fontanes. Eckart [836] 1913; 781-790. Bhyn, Hans. Die Balladendichtung Theodor Fontanes mit bes. [837] Beriickslcht. seiner Bearbeitungen altengl. u. altschott. Bal- laden aus d. Sammlung von Percy u. Scott. Sprache u. Dich- tung XV. Bern 1914; 208 pp. Palmek. Edith StO. JEOPh XIY (1915) 440-445. fScHOENEMANN, Friedbich. Th. Fontane u. England. PMLA [838] XXX (1915) 658-671. English literature and Freiligrath See also [816], [939]. and [967]. Weddigen, Otto. Ferdinand Freiligrath als Vermittler eng- [839] lischer u. franzosischer Dichtung. ASNS LXVI (1881) 1-16. • Anhang in "Lord Byrons Einflusz . . ."no. [867] 2. Aufl. (1901) 127-153. ScHWERiNG, Jul. Unbekannte Jugendgedichte u. t^berset- [840] zungen von Ferd. Freiligrath. BMAZ Dec. 5, 1896. EiCHTER, Kurt. Ferdinand Freiligrath als tJbersetzer. FNL [841] XI (1899) 106 pp. Arnold. R. F. Euph VII (1900) 366-374. SuLOKBGcBiNa. E. ZVL XIV (1901) 888-391. Erbach, Wilhelm. Ferdinand Freiligraths Dbersetzungen aus [842] d. Englischen im ersten Jahrzehnt seines Schaffens. Miin- ster Diss. Bonn 1908; 137 pp. tGuDDE, Erwin. Englische Einflii'sse auf Freiligraths politisohe [843] Lyrik. A forthcoming essay in UCPMPh 1919(t). A refutation of the frequent assertion that English poets, especially Byron, were instrumental in turning Freiligrath to political poetry. Especially noteworthy is the evidence that echoes of Moore are more frequent in Freiligrath's poetry than echoes of Byron. English literature and Freytag See also Dickens and Scott>Freytag. [925]ff. and [976]. fPRiCE, Lawrence M. The attitude of Gustav Freytag and [845] Julian Schmidt toward English literature (1848-1862). Hes- peria VII. Gottingen and Baltimore 1915; 120 pp. MuTSCHMANN. H. AB XXVI (1915) 874-876. H08KIN8. J. p. MLN XXXI (1916) 157-165. BU88B, A. JEGPh XVI (1917) 148-145. English literature and Geibel See also [859] and [888]. YoLKENBORN, Heinrich. Geibel als t^bersetzer u. Nachahmer [846] englischer Dichtungen. Miinster Diss. Miinster 1910; 94 pp. Baldxnspxbgkb. F. RO VI (1910) 590. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 87 England and Goethe in the nineteenth century See also Byron, Oarlyle, Maturin, and Seott>Goethe. Of. [916]. tSASBAzm, G. Ein engliBches TJrbild fiir Goethes Faust. Inter- [847] nationale Monatsschrift fiir Wissenschaf t, Kunst u. Technik VI (1911-1912) 111-126. W. A. Madoeks of Carnarvonshire. . -. LE XIV (1911) 881-888. HoHLFELD, A. B. Goethe's opinion of English life and char- [848] acter and the scenes at the seashore in the second part of *'Fau8t." Paper read before the MLA (Central division) Indianapolis Ind. Dec. 1912. English life and character as determining largely the social and political ideas exprest in "Faust II" 11559ff. See PMLA XXVIII (1918) appendix xxvii-xxviii. English literature and Heine See Bams, Byron, Oray, Irring, Milton, Ossian, Shakespeare, and Steme>Heine. England and Hettner Wnsz, J. J. Hettner et le XVIIP sidcle anglais. In "Sur [848a] Goethe." Paris 1892. English literature and Hohenhausen See also [949]. Hackenbkro, F. Elise von Hohenhausen. Eine Vorkampferin [849] u. t^bersetzerin englischer u. nordamerikanischer Dichtung. Ein Beitr. z. einer Gesch. d. literar. Wechselbeziehungen zwischen England u. Deutschland. Diss. Miinster 1913; 107 pp. English literature and Graf von Schack Walter, Ekich. Adolf Friedrich Graf von Schack als tJber- [850] setzer. BBL X (1907) 179 pp. Translations of Thackeray, Keats, Wordsworth, Browning, Tenny- son, Coleridge, Arnold, Poe, and others. English literature and Julian Schmidt See English literature and Freytag [845]. English literature and Bichard Wagner See also Wagner and Shakespeare [782]fr. EocH, Max. Auslandische Stoffe u. EinflUsse in Richard [851] Wagners Dichtung. 8VL lU (1903) 401-416. Wagner's admiration for W. Scott. Otway and "Die Hochieit.*' Bnlwer's "Rienzi"> Wagner's "Rienzi." Influence of Inring's "Storm ship" on "der fliegende Hollander" denied ; cf . Ashton Ellis. Quarterly journal of the London branch of the Wagner society Y (1892) 4-26. tBsiCHELT, Kurt. Bichard Wagner u. d. englische Literatur. [852]. Breslau Diss. Leipzig 1911; 51 pp. = Chapter I and II of [858]. 88 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. £ Reichelt, Kubt. Kichard Wagner u. d. englische Literatur. [853] Leipzig 1912; 179 pp. Shakespeare, Bulwer Lytton, Carlyle, Scott, and Wagner. POPK, Paul R. JEGPh XIII (1914) 469-471. F5K8TER. Max. ShJ XLIX (1918) 24&. GOLTHER, W. DLZ XXXIII (1912) 2593-2594. Brandl, a. ASNS CXXVII (1911) 472. English literature and Weber See also Tennyson and Weber. BussE, E. Friedrich Wilhelm Weber als Obersetzer u. Ver- [854J mittler englischer Dichtungen. Diss. Miinster 1912; 84 pp. Specific English and American influences Austen (Jane) and Keller Dick, E. Eine Quelle G. Kellers! Siiddeutsche Monatshefte [855] 1910; 232-237. Browning in Gtrmany Phelps. Wm. L. Bro^-ning in Germany. MLN XXVUI (1913) [855a] 10-14. Bibliography of translations and monographs. Albbecht, R. Robt. Brownings Verhiiltnis z. Deutschland. [856] Diss. Miiuchen 1914; 79 pp. Bulwer Lytton and German literature tScHMiDT, Julian. Bulwer Lytton (1869). In **Bilder aus d. [856a] geistigen Leben unserer Zeit. *' I. Leipzig 1870; 268-343. Bulwer Lytton and Gutzkow fPRiCE, Lawrence M. Karl Gutzkow and Bulwer Lytton. [857] JEGPh XVI (1917) 397-415. Bulwer Lytton and Wagner See [8r>l)-[853J. Burns and German literature tJACKs, W. Robert Burns in other tongues. Glasgow, J. ^Nlac- [858] Lehose and Sons. 1896; xix -|- 560 pp. Pp. 1-170: Specimens of translations by K. Bartsch, Ferd. Freilig- rjith, A. von Wintorf«>Id, and others. Burns and Gt'ibcl Heller, Otto. Gcibels Naehahmung d. *' Banks and braes o' [859] bonnie Doon.'' SVL IX (1909) 95-99. Burns and Gocthr fPRiCE, L. M. A note on Goethe's advocacy of Burns. Prog. [859a] American philol. assn. Pacific coast division. San Fran- cisco, Nov. 30, 1918. Burns and Heine Zenker. Rudolf. ITeinos achtos ^'TnuimbiUr* u. Burns', * Molly [860] beggars.'' ZVL VII (1894) 245-251. 1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 89 Buns and Heyse Bitter, O. Heyse u. E. Burns. ASNS CVIII (1902) 133. [861] BuTM and Stelzhamer WiHAN, Josef. Franz Stelzhamer u. Eobert Bums. Euph X [862] (1903) 193-209 and 632-642. Stelzhamer's translations and freo adaptations of Bnms's poems. Byron and German literature Plaischlen, Casab. Lord Byron in Deutschland. Centralblatt [863] fur Bibliothekswesen VII (1890) 455-473. List of all German translations of Byron. There are eleven com- plete translations, 22 of "Manfred," 17 of "Harold," 11 of "Don Juan.*' VON Treitschke, H. Lord Byron und d. Radikalismus. In [863aJ ''Hist. u. Polit. Aufsatze." 3 Aufl. Leipzig 1867; 316-358. GoiTSCHALL, RuD. Byron u. d. Gegenwart. Portrats u. Studien. [864] Leipzig 1870 and Unsere Zeit 1866 II 480-511. Blaze de Bury, Henry. Lord Byron et le Byronisme. RDM XI [865] (1872) 513-550. Schmidt, Julian. Lord Byron. In ''Portraits aus d. 19. Jh.'' [866] Berlin 1878 j 1-50. Pp. 37—50: Byron in Germany. WiDDiOEN, O. Lord Byrons Einflusz auf die europaischen [867] Literaturen d. Neuzeit. Ein Beitr. z. allg. Lit.-gesch. Han- nover 1884; 132 pp. 2. durchgesehene Aufl. Leipzig 1901; xiii 4- 153 pp. The new edition is practically identical with the first but contains as "Anhang" no. [839]. Arnold, R. P. SVL III (1903) 118-121. MuLLNER. L. Lord Byron in seiner Bedeutung fiir d. Ent- [868] wick lung d. modern en Poesie. Neue freie Presse 12754 (1900). = Bets [245]. ACKERMANN, R. Lord Byron, sein Leben, seine Werke, sein [869] Einflusz auf d. deutsche Literatur. Heidelberg 1901; xx -+- 188 pp. Storosuenko, N. J. Byron's influence on European literature. [870] In "Iz oblasti literatury*' (Treatises on literary history). Moskow 1902; no. 9. Holzhausen, p. Lord Byron u. seine deutschen Biographon. [871] BMAZ 1903 III 233-236 and 243-246. Ackermann 19C1. Koeppel 1903. Elze 1886. Gottschall 1870. Brandes 1900. Bleibtreu 1896. Weddigen, O. Lord Byrons Einflusz auf d. deutsche Literatur. [872] Janus I (1904) 194-206. A reprint of a part of no. [867]. 90 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 OcHSENBKiN, WiLHELM. Die Aufnahme Lord B7T0118 in Deutsch- [873] land, etc. (1904) = [902]. AcKEBMANN, E. Nouero Forschungen iiber Byron. OBM I [874] (1909) 368-380. DoBOSAL, G. Lord Byron in Deutschland. Prog. Zwittau 1911; [875] 25 pp. AuEBBACH, B. Vom Weltschmerz. (1862) Pp. 224ff. in "Deut- [876] sche Abende" N. F. Stuttgt. 1867. Gnad, Ebnst. Der Weltschmerz in d. Poesie. (1869). In [877] "Literar. Essays" 2. Aufl. Wien 1891. (Joethe, Byron and others. Zdziechowski, M. Der deutsche Byronismus. Przeglud Polski [878] CVII (1892) 513-550 and CIX (1894) 306-322. Lenau and Heine. Babewicz. W. Euph I (1894) 417-418. Arnold, K. F. Der deutsche Philhellenismus. Euph III (2. Er- [879] ganzungsheft) 1896; 71-181. Arnold adda bibliographical notes in SVL III (1008) 117. Pboxlsz, Johannes. Das junge Deutschland. Ein Buch [880] deutscher Geistesgesch. Stuttgt. 1892; 804 pp. Byron's influence on "d. Jtrnge Deutschland'* emphasiied. Kbause, Feanz. Byrons "Marino Faliero." Ein Beitr. z. [881] vgl. Lit.-gesch. Prog. Breslau 1897-1898. German versions of the theme by Kruse, Ludwig, Lindner, Murad Effendi. M. Greif, and Walloth. GlOdx, O. ES XXVIX (1900) 145-148. Hock, Stefan. Die Yampirsagen u. ihre Yerwertung in d. [882] deutschen Literatur. FNL XYII (1900) 133 pp. "The Vampire," a tale begun by Byron on the lake of Geneva 1816, completed by his physician Pelidori, and publisht under Byron's name 1819, was highly esteemed in Germany and helpt the vampire theme to a new popularity in Germany. Stikfkl, a. L. SVL VI (1906) 273-276. Byron and Geihel Sprenoer, B. Eine Stelle in Byrons ''Childe Harold" TV, [883] 140ff. u. Geibels *'Tod d. Tiberius." ES XXXII (1903) 179-180. Byron and Goethe See also [954]. Sand, Geoboe. Essai sur 1e drame fantastique. Goethe, Byron, [S^] Mickievicz. BDM Dec. 1, 1839. = BeU [2195]. VON HoHENHAUSEN, Elise. Rousseau, Goethe u. Byron. Kassel [885] 1847; 119 pp. 1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 91 Mazzini, G. Byron e Goethe. Scritti litterari d'un italieno [886] vivente. Lugano 1847. Translated into German by Ad. Friedrich Schack in "Anhang" to "Joseph Mazxini u. d. itolienische Einheit." Stuttgt. 1801. Badly translated into English in Vol. II of "Life and writings of J. ICaxzini." 6 vols. London 1870. Brandl, Alois. Goethe u. Byron. Ein Vortrag. Wien, 18. [887J Nov. 1882. 6sterreichische Bundschau I (1884) 61-70. Springer, B. Goethe u. Byron, "Faust" u. "Manfred." In [888] '^Essays z. Kritik u. Philosophie u. z. Goethe-Lit." I. Min- den 1885; 318-330. WsBNEE, Joseph. Die personlichen u. literarischen Wechselbe- [889] ziehungen zwischen Goethe u. Byron. BFDH II (1886) 181-190. Althaus, Fbiedrich. On the personal relations between Goethe [890] and Byron. PEGS IV (1888) 1-24. See also BMAZ nos. 24-25 (1888). tSmzHEiMER, Siegfried. Goethe u. Byron; eine Darstellung d. [891] personlichen u. literarischen Verhaltnisses mit bes. Be- riicksicht. d. "Faust" u. "Manfred." Heidelberg Diss. Miinchen 1894; 84 pp. Brandl, A. Goethes Verhaltnis z. Byron. GJ XX (1899) 3-37. [892] Valentin, V. Goethes Verhaltnis z. Lord Byron. BFDH XVI [893] (1900) 239-244. BowEN, Anna. Byron's influence upon Goethe. Dial (Chicago) [894] XXVIII (1908) 344-147. Wetz, W. Zu Goethes Anzeige d. "Manfred." ZVL XVI [895] (1905-06) 222-226. Byron and Grahhe EiMER, M. Byron u. Grabbe. Frankftr. Ztg. 1903, no. 15. [896] tWiBHR, J. The relation of Byron to Grabbe. JEGPh VII [897] (1908) 134-149. Byron and Grillparzer Wyplel, Ludwio. Grillparzer u. Byron. Zur Entstehungsgesch. [898] d. Trauerspieles: "Ein treuer Diener seines Herrn. " Euph IX (1902) 677-698 and X (1903) 159-188. Passages from Byron's "Marino Faliero," "The two Foscari," and "Sardanapalus" paralleled with passages from Grillparxer's "Ein treuer Diener seines Herrn." tWYPLEL, Ludwig. Byron u. Grillparzer. Ein Beitr. z. Ent- [899] stehungsgesch. d. "Ahnfrau." GpJ XIV (1904) 23-59. 92 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 Byron and Heine fMELCHiOR, Felix. Hoinrich Heines Verhaltnis z. Lord Byron. [900] Leipzig Diss. Berlin 1902; ix + 169 pp. and LF XXVII (1903) 169 pp. ACKERMANN. R. ES XXXIV (1904) 402-404. Lees, J. MLR I (1906) 152-154. Brie, F. AB XVIII (1907) 41-44. Suujkr-Gebing, E. DLZ XXVII (1906) 539-540. ScHALLES, E. A. Heines Verhaltnis z. Shakespeare, mit einem [901] Anhang iiber Byron. Berlin Diss. Berlin 1904; 68 pp. Petsch, R. ShJ XLI (1905) 260-262. fOCHSENBEiN, WiLHELM. Die Aufnahme Lord Byrons in Deutsch- [902J land u. sein Einflusz auf d. jungen Heine. Bern Diss. Bern 1905; x + 228 pp. and UNSL VI (1905) x -f 228 pp. Lee, S. J. MLR I (1906) 152-154. Hatfield, J. T. LblGRPh XXVII (1906) 267-269. ACKERMANN. R. ES XXXVII (1906) 258-260. Brie, F. AB XVIII (1907) 41-44. Beyer, Paul. Der junge Heine. Eine Entwicklungsgesch. [903] seiner Denkweise u. Dichtung. Bonner Forschungen I. Berlin 1911; 202 pp. Pp. 62-73: Byron u. d. Abschied von Hamburg. Byron and Lasalle LuDWio, E. Lord Byron und Lasalle. Neue Rundschau XXII, [903a] 2 (1911) 931-949. Byron and Schopenhauer DiJHRiNO, E. Der Pessimismus in Philosophic u. Dichtung. [904] Schopenhauer u. Byron. Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift. Stuttgt. 1865; 189flF. Carlyle and German literature Mann, M. F. T. Carlyle und Deutschland. Lichtung I (1907) [904(/] 145-151. Carlyle and EcJccrmann Fligel, E. Carlyle und Eckermann. GJ XXIV (1903) 4-39. [9046] Carlyle and Goethe Mi'LLER, Max. Goethe and Carlyle. Coutcmp. rev. XLIX [905] (1886) 772-793. Reprinted in PEGS 1886. Norton, Charles Eliot. Correspondence between Goethe and [906] Carlyle. London, MacMillan and Co., 1887; 362 pp. Anon-. Blnckwood's map. CXLTI (1887) 120-123. Anon. AM LIX (1887) 849-852. Anon. Goothes u. Carlyles Bricfwcchsel. Berlin 1887; 248 pp. [907] A German version of [906] with an introduction by H. Oldenberg. Orimm, H. I)R III (1887) 4.3-57. Gkigek. L. Gegenwart (1887) 404. 1919] Frice: Engliah^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 93 Norton, Charles Eliot. Correspondence entre Goethe et [908] Carlyle. Revue bleue LI 1 (1913) 641-643, 673-680, 710- 714, 749-753. Introduction by Norton. Translation by G. Khnopff. MuLLSB, — . Carlyles personliche Beziehungen z. Goethe. [909] BFDH XVI (1900) 262-304. fKiLLNER, Leon. Goethe u. Carlyle. WDPh Koln (1896) [910] 97-99. Kkllxeb, Leon. Goethe u. Carlyle. Die Nation 1897; 380-383 [911] and 399-403. Carlyle and Nietzsche WiLHELMi, JoH. Heinrich. Thomas Carlyle u. Friedrich Nietz- [912] sche: wie sie Gott such ten u. was fiir einen Gott sie fanden. Gottgn. 1897; 88 pp. 2 Aufl. Gottgn. 1900. VON WiECKi, E. Carlyles 'Helden" u. Emersons ''Reprasen- [913] tanten" mit Hinweis auf Nietzsches tybermcnschen. Kri- tische Untersuchungen. Konigsbg. 1903; 76 pp. DupROix, J. J. Carlyle et Nietzsche. Rev. Suisse, May, 1907. [913a] Clemens and Germany VON Thaler, C. Mark Twain in Deutschland. Gegenwart LV [914] (1899) 376-378. Henderson, Archibald. The international fame of Mark [914a] Twain. NAR CXCH (1910) 803-815. Coleridge and Fries Broicher, Charlotte. Fries und Coleridge. PrJ CXLVII [914a] 247-272. Cooper and Germany IBarba, Preston A. Cooper in Germany. GAA XVI (1914) [915] 3-60 and in ''Indiana Univ. studies'' XXI (1914) 52-104. Cooper and Goethe Wukadinovic, Spiridion. Goethes ''Novelle'* (1827); der [916] Schauplatz; Coopersche Einfliisse. Halle 1909; 127 pp. Cooper and Hauf fBRENNER, C. D. The influence of Cooper's '*The Spy" on [916a] Hauff 's ''Lichtenstein." MLN XXX (1915) 207-210. Cooper and MoUhausen fBARBA, Preston A. Balduin MoUhausen, the German Cooper. [917] AG XVn (1914) 188 pp. Cooper and Stifter Saxter, August, iiher den Einflusz d. nordamerikanischen Lite- [918] ratur auf d. deutsche. GpJ XVI (1906) 21-51. Sauer, a. (The above) translated by Woodworth. Congress [918al of arts and sciences, St. Louis exposition, 1904. Reports. vol. Ill, N. Y. 1906. 94 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 t Cooper and Struhherg Babba, Preston A. Friedrich Armand Stxoibberg. GAA XIV [919] (1912) 175-226, XV (1913) 3-64, 115-143 and AG XVI . (1913) 151 pp. Darwin and Germany Brace, C. L. Darwinism in Germany. NAB CX (1870) 284- [920] 299. Dickens and Germany See also [831al. tScHMiDT, Julian. Charles Dickens (1870). In "Bilder aus d. [921] geistigen Leben unserer Zeit." II. Leipzig 1870; 1-119. tFREYTAO, GusTAV. Ein Dank fiir Charles Pickens. Grenzboten [922] 1870 II 481-484. Gesammelte Aufsatze II. Leipzig 1888; 239-244. tLuDwio, O. Dickens und die deutsche Dorfgeschichte. In [922a] his "Gesammelte Schriften" (ed. A. Stern), Leipzig 1891; VI 74-80. NOACK, K. Charles Dickens und die deutschen Volksbiblio- [922l>] theken. Blatter fur Volksbibl. und Lesehallen. 1912; 159-165. tGEissENDOEFER, J. T. Dickens' Einflusz auf Ungern -Sternberg, [923] Heszlein, Stolle, Raabe u. Ebner-Eschenbach. AG XIX (1915) 51 pp. DicJcens and Ehner-Eschenhcich See also [923]. FiJRST, Rudolf. Literarische Verwandtschaften II. Charles [924] Dickens u. Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach. Die Zeit (Wien) XXXIII (1902) No. 430. Diclcens and Freytag See also [845] and [976]. fVoLK, Vera. Charles Dickens' Einflusz auf Gustav Freytags [925] Roman "Soil u. Haben." Prog. Salzburg 1908; 15 pp. fFRETMOKD, Roland. Der Einflusz von Charles Dickens auf [926] Gustav Freytag mit bes. Beriicksicht. d. Romane "David Copperfield" u. "Soil u. Haben." PDS XIX (1912) 98 pp. BALDXNBPXEaSB. F. RO IX (1918) 597-598. Dickens and Ludwig Muller-Ems^ Richard. Otto Ludwigs Erzahlungskunst. Halle [927] 1909; 125 pp. LonRX. H. DLZ XXVII (1906) 2014. tLoHRE, H. O. Ludwig u. Ch. Dickens. ASNS CXXIV (1910) [928] 15-45. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influencee — Bibliography 95 tLuDER, Fritz. Die epischen Werke Otto Ludwigs u. ihr Ver- [929] haltnis z. Chas. Dickens. Greifswald Diss. Leipzig 1910; 165 pp. BALDXNSPnoxB, F. BO YIII (1912) 567-568. * Dielcens and Baabe See [928]. Diehens and Beui'er Geist, H. Fritz Beuters literarische Beziehungen z. Charles [930] Dickens. Diss. Halle 1913; 43 pp. I>icken8 and Spielhagen fSKiNNER, M. M. Brief notes on the indebtedness of Spielhagen [931] to Dickens. JEGPh IX (1910) 499-505. Emerson in Germany VON Ende, a. Emerson-t^bersetzungen. LE V (1903) 1323- [932] 1326. Three new translations. WiLLEB, — . Ein amerikanischer Geschichtsphilosoph u. sein [933] deutscher t^bersetzer. Magazin fiir d. Lit. d. In- u. Aus- landes 1886; 257. = Betz [4082]. Emerson and Gnmm HoLLS, Frederick William. Introduction to "Correspondence [934] between B. W. Emerson and H. Grimm" (1856-1871). Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1903; 1-13. (rolsworthy and Hauptmann Tbumbauer, W. H. B. Gerhard Hauptmann and John Gals- [934a] worthy, a parallel. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, Phila- delphia 1917; 81 pp. No influences fchown. Goldsmith and Beuter fKNAAK, G. F. Beuter u. O. Goldsmith. ZDU XIII (1899) [935] 208-210. Goldsmith and Winterfeld ZupiTZA, J. Oliver Goldsmiths "She stoops to conquer" als [936] Quelle von A. von Winterfelds komischem Boman "Der Elephant." ASNS LXXXV (1890) 39-44. Gray and Heine Gl6de, O. Thomas Gray u. H. Heine. ES XVII (1892) 181- [937] 182. Parallel passages. 96 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Hale and German literature Baeba, Preston A. '*Em Mann ohne Vaterland." MLN [938] XXIX (1914) 165-166. Karl Fr. v. Wickede'g "Mann ohne Vaterland," a plagiariam of Edw. E. Hale's "Man without a country," and its subaeqaent history in America. Harte and Freiligrath KiNTH, H. Freiligrath u. Bret Harte. Gegenwart 1876; 393. [939] = Bets [4091 J. Irving and German literature See [825], [826]. [834J, [851]. Irving and Uauf tPLATH, Otto. Washington Irvings Einflusz auf Hauff. Euph [940] XX (1913) 459-471. Irving and Heine Kabel, p. Die Quellen fur Heines "Bimini" und "Mohren- [940a] konig." ASNS CXVII (1906) 256-267. Jonson and Tieck See also [2136]. Stanger, II. Der Einflusz Ben Jonsons auf Ludwig Tieck. [941] SVL I (1901) 182-227 and II (1902) 37-86. I. Tieck's translations and imitations of Ben Jonson 1793—1800. II. Jonson's "The devil is an ass." (1614) and Tieck's "Anti- Faust" (1801). PBJtY, E. ES XXXII (1903) 127-129. Keats and Holderlin Wenzel, Guido. Friedrich Holderlin u. John Keats als geistes- [942] verwandte Dichter. Prog. Magdebg. 1896; 28 pp. No influence shown. Hoops. J. ES XXIV (1898) 321-324. Kipling and Germany Bkodmanx, C. Rudyard Kipling in deutschem Gewande. Ge- [943] genwart, Apr. 2, 1898. = Bets [2370]. ME\T»nELD, Max. Kipling-t^bersetzungen. LE II (1900) [944] 1441-1443. Lewis and E. T. A. Hoffmann RiTTER, Otto. Zu d. Nachwirkung des '*Monk.'' ASNS CXI [945] (1903) 119-121. Longfellow and German literature See also [830]. WORDEN, J. P. Cber Longfellows Beziehungen z. deutschen [946] Litteratur. Halle Diss. Halle 1900; 39 pp. No influence of Longfellow on German literature shown. I 1919] Trice: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 97 Campbell, T. M. Longfellows Wechselbeziehungen z. d. [948] deutschen Literatur. I Deutsche Elemente in Longfellows Werken. Leipzig Diss. Leipzig 1907; 78 pp. No second part has appeared. Baldinspesobb, F. RO VI (1910) 83. t Johnson, Amandus. Some unpublished letters to H. W. Long- [949] fellow. A chapter in German-American relations. GAA XIX (1917) 66-70. One letter from Elise von Hohenhaasen, two from her daughter. Marbwe and Wilhelm MUUer Steio, Beinhold. Wilhelm Miillers tJbersetzung von Marlowes [950] "Faust '' (1818). Euph XIII (1906) 94-104. Badt, B. Neudruck d. ersten deutschen t^bersetzung von Mar- [951] lowes '* Faust" (Wilhelm Miiller 1818).' Pandora II. MiJn- chen 1911; 172 pp. Introduction gives a good account of Marlowe's "Faustus" and its influence in Germany. F6B8TEB, M. ShJ XLVIII (1912) 844-345. Marhve and Grabhe See [222]. Mauinger and Arnim Sprexoer, R. Zu Philipp Massingers "The virgin martyr." [952] ES XX (1896) 146-148. Massinger's "The virgin martyr/' III, 4, and the poem "Dorothea u. Theophilus" in "Des Knaben Wunderhom." ^amnger and Beer-Hofmann See under [969]. ^aturin and Goethe SuPHAN, B. Anzeige d. Trauerspiels "Bertram" (von Ma- [953] turin) nebst Proben einer tJberaetzung (von Goethe). GJ XII (1891) 12-32. Bernays, Michael. Goethe, Maturin u. Wolfe. In "Schriften [954] z, Kritik u. Lit.-gesch. II." Leipzig 1898; 203-222. Goethe's interest in Maturin's "Bertram" in 1817 and admiration for "Byron's," properly Wolfe's, "Burial of Sir John Moore." Meredith and Germany vox Bi'xow. Frieda. Meredith in Deutschland. LE VI (1904) [954a] 1637-1639. Milton and Heine Levy, Siegmund. Anklange an Milton in Heines Schopfungs- [955] liedern. AL XII (1884) 482-483. Disparaged by Pizzo [229] 143. Moore and Freiligrath See [843]. 98 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.- Ossian and Heine tVos, B. J. Notes on Heine. MLN XXIII (1908) 25-28. [95 Otway and Hofmannsthal WiNTHER, Fritz. * ' Das gerettete Venedig, ' ' eine vergleichende [95 Studio. UCPMPh III, 2 (1914) 246 pp. Otway (1682), La Fosse (1698). Hofmannsthal (1905). A com- parison. No attempt to prove influences. Baker, Gko. E. JEGPh XIII (1914) 606-610. Fehr, B. AB XXVI (1915) 248-250. Poe and German literature Betz, Louis P. Edgar Poe in Deutschland. Die Zeit XXXV [958] (1903), 8-9, 21-23. Ch. Baudelaire as an intermediary. Spielhagen's propaganda. 1865. Spiclhngen's specimens in "Amcrikanische Gedichte." Elise von Hohenhausen the first translator (en. 1848). Strodt- mnnn, Hedwig L*nchmann, and later translators. Influence obvious only in most recent poetry. fEDWARD, Georg. Poe in Germany. In **The book of the Poe con- [959] tenary.'' Univ. of Virginia. 1909; 73-99. WXciiTLER, P. Edgar Allan Poe u. d. deutsche Romantik. [960] Diss. Leipzig 1911; 109 pp. HIPPE, F. Edgar Allan Poes Lyrik in Deutschland. Diss. [961] Miinstor 1914; xi -|- 91 pp. Poe and Blcibtrtu Prager, II. Karl Bleibtreu u. E. A. Poe. BMAZ No. 5 1909. [962] Poe and Spiclhagcn Cobb, Palmer. Edgar Allan Poo and Friedrich Spiclhagcn. [963] Their theory of the short story. MLN XXV (1910) 67-72. Mitchell, Robert McB. Poe anTieck'8 "William Lovell" (1795) and Achim von Arnim'8 "OriEn Dolores" (1810). Bmce and Beer-Hofmann ScHWARz, Ferdinand H. Nicholas Rowe. **The fair pen- [969] itent." A contribution to literary analysis with a side reference to Richard Bcer-Hof niann *s **Der Graf von Charolais'' (1904). Bern Diss. Bern 1907. Beer-Hofmann acknowledges also his indebtedness to Massinger and Field's "The fatal dowry" (1632). Brik, F. ShJ XLV (1909) 280. RiCHTKB, H. ES XL (1909) 119-121. Schurs and Germany Bakth, Th. Karl Schiirz, d. Vermittler zweier Nationen. Die [970] Nation XXV (1899). Scott and German literature Schmidt, Julian. Walter Scott u. seine Bedeutung fiir unsere [971] Zoit. Westermanns Monatsheftc XXVI (1869). Presumahly identical with [972]. tScHMiDT, Julian. Walter Scott (1869). In **Bilder aua d. gei- [972] stigen Leben unserer Zeit. '^ I. Leipzig 1870; 146-242. MaKiRon, Louis. Le roman historique k I'epoque romantiqne; [973] essai sur 1 'influence de W. Scott. Paris 1898. 2 ed. Paris 1912; xiv + 443 pp. No infl.uence on German literature discnst. IWengeh, Karl. Historische Romane deutscher Romantiltcr. [974] Bern Diss. Bern 1905; 90 pp. Identical with r.txt following number, but with discussion of Tieck not included. IWexger, Karl. Ilistorische Romane deutscher Romantiker [975] (Untersuchungen iiber d. Einflusz Walter Scotts). UNSL VII (1905) 121 pp. Scott's reception in Germany; Fouqu^, Arnim, Ticck. Hoffmann, H. SVL VII (1907) 154-158. Scott and Alexis See Scott and Hiiring. Scott and Freytag See also [845]. Ulrich. Paul. Gustav Freytags Romantechnik. BDL III (1907) [976] 133 pp. Influence of Scott's novels as well as of Goethe's "Wilhelra Meister" on Freytag's novels. Dickens's novels mentioned incidentally. Lindau, p. SVL IX (1909) 133-135. Dresch, J. RG V (1909) 110-111. 100 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol, £ Scott and Goethe Bernats, M. Varnhagens Briefe. Beziehungen Goethes z. [977] Walter Scott. In "Schriften z. Kritik u. neueren Lit.- gesch." I. Stuttgt. 1895; 19-95. R0E8EL, LuDWio, K. Die literarischen u. personlichen Bezie- [978] hungen Sir W. Scotts z. Goethe. Leipzig Diss. Leipzig 1901; 92 pp. No influence of Scott on Goethe shown. Scott and Hiiring tKoRPP, Hermann A. Scott u. Alexia. Eine Studie z. Technik [979] d. hist. Homans. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1907; 143 pp. Scott and Hauff Cf. [916a]. tEASTMAN, C. W. Wilhelm Hauflf's "Lichtenstein." AG III [980] (1900) 386-392. tCARRUTH, W. H. The relation of Hauflf's " Lichtenstein " to [981] Scott ^s ''Waverley." PMLA XVIII (1903) 512-525. tScHUSTER, M. Der geschichtliche Kern von Hauffs '^Lichten- [982] stein." Darstelliingen aus d. wurttemberg. Gesch. I. Stuttgt. 1904; vii + 358 pp. tDRESCHER, M. DieQuellen z. Hauffs "Lichtenstein." Pf VIII [983] (1905) vii -f 146 pp. Pp. 54-61 : Scott and "Lichtonstein." fTHOMPSON, Garrett W. Wilhelm Hauff 's specific relation to [984] Walter Scott. PMLA XXVI (1911) 549-592. Scott and Immermann PoRTERFiELD, Allen W. "Ivanhoo" translated by Immermann. [985] MLN XXVIIl (1913) 214-215. Scott and Ludwig LoHRE, Heinricu. Otto Ludwigs Romanstudien u. seine Erzah- [986] lungspraxis. Prog. Berlin 1913. Pp. 16-17: 8cott>Ludwig. P. 18: Dicken8>Ludwig. L. M. RG X (1914) 240. Scott and Behfues IlorER, E. tn)cr W. Scotts Einflusz auf Ph. J. Behfues^ Roman [987] '*Scipio Cicala." Prog. Mahr. Weiszkirchen 1909; 42 pp. Scott and Spindler KoNiQ, Joseph. Karl Spindler. Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. hist. [988] Romans u. d. Unterhaltungslektiire in Deutachland. BBL XV 1908; 158 pp. Wernkr. R. M. DLZ XXIX (1907) 2915-2917. (W(>mer claims that Konig has slited too much the influence of Scott on Spindler.) • • ^^19] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 101 ^Aflip and German literature Bab, J. Shaws Ankunft in Deutschland. Schaubiihiie 52 [989] (1908) 259-262, 292-296, 315-318, 345-348. vox Sanden, Katharina. Shaw u. aein tJbersetzer (S. Tre- [990] bitsch). Biiddeutsche Monatshefte 62 (1908) 450-463. Shelley and Hehhel BuoHWALD, O. Die Dramatiker Shelley u. Hebbel. Deutsches [991] Afuseam. 1867. rrBetx [2220]. Shelley and Herwegh Ta^del, H. Einleitung z. "Herweghs Werke." Berlin 1912. [992] Bd. in, 18-19; cf. also III, 197-198. Shelley's "Song of the men of England" 1839 and Herwegh's "Bundeslied ftlr d. allgemeinen deutschen ArbeitsTerein" 1864. Snei^^ifij^ fl„^ German literature See [329] and [380]. Smollett and Engel Brandl, Leopold. Engels '*Herr Lorenz Stark" (1801) und [993] Smolletts "Humphrey Clinker." Prog. Wien 1902; 22 pp. "Die Behauptung Spielhagens, dasz Engrel ein Vorbild bei Smollett gesucht, cine Fignr von ihm entlehnt hatte, ist unbedingt znr^ckzuweisen." Spencer and Germany DiBDEN, R. A German appreciation of Herbert Spencer. West- [994] minster rev. CXLVHI (1897) 604-610. A review of Otto Gaupp's "Herbert Spencer" Stuttgt. 1897. Sterne and Brentano See [345]. Sterne and Heine IVacano, Stefan. Heine u. Sterne. Zur vgl. Lit.-gesch. Berlin [995] 1907; 83 pp. BAiJ>EN8PEBaKR, F. RG III (1907) 617. Arnold. R. P. LE XII (1910) 670-671. Koch, M. DLZ XXIX (1908) 100. Kbatz. p. AB XX (1909) 46-48. IRansmeier, J. C. Heines * * Reisebilder * ' u. Laurence Sterne. [996] ASNS CXVII (1907) 289-317. EcKERTZ, Erich. Heine und sein Witz. LF XXXVI (1908) [996a] vi -h 196 pp. Sterne and Hippel See [346]. Sterne and Immermann Bauer, F. Sternescher Humor in Immermanns "Miinch- [997] hausen." Prog. Wien 1896. 102 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Sterne and Kerner Gaismaier, Josef, t^ber Justinus Kerners * * Reiseschatten " [998] (1811). Ein tieitr. z. Gesch. d. Romantik. ZVL XIII (1899) 492-513. Stowe and Germany Maclean, Grace E. '* Uncle Tom's cabin'' in Germany. Diss. [999] Heidelbg. 1910 and AG X (1910) ix -f 102 pp. Statistics. Bibliography. Influence on Hacklander and Auerbach. Baldikspxroir. F. RG IX (1913) 598. Tennyson and Germany See also [830]. SCHMiTT, K. Alfred Tennyson in Deutschland. Deutsches [1000] Museum 1853. zrBeti [22011. Meyer, Wilhelm. Tennysons Jugendgedichte in deutscher [1001] tJbersetzung. Miinster Diss. Miinster 1914; 127 pp. Tennyson and Fr, W, Weber Hocks, M. D. Tennysons Einflusz auf Fr. W. Weber. Miinster [1001a] Diss. 1916; 54 pp. Tennyson and fVildenbruch SCHLADEBACH, K. Tennysons u. Wildenbruchs Harolddramen. [1002] SVL II (1902) 215-228. Denies influence of Tennyson on Wildenbruch and holds any possible influence of Bulwer's "Harold" on Wildenbruch to be negligible. Thackeray and Goethe VuLPius, Walter. Thackeray in Weimar. The century maga- [1003] zine LIII (1897) 920-921. An intimate view of the Goethe family about 1830 showing the friendly relations maintained with English guests at Weimar. DoRNETH, J. Thackeray bei Goethe. Deutschland (Weimar) [1004] (1912) no. 195. Ticain and Germany See Clemens and Germany. Whitman and Germany RiethmOller, R. W. Whitman and the Germans. GAA IV [1005] (1906) 3-15, 35-49, 78-92. Treats only of German influence on Whitman. fLESSiNO. O. E. Whitman and his German critics. JEGPh IX [1006] (1910) 85-98. tTHORSTENBERO, E. The Walt Whitman cult in Germany. The [1007] Sewanee review XIX (1911) 70-86. Knortz, K. W. Whitman u. seine Nachahmer. Leipzig 1911- [1008] 12; 159 pp. 1919] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 103 BoHME, Traugott. Whitman '8 influence on German poetry. [1009J Paper read by title before MLA, New Haven, Conn. Dec. 1917. "Growth of Whitman's popularity in Germany since 1899. Native literary traditions favorable to his reception (Free verse; Stifter). Assumed similarity of his style and teachings to those of Nietzsche. J. Schlaf, apostle of the Whitman cult and uncritical imitator. Amo Hole's indebtedness to Whitman in poetical theory and practice. Artistic tendencies acting against Whitman. Criteria of Whitman's influence among the younger school of lyricists ( Schmidtbonn, Lissauer, Werfel). Whitman and dynamic poetry. Alfons Paquet's "Anf Erden." Becent translations and critical comments." Whitman and Schlaf SCHUF, Johannes. Mein Verhaltnis z. Whitman. Lese III [1010] (1911-1912) no. 28. Whittier and Germany Eastbubn, Tola K Whittier 'b relation to German life and [1011] thought. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania and AG XX (1915) 161 pp. Pp. 145—147 and 160: Whittier in German translation. ^^e in Germany Meterfeld, M. Oscar Wilde in Deutschland. LE V (1903) [1012] 458-462. Meterfeld, M. Wilde, Wilde, Wilde. LE VII (1905) 985- [1013] 989. Translations of Lachmann, Landauer, Greve, Rdszler, Kiefer. Crit- icisms of Hagemann, Greve, F. Blei. DiETZ, C. Wilde-Literatur. LCbl Beiblatt 1905; 117-120, 361- [1014] 364. ^olfe and Goethe See [954]. Wordsworth and Muller Miller, Anna E. Wordsworth and Wilhelm Miiller. AG III [1015] (1899-1900) 206-211. Wordsworth*! "Song of the wandering Jew" ; Miiller's "Der ewige Jude.'* 104 University of California Publications in Modern Philology INDEX OF INVESTIGATORS The names of the investigators are followed by the serial of their works according to the assignment of the bibliographj. B< are not included in the index. Abramczyky R., 533. Ackermann, R., 869, 874 . Adams, K., 697. Aigner, K., 356. Alafberg, F., 499. Alberts, W., 677. Albrecht, P., 125. Albrecht, R., 856. Alford, R. G., 113,516. Althaus, F., 890. Ames, P. W., 206. Andrae, A., 965. Anonymous, 73, 208a, 907. Anwand, O., 123, 682. Appell, J. W., 337. Arnold, R. F., 879. Asmus, J. R., 288. Aszmann, B., 718. Auerbach, B., 876. Bab, J., 989. Bacherach, A., 311. Badt, B., 834, 951. Baker, T. S., 335, 808. Barba, P. A., 812, 813, 828, 915, 917, 919, 938. Barnstorff, J., 368. Bartels, A., 647. Barth, T., 970. Bartmann, H., 672. Bauer, F., 351, 997. Baumgartner, M. P., 182. Beam, J., 86. Beekhaus, H., 578. Becker, G., 462a. Beckmann, J. H., 676. Behmer, K. A., 350. Bolden, H. M., 818. Belouin, G., 86a. Bonedix, R., 412. Benkowitz. K. F., 233a. Bennett, J., 732. Benzmann, H., 836. Berg, L., 566. \9ry4, 977. Bernavs, M., 493, 708, 709, 711, Botz, *L. P., d, k, 1, 958. Beyer, P., 903. Bever, V., 266. Biederman, K., 72, 92, 473. Biltz, K., 172. Bion, U., 370. Bischoff, F., 58a. Bischoff, H., 726. Bitterling, R., 586. Blankenburg, C. F., 194a. Blaze de Bury, H., 653, 86i Blei, F., 279. Bleibtreu, K., 222. Block, J., 301. Boas, F. S., 293. Bobertag, F., 273a, 2736. Bode, W., 110. Bodmer, H., 230. Bodmer, J. J., 139. Bohm, W., 20. Bohme, T., 1009. Bohtlingk, A., 514, 549, 56 Bojanowski, M., 101. Bolin, W., 651, 660, 674. Bolle, W., 16. Bolte, J., 19. 38, 40, 42, 43 225, 433, 451, 452, 457, 4< Bondi, G., 318. Bonet-Maurv, G., 265. Borcherdt, II. H., 204a. Bordier, P., 825. Bormann, W., 562, 645a. Boucke, E. A., 316. Bo wen. A., 894. Boyd, P]. I. M., 259. Brace, C. L., 920. Braitmaier, Fr., 816. Brand, A., 192. Brandeis, A., 202. Brandl, A., 104a, 224, 417 714, 887, 892. Brandl, L., 993. Braun, H., 675. Brauns, C. W. E., 591. Brenner, C. D., 916a. Breul, K., 121. Brie, F., 25. Briggs, F., 198. Brodmann, C, 943. Broicher, C, 914a. Brown, H., 109. Briiggemann, F., 180. Bruinier, J. W., 68. Brunhuber, K., 24. Buchholz, J., 297. 1919] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Bibliography 105 Bnchwald, 0., 991. Biirg, F., 454. Borkhardt, C. A. H., 515. Bosae, E., 854. Bj-se, F., 228. Campbell, T. M., 948. (^andiea, G., 165. ^aro, J., 127. ^««*o, Jakob, 354. ^rr, M. G., 106. £aj"i"xith, W. H., 100, 981. ^astle, E., 69, 819. Caw ley, -., 528. ^^t:er, A. G., 733. ^J^bb, E. W., 513. C^tt liquet, A., 517a. ^^:t-k, C. H., 124, 191, 193, 194, X*^l), p., 963. J^^^man, B. R., 118. J;^^ii, A., 28, 34, 450. ^llDron, G. I., 802a. ^^^Vlignon, A., 21. J;^ixrad, H., 492, 669, 671, 717, 727. ^^^•bin, J., 443. );^rTii8h, F. F., 159. ^^"eizenach, W., 39, 62, 66, 67a, 71, -^36, 437, 445, 446a, 483. >;^^088, E., 675. Wosland, J., 147. ^liiger, J., 36, 150, 161. ^zerny, J., 342, 346. Daffis, H., 431, 520. Daffner, H., 529. Beetz, A., 273. Dessoir, M., 324. Devrient, E., 594. Devrient, O., 641. Dibden, B., 994. Dibelius, W., 715. Dick, E., a55. Bietz, C, 1014. Bilthey, W., 314. Dobosal, G., 875. Donner, J. O. E., 968. Doring, P., 500rt. Dorneth, J., 1004. Drescher, M., 983. Duhring, E., 904. Duncker, A., 56. Duntzer, H., 340, 510. Dnproix, J. J., 913a. Duschinsky, W., 573. Eastburn, I. K., 1011. Eastmann, C. W., 980. Ebert, J. A., 367. Ebner, E. L. A., 821. Ebstein, E., 495. Eckart, J. H., 154&. Eckertz, E., 702, 996a. Edward, G., 959. Egan, M. F., m. Ehrmann, E., 242. Eichler, A., 185. Eimer, M., 896. Eloesser, A., 88. Elson, C, 327. Elster, E., j. Elze, K., 8a, 74, 488. Engel, E., 634. Engel, J., 561. Erbach, W., 842. Ermatinger, E., 326. Ernst, P., 637. Eschenburg, J. J., 466. Ettlinger, J., 302. Evans, M. B., 49a, 444, 446, '447. Falke, J., 252. Fath, J., 216. Faust, A. B., 810, 822. Fellner, B., 687. Ferguson, I., 203. Fielitz, W., 251. Fietkau, H., 581. Fischer, K., 477. Fischer, O., 691. Fischer, B., 648. Flaischlen, C, 7, 863. Flindt, E., 79. Florer, W. W., 100a. Fliigel, E., 14, 800, 904b. Frankel, L., 624, 625, 628. Franzel, W. F. A., 84. Frenzel, K., 432. Frerking, J., 730. Fresenius, A., 534, 551. Freymond, B., 926. Freytag, G., 664, 922. Frick, A., 281. Friedlander, M., 424. Friedrich, P., 636. Friedrich, T., 541. Fries, A., 690. Fritz, G., 239. Fulda, L., 465. Furst, B., 90, 291, 924. Gallinger, H. P., 95. Gaylev, C. M., 1. Gebhard, B., 721. Geiger, L., 152. Geissendoerfer, J. T., 923. Vniveraity of California Publicationt in Modern Philology [Vol, 9 Ocist, H.. 930, Gcnee, R., 427, 617, 661, 710, 716. OirhflHs, K. A., 735. OorJFke. R,, fl42. 643. GicHxinc, C. P.. Ulo. GinrNet, K.. 358. Oliiil.-, O., 937. Gna-I, E.. 877. Oopbpl. J., P3, 111. Ooclpke, K., 16o. 85. Gopthp, J. W., 707. GoetziDger, E., 263a, 491. GoMnmith. E. W., S34a. OoMstein, L . 556. Goop|nii;ibt. S. H., 4. Golliein. M. 91. GottFt^ljHll. R., 8(14. Grnhau, C, 632. Orabbe, C. D.. 404r, A., 464a. 661a. Haeer, H.. 134. Hallani. G., 476a. Halm. H., 1796. HamH. R.. 250, 501n. Harmti. P.. 6.1. narnaok, O., 511. Harris, C. 45n. 50. Hartmann.C, 369, Hartmann. H.. 364. HartiiDK. W., 1-"6, 163, Hntrti. T. C, 320. Hatfii'ld-Hocliliaiim. 94. Hauffen. A., 136, 413, 592. Haiiptmann, G., 418. Haiiwhild, O. &., 526. Hepht. H., 635. HMouin, A., 338. H»|;Dauer, A. G., 162, Heine, 0„ 89, 115, Heine, H., 405. Hoi . H., ! ireller, O., 221, 823, 824, 827, SGB, Hemmer, H., 251a, Henderson, A., 914German Literary Influences — Bibliography 109 Schrader, H., 614. Schreiber, C. F., 655. Sehroer, M. A., 463. SeMddekopf, K and Walzel, O., 712. Schuster, M., 982. Schwartz, B., 57, 58. Schwarz, F. H., 969. Schwering, J., 840. Sch winger, R., 133a. Seidenaticker, O., 77. Sendel, K., 543. Servaes, F., 81a. Seuffert, B., 608. Siegfried, E., 723. Simpson, M., 609. Sinzheimer, 8., 891. Skinner, M. M., 931. Smith, C. A., 801. Smith, G. G., p. Soff6, E., 204. Sollas, H., 200. Speek, H. G. B., 734. Spengler, F., 60. Spirigatis, M., 6. Spranger, E., 322. Sprenger, R., 205, 220, 233, 269, 283, 534a, 572, 574, 623, 883, 852, 952. Springer, R., 339, 888. 8tadler, E., 613. Stahr, A., 468. Stammler, W., 540. Stanger, H., 941. Steig. B., 950. Steinke, M. V., 366. Stem, A., 411. Steuber, F., 330. Stewart, M. C, 360, 362. Storoschenko, N. J., 870. Strecker, H., 680a. Startevant, A. M., 570. Sniger-Gebing, K, 255. Suphan, B., 197, 321, 476, 530, 953. Tanger, G., 438. Tardel, H., 675rt, 992. ten Brink, B., 289. Terte, J., f. Thayer, H. W., 167, 336, 349. Thomas, W., 364a. Thorns, W. J., 406a. Thompson, G. W., 826, 984. Thorstenberg, E., 1007. Tieck, L., 27. Tittmann, J., 31, 55. Tobler, G., 372, 489. Tombo, B., 243. Tomlinson, C, 519. Trautmann, K., 35, 41, 449, 459. Trumbauer, W. H. R., 934a. Turkheim, L., 160. Uebel, O., 207. Uhde-Bemavs, H., 610. Ullrich, P.,*175, 176, 177, 178, 179a. Ulrich, O., 246a. Ulricb, P., 976. Ulrici, H., 426, 426a, 504, 504a, 506, 558. Umbach, E., 155. Unflad, L., 401. Urban, E., 23. Vacano, 8., 995. Valentin, V., 893. Vaughan, C. E., 81. Vetter, T., 13a, 15, 65, 102, 102a, 103, 140, 157, 212, 425. Victory, B. M., 196. Viles, G. B., 231. Vincke, G., 329, 420, 421, 422, 582, 589, 633, 652a, 652&, 659, 685, 686. Vischer, F. T., 406, 414, 470. Vogeler, — ., 460. Volk, v., 925. Volkenborn, H., 846. Vollmer, C, 803a. von Antoniewicz, J., 587. von Billow, F., 954a. von Ende, A., 932. von Gersdorff, — ., 448. von Gleicben-Biiszwurm, — ., 658. von Hofmann-Wellenhof, P., 245. von Hohenhausen, E., 885. von Klenze, C, 807. von Krockow, L., 811. von Liliencron, B., 440. von Riidiger, G., 681. von Sanden, K., 990. von Thaler, C, 914. von Treitschke, H., 863a. von Weilen, A., 218, 429, 501, 650, 693a. von Westenholz, F., 61, 575. von Wiecki, E., 913. von Wlislocki, H., 267. von Wurzbach, W., 716a. Vos, B. J., 956. Vulpius, W., 1003. Waag, A., 271. Waag, E., 241. Wachtler, P., 960. 110 University of California Publicatiom in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Waetzoldt, S., 270. Wagener, C. B., 509. Wagener, H. F., 257. Wagner, H. F., 179, 181. Wagschal, F., 317. Waldberg, M., 107. Waldschniidt, K., 188. Walter, E., 850. Walz, J. A., 80, 96, 97, 219, 223, 363. . Walzel, O. F., 309, 310, 315, 325. Walzcl, O. and Schiiddekopf, K., 712. Wanamaker, W. H., 806. Waniek, G., 116. Warner, H. F., 181. Waterhouse, G., 17. Weddigen, O., 839, 867, 872. Wegmann, C, 835. Wehl, F., 683. Weiser, C. F., 313. Weis^, J. J., 848a. Wendling, E., 527. Wenger, K., 974, 975. Wenzel, G., 942. Werner, J., 889. Werner, R. M., 371, 679. Wetz, W., c, 694, 713, 713a, 716b, 895. Whitman, S., 9. Whvte, J., 832. Wiehr, J., 897. Wihan, J., 87, 240, 862. Wilhelmi, J. H., 912. Wilier, — ., 933. Winds, A., 430, 435a, 662. Winther, F., 957. Witkowski, G., 46, 545. Witte, E., 701. Wittsack, R., 688. Wodick, W., 52. Wohlgemuth, J., 210. Wolfe, L., 304. Wolff, E., 137, 415, 598, 599, 689. WolflP, M. J., 461, 525, 629. Wolfing, J. E., 663. Wolfateig, A., 87&. Wood, A., 187. Worden, J. P., 946. Worp, J. A., 47. Wukadinovic, 8., 119, 286, 583, 916. Wulker, R. P., 30. Wundt, M., 342. Wurth, L., 621. Wustling, F., 2136, 301a. Wyplel, L., 120, 898, 899. * Wysocki, L. G., 4.'56. Zabel, E., 595. Zart, G., 87a. 307. Zdziechowski, M., 878. Zelack, D., 728 Zenker, R., 860. Zernial, IT., 560. Ziegert, T., 199. Zsrhalig, — ., 830. Zsohau, W. W., 18. Zupitza, J., 936. zur Linde, O., 132. 1919] Price: English> German Literary In flueneea— Bibliography 111 CORRIGENDA* (Addenda are to be found on page 584ff) [1]. For XVII read XCII. [85]. For VIII read VII. [92]. For 48ff. read 483ff. [124]. For Clark read Clakex. [128]. For in read im. [140]. For Winterthiir read Winterthur. [161]. For 531-540 read 31-40. [191] [193] [194]. For Clabk read Glabke. [198]. For Moter read MdBer. [202]. For Brandeis, A. . . . Weimar read Brandl, A Wiener. [290]. Add Hermes, La Roche. [358]. Delete (1726-1780). [361a]. For I xi-xvi read II 135-170. [496]. Add Konigsberg diss. [596]. For Ludwig read Ludwig Schubart. [598]. For 337 read 347. [652c]. For Mkndheim read Wendheim. [675]. Place under * * GrUlparzer and Shakespeare.** [677]. For XXXII read XXXIII. [680J-[684]. Arrange alphabetically, [692]. Insert after [688], [856]. Omit. [914a]. For [914a] read [914b]. [916]. Delete (1827). [923]. For Geissendoeter read Geissendoerfei . [961]. Delete Allan. [1006]. Delete his. Page 104. For Brandeis, A. read Brandl, A. Page 105. For Czemyy J. 342 read 342a. Page 106. For Goldsmith read Goldschmidt. Page 107. For Mahn read Mann. Page 107. For Mendheim read Wendheim. Page 109. For Ullrich, P., read Ullrich, H. Page 110. For Wolfe, L., read Wolf, L. * These corrifends have reference to the Bibuoobaphy, Psrt I of this work. In order that they may be effective, it is suggested that the Biblioobapby be amended by hsnd as indicated aboTe. PART II. SURVEY k. ENGLISH > GERMAN LITERARY INFLUENCES BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY BY LAWRENCE MABSDEN PRICE PART II. SURVEY Contents PA0B8 IntToductlon .- — ~.........„....^....^ .^ ^ 119 Definition of term "EngIi8h>Oernian literary influence" — the mean- ing of ''influence*' at applied to individuals— conflicting theories regard- ing international influence — influences as accelerating agencies — helpful and harmful literary conjunctures — types of influence — present state of inyestigation of English>Oerman literary influences — selective nature of this work. Abbreviations and method .of citation 124 L ThB eighteenth century AND BEFORE (SHAKESPEARE EXCLUDED) Chapter 1. The seventeenth century in general ^. 125 Predominance of foren influence — English influence relatively un- important— ^Weckherlin atf an intermediary between England and Ger- many— Sidney's Arcadia — Latin novels — Owen's epigrams — English philosophers and theologians — English history in German literature. Chapter 2. The seventeenth century; dramatic influences 134 Sketch of researches regarding the English comedians — English players in Germany 1586ff. — the troupes and their leaders — the reper- toires— influence of the English players on German dramatic art — naturalism — transition from the English to the German language — rapid loss of poetic qualities of the plays — conjectures regarding the form of the stage— elaborate scenery and ooatumes— development of the r61e of the fool — literary influences — Henog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig — Jakob Ayrer — GundolTs views regarding the influence of the comediana. 114 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [A p Chapter 3. The eighteenth century in general General development of German literature in the eighteenth century — prestige of Koch's surrey — certain false impressions circulated there- by— Hohlfeld's advantageous division of the subject: three waves of •influence — four important literary centers — Lichtenberg as an inter- mediary between England and Germany — mediums of international interchange — journeys of German men of letters to England — corre- spondence—literary journals— crucial themes of investigation — brief mention of certain minor influences: Prior, Dryden, Bunyan, Defoe, Swift, English satire — the American revolution as viewed by certain German men of letters. Chapter 4. Addison and the moral weeklies Popularity of the new journalism in England and Germany — its rapid decline in England — its long continuance in Germany — depend- ence of the early German journals on the English ones — moral tend- encies of the journals — stylistic tendencies — the democratizing tendency — the beginnings of esthetic criticism — Addison's essay on Milton — the German discussion regarding Paradise lott — influence of the weeklies on certain German authors. Chapter 5. Pope Pope once regarded as an important influence in Germany — Shaftes- bury now reclaiming his due from Pope — importance of Pope's influence in regard to style— efforts of the German translators to imitate Pope's measure— controversy over the Ettay on man — the Et»ay on criticism — an attempt to adapt the Dunciad — possible influence of Pope on Haller — minor influence on Ew. Ch. von Kleist, Brockes, Hagedorn, Dusch — the stylistic influence alone of consequence. Chapter 6. Thomson The changing view of nature in England an evolution rather than a revolution — Thomson's Seasons as signalising the accomplisht evolution — their warm reception in England — their characteristics — untenable assertions regarding Thomson's influence on Haller and Brockes — Brockes as Thomson's sponsor in Germany — Kleist and other less suc- cessful imitators of Thomson in Germany — the question of the justifi- cation of descriptive poetry — adoption of Thomson's ideals by Hagedorn. Klopstock, and Schiller. Chapter 7. Milton's Paradise lost Milton's belated establishment in Germany — Bodmer's translation of Paradise lost (1732) — religious controversy occasioned thereby in Switzerland — literary controversy between Gottsched and the Swiss — the justification of the miraculous — Klopstock's inspiration received thru the Bodmer translation — his Messias (1748ff.) — Milton's Paradise lost at the hands of successive schools of German criticism — incongruities criticized by the rationalists — failure to satisfy the classic ideals of Winckelmann — Milton not rankt as an "Originalgenie" by the "Sttir^ mer und Dr&nger" — inrreast range acquired by German poetry thru Milton's did. Chapter 8. Young's Night thoughts Young's popularity in Germany — his literary position — recent new light on his character — the religious element in Young's poetry com- pared with that in Milton's — reception of the Night thoughts in Ger- many— Ebert and the lesser exponents of Young — extravagant praisa Price: Englishy> German Literary Influences — Survey 115 PA0I8 of Toang in the earlier yean — the more critical views of the elder Wieland, of Herder. Goethe, and Schiller — the enthusiasm for Yonng more than a fad — ^the transition from Milton's nniversal pathos to the Ijrie of indiTidnal sentiment — Young's prot4g£e, Elizabeth Singer Roire — the cult of friendship— pietism — ^the moral weeklies as heralds of Rowe — Rowe's popularity co-incident with that of Young. Chtpter 9. Maepherson's Osaian ^ 249 Sketch of Macpherson's career — the controversy regarding his Ottian — eharaeterixation thereof — the vogue of Ossian in Germany — Ossian u an original genius — Ossian as a sentimentalist — early extravagant praise— comparisons with Homer — Ossian and Klopstock — Klopstock's niTthology — ^bardic poetry — criteria of Ossianic influence: Ossianic msehinery and decoration, Ossianic comparisons — Klopstock's inquiries in regard to Ossianic poetry — Herder's espousal of Ossian — Gersten- berg's early skepticism — influence of Ossian on Gerstenberg — Denis's translations and imitations — Kretschmann — passing interest of Goethe, SehiDer, and the "Gdttinger Bund" — Goethe's cooling ardor and later ironical comment — ^the positive result of the Ossianic furor: an impulse to old Germanic atudies. Cluq)ter 10. Percy and the German folk song 266 Definition of Percy problem — Bishop Percy's contributions to liter- ature—his BiliquM — early interest in folk song in England — in Ger- many— temporary disrepute of the ''Volkslied" in Germany — sponta- neous new interest — Gerstenberg's studi^t — ^the interest of Hamann and Herder for the "Volkslied" — Herder's inconsistent use of the term — the crux of the question : the Percy>BtLrger influence — ^mistaken basis of asserted influence — the autochthonous origin of Lenore — relative unim- portance of the "Gdttinger Bund" as a herald of the "Volkslied" — ^the Percy collection as sanction for a similar German work — the early demand for a German Percy — ^the opposition of the "AufklKrer" — early German tranalations of Percy's songs: Ursinus (1777), Herder (1779), Bodmer (1781) — later translations: Bothe (1795), scattered transla- tiona in "Almanache," etc. — simultaneous interest in the collection of German folk songi — Alsatian folk songs and the Strassburg group (ea. 1771) — Boie's contributions in the Dtut§che» Museum — valuable services of Grater's Bragur (1791ff.) — other predecessors of Arnim and Brentano — the new tone as a criterion of influence — the Percy tone not unlike that of the German folk song — the case of Goethe. Chapter 11. Bichardson and Fielding 283 The literary predecessors of Richardson — his novels the first to exert a quickening infiuence on German fiction — their limited influence in England — the strength of Richardson as defined by Goethe — the early opposition of Richardson to Fielding in England — ^the contest repro- duced in Germany — ^the views of the critics — Lessing and Herder eclectic — Lichtenberg, Stunt, and Blankenburg as exponents of Fielding in theory — Gellert and Hermes as followers of Richardson in practice — Musius's attempt to imitate Fielding — ^the disparity between prevailing theory and prevailing practice — Resewits's explanation thereof — Field- ing's motifs in the "Sturm und Drang" dramas, a comparison of theories — ^the juster appreciation of Richardson and Fielding: Wieland and Goethe — ^Wieland's early enthusiasm for Richardson — Agathon and the turning away from Richardson — Sophie La Roche's fidelity to the perfect characters of Richardson — ^the influence of Richardson on Goethe's Wtriker — the transition to the self-ironizing WUhelm Meitter — the share of the English humorous novel in the transition. 116 University of California Publications in Modem Philology ["V p Chapter 12. Goldsmith and Sterne The German trsnsUtiont of the Viear of Wake/Uld — general trend of German criticism — ^popularity of the Viear — nnmeroua imitations — characterisation thereof — reasons for the popularity — Herder's praise — Goldsmith motifs in Goethe's life — Sterne's introduction into Germany — cool reception of Tristram Shandy — immediate popularity of the Stntimental foumeu — consequent interest in Tristram Shandy— con- stancy of Herder, Wieland, and Lessing to Sterne — congeniality of Wieland and Sterne — extent of Wieland's imitation— other imitators — Jacob! and the snuff-box hobby — Goethe's criticisms of Schummel's Beise — the opposition to Sterne: Richardson, Goldsmith, Garrick, Lich- tenberg, Stun, Moriti — the period of better imitations: Hippel's Lsbsnsldufs (1788). ThtLmmel's Reise (1785), Jean Paul's literary work (1783-1795) — Goethe's early enthusiasm for Sterne — ^his cooling ardor — generous praise in his later years — Goethe's so-called plagiarism in Wilhelm Msister — the nature of Sterne's influence on Goethe. Chapter 13. The middle-class drama The classic conception of tragedy and comedy as defined by Gott- sched — the breakdown of aristocratic distinctions — the democrat ixation of the tragedy in England — the elevation of the comedy in France — Lillo's Merchant of London and its influence in Germany thru Lessing's Miss Sara i9amp«on^-characterisation of the imitations — Moore's Oamester as a subsidiary model for Brswe's FreygHst — other imitations of the Oamester — the English milieu of the middle-class dramas in Ger- many— Schroder's utilisation of English dramas — middle-class dramas of a more indigenous type: Minna von Bamhelm, EmUia Oalotti, Ootg von Berliehinyen, die Rdvber — English connexions also present here — German fate tragedies of the early nineteenth century — their doubtful connexion with Lillo's Fatal curiosity. II. Shaksspeare in Germany Chapter 14. Dryden, Lessing, and the rationalistic critics The course of Shakespearean study in Europe — the legend of a Shakespeare long neglected in England — ^frequent' dramatic productions of Shakespeare in England in the seventeenth century — "The century of praise" — the tolerant views of Dryden, Rowe, Pope, Addison — the moral weeklies as heralds of Shakespeare in Germany — a controversy arising out of Borck's translation of Caesar (1741) — lapse of interest in Shakespeare thereafter — new stimulus from French critics, chiefly Voltaire — the legend of Lessing's priority as a herald of Shakespeare in Germany — Lessing's early dependence on Voltaire and Dryden — priority of Mendelssohn over Lessing in Shakespearean study — Losing's silence regarding Shakespeare after the 17. Ltf«raturbri«/— conservative tone of the Uamburgische Dramaturgic — various theories regarding it — Wieland the rationalistic translator — Schrdder the rationalistic producer. Chapter 15. Young, Herder, and the * * Sturm und Drang ' ' erities Increasing recognition of Young's importance as a critic of Shake- spe:ir« — his Conjectures not epoch-making in England — reception of the Conjectures in Germany — their stimulating influence on Hamann, Ctor- stenberg, and Herder — Herder's wavering views regarding Shakespeare — the question of Herder's influence on Goethe's early conception of Shakespeare— Lens's Anmerkungen iiber das Theater — their asserted priority to Herder's Shakespeare and Goethe's Oott — Lens's translations and imitations of' Shakespeare — Klinger and Shakespeare. Jfi20J Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 117 PAGES Chapter 16. Bohtlingk's Shakespeare und unsere Klassiker 402 Certoin inadeqnaciea in Bdhtlingk's method — (1) LttHng und Shakttptare — Bdhtlingk't OYer-emphasis on Dryden as Lessing's guide — ^hit conception of Leesing's abject reliance on Shakeepeare — some of hie Lesting-Shakeapeare parallels — (2) Ooeth€ und Shaketpeare — greater difficulty of this theme — "das Erlebte" in Goethe's poetry — Shakespeare regarded as untheatrical by Goethe — a new and better method of investigation forced upon B6htlingk — a comparison of poetic processes — certain Goethe-Shakespeare parallels— ^ote and Shake- aspeare's historical plays — FauH and HamUt — Egmont and Shakrapeare's character tragedies — Shakespeare as the theme of the Theatral%9chB JSendunp — gradual weakening of the Shakespearean impulse after the lirst Weimar period — ^new stimulus from Schiller — a second falling •way from Shakespeare — Romeo und Julia (1812) — Die natiirliehe Tochter (1803) — a re-quickening thru Fauet II — Fauet and The tempeet as allegorical dramas — (Goethe's works arbitrarily judged by Bdhtlingk according to the Shakespearean standard — (8) Schiller und Shake- epeare — Schiller's flrst acquaintance with the dramas of Shakespeare — their effects on his earliest works — Schiller's adhesion to Shakespeare as indicated by Bdhtlingk — reservations regarding the validity of Bdht- lingk's criticism. Oliapter 17. Gundolf' s Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist 425 Broad plan of Gundolfs work — Lessing contrasted with the earlier rationalists — impossibility of a Shakespeare>Lessing influence — Wie- land's partial susceptibility to Shakespeare's style — Shakespearean at- mosphere in Wieland's works — ^Wieland's Shakespeare the actual model of the "Sturmer und Drilnger" — Herder's new esthetic system — Shake- speare now first revealed in his totality in Germany — influence of Wieland's Shakespeare on Goethe's Qotz — Hamlet and Werther: the struggte with self in the renaissance and in modem middle-class life — Hamlet and Faust: renaiasance and "Bildungsxeitalter" — ^man in con- flict with the world: Shakespeare's historical plays and Ootz, Egmont, WUhelm Meieter, Fauet — fundamental differences between Shakespeare's views and Goethe's — the "Stiirmer und Drftnger:" Wagner, Lens, Klinger, Maler Miiller — Shakespeare and Schiller: the world for its own sake and the world as a dramatization of moral law — Shakespeare and the romanticists: Tieck, "der Phantast;" F. Schlegel, "der Denker;" A. W. Schlegel, "der Spraehmeister" — an adequate translation in the fullness of time — the nineteenth century and Shakespeare — conclusions to be drawn from Gundolfs book. Chapter 18. Shakespeare in the nineteenth century 445 Shakespearean interpretation in the nineteenth century under the tutelage of the romantic school — the wide basis of study planned by the romantic school — the history of the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin- 8hakesi>eare — revision of this edition and competing translations — the question of the inviolability of the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin translation in the light of its origin — Kleist's struggle to rival Shakespeare — his partial appropriation of Shakespeare's art — Grillparzer's struggle to keep himself free from Shakespeare — Hebbel's philosophy and Shakespeare's mutually exclusive — Shakespeare's tragic characters free agents strug- gling with self — Hebbel's characters fore-ordained to contend with the world in a certain way — Ludwig, Hebbel, and the turning toward the recent Ibsen type of drama — Ludwig between the two ideals — ^Wagner's hope of a "Drama der Zukunft" surpassing Shakespeare's — Grabbe's defiance of Shakespeare— Heine's classification of Shakespeare as both Greek and Nasarene — his admiration for Shakespeare's "Stimmungs- brechungen" — Shakespeare and Nietssche's "Uebermensch" — present-day values of Shakespeare for Germany. 118 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vo m. The nineteenth centubt and aftek (Shakespeare excluded) Chapter 19. The nineteenth century in general Sunken prestige of English literature circa 1800— certain English inflaences outlived in Germany — surviving influences: Shalcespeare, the English novel — ^the humor of Sterne and romantic irony — "Welt- literatur" — ^the Ooethe-Carlyle league — Goethe's sponsorship of Bums — England's literary indebtedness to Germany — England's political insti- tutions— their appeal to the Young Germans — English influences in connexion with the liberal regime of the fifties — gradual broadening of the scope of the novel under English sanction — ^the aged Goethe's appreciation of English characteristics. Gfhapter 20. Scott Scott's attitude toward history compared with that of the German romanticists — Scott's realism: the dramatic form of his novel — Alexis's view of history as contrasted with Scott's — the form of his novel com- pared with Scott's — HauiTs specific indebtedness to Scott and other English novelists — Freytag's adoption of Scott's novel as a standard of form — Scott's pictures of contemporary life and the German "Dorfge- schichte" — "Der Mensch an sich" as a novelistic theme — man in relation to his occupation the theme of the English novel — introduction of the latter type into the German novel. Chapter 21. Byron - Byron's conquest of contemporary Europe— rapid decline of his popularity in England — two early admirers in Germany: F. J. Jacobsen and Elise von Hohenhausen — types of Byronic poets in Germany: the philhellenes. the political poets, the "Weltschmersler" — Heine's dallying with the Byronic pose — estimates of Byron's influence on Heine — Byron, Heine, and the poetry of the sea — the relations of Goethe and Byron — Byron's debt to Goethe. Chapter 22. Dickens Dickens's early popularity in Germany — Otto Ludwig's appreciation of Dickens: "die musikalische Stimmung," "das mimische Element" — Freytag's appreciation: "Freude am Dasein" — Renter's appreciation: hatred of sham and hypocrisy, sympathy with the poor and opprest — subject matter, form, and atmosphere as criteria of Dickens's influence. Chapter 23. America in German literature America as a new theme for literature — economic and political connexion between America and Germany before 1850 — Goethe's interest in America — Wlllkomm. Kiirnberger, Lenau — popularity of the Ameri- can background — Cooper's vogue in Germany — his numerous imitators — pictures of realistic modem types: Howells, James, Clemens, Harte — reasons for the restricted influence of the American novel — lyric poetry: Ix>ngfellow. Poe. Whitman and the Whitmanites — American philosophy: Emerson — the widening gulf between America and Germany, 1850ff. Chapter 24. The twentieth century Addenda to Bibliography - Index of influences 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 119 Introduction The term English > German literary influences means in this survey the inflnences of English literature upon German literature. Influences in the opposite direction, if they were discust, would be designated as 0ennan>Engli8h literary influences. By English literature is meant the entire body of literature in the English language, whether written in England, America, or elsewhere, and by German literature is meant all literatore in the modem German language, Austrian and Swiss writers being included as well as writers of Germany proper. Some readers may regret the one sidedness of the present treatize, but even had the writer felt himself equipt for the double task of treating of the mutual relations, sneh a procedure would have been inadvisable from an artistic point of view. The resultant work would have been Janus -faced, lacking in unity and symmetry. In the excellent work of Waterhouse [17], wherein such a course is attempted, the unity hangs upon a slender thread. It is not in a partizan spirit that German > English influences are excluded from consideration. The writer is not aware of any critical bias excepting one in favor of literary free trade. He regrets that there ItAve not been more Klopstocks, Lessings, and Goethes, more Voltaires ud Bousseaus, more Carlyles, Margaret Fullers, and Longfellows, all of them good borrowers, and most of them no less good representatives of their national types in consequence thereof. As to the meaning of literary influence, when applied to an individual, tliere is a fortunate agreement among specialists in the subject. Mere imitation is not ignored by them, but it is no longer confused with ^terary influence. Literary influence does not take place until an author ^ns to produce independently and spontaneously after the manner of A predecessor. There is nothing servile about such a relation. Goethe, one of the most spontaneous of producers, confest himself subject to many influences in the course of his long life, yet remained always and distinctively Goethe. Freiligrath, on the other hand, imitated English literature thruout the greater part of his life, but it has not yet been shown that he was ever influenced thereby. It is not to be thot that an influence changes the character of any man or of any author's writings. ''Was im Menschen nicht ist, kommt auch nicht aus ihm,'' Goethe lets Hermann's father truly say. A work of literature cannot create any- thing in the reader. It can only quicken something latently there. Bodmer 's description of Milton 's influence on Klopstock is a good psycho- logical analysis of the phenomenon of literary influences.* When the term "influence" is applied to the action of one literature on another in its totality, the critics begin to talk at cross purposes, and it is evident that their underlying principles are different. Lessing said 1 See 8UBVXT, p. 230f . 120 University of Calif ornia Publications in Modern Philology [Vol - 9 that English models were more desirable in German literature th French ones on account of the congeniality of the English and Germ nation. Herder based his theory on the existence of a ' ' Volksseele^ and held Shakespeare free from the Aristotelian rules, because he w ^^ not sprung from the Grecian race and clime, and Taine, as is "^^^ known, wrote an entire history of English literature on a theory simi^ to Herder's. The views of Lessing and Herder have dominated, to large extent, the works reviewed in this survey. Many of the crit*- quoted here have seemed to adopt with moderations and modificaticF the view that a national literature has a character corresponding to t)m of the nation which produced it. To speak of the influence of 01 literature upon another under such presuppositions is to use a mighC^^ phrase. Not all the thousand witnesses here past in review suffice t^^ prove German literature as a whole to-day, or at any previous timi essentially different from what it would have been had the British Isle* always reposed at the bottom of the North Sea. The compiler of this work is bound to confess his skepticism regarding the existence of differentiating characteristics in national literature, well as in national life. It is entirely possible to characterize an author; it is possible to characterize a group of authors, or a literary age such as the Greek classical period, the German romantic period, or the age of Elizabeth; but if one, for example, attempts to find the terms that describe English literature in its totality, with its Beowulf , Chaucer, Shakespeare, Milton, Pope, Keats, Byron, Tennyson, Dickens, and Oscar Wilde, one must find terms so general that they will apply equally well to any other literature that has a complete course of life. For almost every second or third rate author in one country it is possible to find a counterpart in another, and if we direct attention to the geniuses of first rank we are by no means nearer to a definition in terms of nation- ality; Luther and Goethe were as unlike each other as Shakespeare was unlike both. At any given moment, it is true, literatures may seem to be unlike each other, but this will be found due in most cases to the fact that they are at different stages of development. The literatures of western Europe in the nineteenth century, however, past thru similar phases almost simultaneously. Even tho we feel constrained to admit that influences are limited in the scope of their operation, that they cannot permanently give an other- wise never adopted direction to a whole body of literature, they are none the less too important to be overlookt. Individual works, individual authors, even individual periods are affected by outside influences, and some of the works affected thereby are objects of close concern to us. We would not amend the lines of Homer, Shakespeare, or Goethe, even where we can clearly see flaws therein. We are, therefore, interested in everything that ma^e those works just what they are. We have a similar attitude toward historical facts. We are interested in the rain- storm that delayed Bliicher, even tho we feel certain that Napoleon would have been eventually defeated whether he came soon or late. 1920] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Survey 121 InflaenceSy after all, like Blucher's rainstorm, are largely hastening or retarding elements, and as such are of the utmost consequence in the niee adjustments of society. The intellect of a child of five is not a dangerous element in a community, unless it happens to be housed in a bodj that has the strength of twenty years; but an entire race is likely to beeome a dangerous element in society if it suddenly reaches world power without the quality of self-criticism that comes ¥nth maturity. There are fortunate and unfortunate conjunctures in literature. When it came to be Germany's turn to enjoy the fruitage of the renaissance, the thirty years' war interfered and the fruitage was postponed, with ^0 result that Germany's highest literary products are more modern in ^Aognage and in tone than those of England's greatest literary period. This is fortunate for our age, but was deplorable at the time. The spirit o' a Luther or of a Hans Sachs was able to break thru the clumsy trammels of an undevelopt language, but how many equally fine but ^^•8 sturdy spirits may have been held to earth thereby! ^is survey is able to record at least one instance of a fortunate ^justment. At the beginning of the eighteenth century German liter- *ture was still rather bare of poetic qualities. It had to advance by ^^p8 and bounds to be ready for Goethe seventy-five years later. The "I'eneh and English literatures, like good pace makers, kept just a few *tepg ahead during this time. Goethe, more than any other, profited by **ie effect of this stimulus. Without it he would have lived and written, ^ be sure, but he would have written otherwise, and he would have left ^t to another to demonstrate the full poetic range of the German language. It should next be noted that literary influences are of different types. Crondolf has introduced order into the study of this subject by the arrangement of his Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist. He has divided bis work into three parts: (1) Shakespeare als Stoff, (2) Shakespeare als Form, (3) Shakespeare als Gehalt. Gundolf borrowed his classifi- cation no doubt from Goethe, who may perhaps have derived it in turn from conversations with Herder;' but whatever its origin, it is a classi- fication of general applicability. The first and lowest form of influence is proved by the parallel passage, theme, or plot. In the strictest sense these are not signs of influence, the term ''influence" being used out of courtesy or convenience only. The designation ' ' form influence ' ' explains itself, altho it is true that form .and content influences cannot always be strictly distinguisht, since form is so largely contingent upon content. The last type of influence brings us into the higher realms of literature. The great poet is a seer and therefore a creator. He gives a new content and value to human life. It is precisely the most gifted portion of humanity, his fellow poets, who are able to see his vision after him. But these 2 Goethe, Werke I 27, 345. Goethe relates in Dichtung und W.ahrheit X that Herder found his appreciation of the Vicar of Wdkefleld faulty: '*Er, der blosz Gehalt und Form achtete, sah freilich wohl, dasz ich vom Stoff uberwaltigt ward, und das wollte er nicht gelten lassen. " 122 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 gifted after-seers are men of personality too and of creative imagination. Out of the contact of powers arises often a third and higher view of life. The study of influences in this sense is often an investigation into the genetics of poetry. It is not the endeavor of the present work to penetrate these mysteries. This Survey is, as its name indicates, an extensive and not an intensive view. It undertakes to draw up approximat^y the sum of our present knowledge of English >Qerman influences, and by defining the known to suggest certain neglected episodes for later investigators. Such a survey would have been better written by one of the group of scholars who have made this study the work of many years, but men of this type prefer to devote themselves to original investigations and are doubtless well pleased to leave the task of compiling a bibliography and recording progress to a novice. It is true that surveys of the mutual relations of English and German literature have been written before, and indeed by distinguisht scholars, but Herford's work on the sixteenth century [13] has practically only German > English influences to show. Waterhoose [17] has refrained from dealing with the English influences on the German drama in the seventeenth century, and these were the only vital ones of the time. For the eighteenth century we have the monograph of Max Koch [76], as packt with information as any forty -page treatise could be. Written in 1883, it represents, however, an early stage of knowledge, for E. Schmidt's treatize on Bichardson, Bousseau and Ooethe [295], written eight years previously, marks the beginning of the inten- sive study. Of the works on the eighteenth century listed in the bibli- ography nearly all have appeared since 1883. In the light of these studies several statements of Koch need revision and nearly all need expansion. The time seemed at last ripe for such a summarizing treatment of the eighteenth-century English > German literary influences as is contained in the first two parts of this work, but now that the summary has been made the author realizes that it is not final. Despite the flood of literature dealing with Shakespeare in Germany, there is as yet no total survey of the history of Shakespearean criticism in Germany. Gundolf's work gives the quintessence but no details. Begarding the changing opinions of the nineteenth century, we are particularly ill-informed. We need some adequately equipt critic, who will undertake to do for Shakespeare what A. Ludwig has done for Schiller with his Schiller und die deuische Nachwelt [564]. The summary of the eighteenth -century influences in general is inadequate and partial, as the author well knows, for another reason: The account of the increasing sway of the English influence is incomplete without a more constant reference to the diminishing but still tenacious French influence. The third part of this survey is neces- sarily the least satisfactory, partly because nineteenth century authors have only recently been deemed worthy of scientific consideration; hence the influence of Dickens and some others has been discust in but a partial 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 123 way while the influence of Emenon, to mention one striking instance, has been treated practically not at all. The chief difficulty, however, lies in the fact that we have to do in the nineteenth century not with simple inflnenees but with highly complicated interrelations. To criticize individual monographs in this survey has been found almost Buperfluous. A markt uniformity of quality has prevailed, due to the fact that most of these investigations have originated under sifflilarlj favorable conditions, that is to say, under the auspices of German and American universities. The researches seem also to have been prosecuted with notable freedom from nationalistic bias. This survey has of course treated its basic material selectively. Only those monographs have been summarized which tend to show that some im- portant German poet, Oerman work, or German literary movement has been affected in a considerable way by an English influence. Sporadic and transitory literary vogues, instances of parallel passages, and other minor phenomena frequently regarded as evidences of influence receive only passing mention, or none at all. The symptomatic significance of soeh lore is recognized by the inclusion of many suggestive titles in the BiKJOQRAPHY which supplements the Survey. In conclusion I wish to express my indebtedness to those who have made it possible for me to complete this work. It was Professor U. K. Schilling of the University of California who first suggested that I pro- vide a Survey to accompany my Bibliography. Since then he has sup- ported me generously with his assistance, particularly by reading my MS at the early and plastic stage in its development, when it was possible to profit by his abundant detailed criticism. My interest in this particular phase of the literary history of Germany was first aroused by Professor A. R. Hohlfeld of the University of Wis- consin several years ago. I thank him also for permission to use his fundamental conception of the three waves of English influence that reacht Germany from England in the eighteenth century. Helpful as this idea has been to successive groups of students at Wisconsin he has left it to one of his pupils to first give it a slightly broader circulation thru the printed word. My wife prepared the first typewritten manu- script of this work and the successive revisions, read with me all the proofs, and shared with me all of the labor of preparing the copy for the press. If the work shall be found to possess any grace or uniformity in detail it is largely due to her help. As the work approacht a conclusion Professor Hohlfeld read all the galley proofs, pointing out sins of omission as well as commission; Professor Evans of Ohio State University read the proofs of Chapter 2, and Professor Kind of Wisconsin those of Chapter 8. To all the scholars who have helpt me I am deeply grateful. As I have always revised on the basis of suggestions it is entirely possible that I may have introduced some errors into the work despite the vigilance of my censors. 124 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 0 Abbreviations and method op citation (a) The list of abbreviations in the Bibliography pp. 6-8, applies also to the SuEVEY. (h) Quotations from certain authors are cited according to standard critical editions of their works, for which the following abbreviated designations are used: Biedermann, Ge^proc^e = Biedermann, Goethes Gesprache* (Leipzig 1910) ; 5 vols. Borne, 5c^riff cti = Borne, Gesammelte Schriften (Hamburg 1862); 12 vols. Eckermann, Ge«prache = Eckermann, Gesprdche mit Goethe^o (Leip- zig 1910) ; 805 pp. Freytag, FFerJte = Frey tag, Gesammelte Werke (Leipzig 1896-1898); 22 vols. Qoethe, ITerJttf = Goethe, Werke Weimar edition (Weimar 1887if.) 129 vols. Hamann, iSc^ri/ten = Hamann, Schriften ed. Both and Wiener (Berlin 1821-1843); 15 vols. Heine, ITerJte = Heine, Sdmtliche Werke ed. O. Walzel (Leipzig 1910-1914); 10 vols. Herder, Werke = Herder, Sdmtliche Werke ed. Suphan (Berlin 1877- 1899); 32 vols. Lenz, Schriften = Lenz, Gesammelte Schriften ed. F. Blei (Munchen and Leipzig 1909-1913); 5 vols. Lessing, iSc^ri/ten = Lessing, Sdmtliche Schriften ed. Lachmann- Muncker (Stuttgart and Leipzig 1886-1907); 21 vols. Ludwig, Schriften zzzhudyrigf Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Ad. Stem and £. Schmidt (Leipzig 1891-1899) ; 6 vols. Schiller, irerilre = Schiller, Sdmtliche Werke, Sakularausgabe, ed. £. von der Hellen (Stuttgart and Berlin 1904) ; 16 vols. (c) Works listed in the Bibliography are cited in the Survey according to their bibliographical serial number. Bibliographical references con- taining an X in the brackets are to be found in the addenda, page 584f. (d) The elevated numeral after a bibliographical entry denotes the edition, e. g. Schmidt [126]* I 36 indicates Schmidt's Lessing etc., 2nd edition, vol. I, p. 36; cf. Eckermann above. (e) Volume, if any, is indicated by the roman numeral following the designation of the work. The page is given in arables without the abbreviation p. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 125 SURVEY FABTI THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE (Shakespeare excluded) Chapter 1 THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY IN GENEBAL ''Wenn man eines neusuchtigen Deutschlings Herz offnen und sehen sollte, wurde man augenscheinlich befinden, dasz fiinf Achtel desselben franzdsischy ein Achtel spaniach, eins italienisch und kaum eins deutsch daran gefunden werden." These frequently quoted words of Moscherosch in his Wahr- hafie Oesichie Philanders von Sittenwald (1642) call attention to the fact that despite the prevailing fondness for things foren, English influences in the middle of the seventeenth century had as yet failed to make their impress upon the social life and man- ners of the Qermans of the time. Moscherosch 's testimony not- withstanding, the influence of English literature was for the first time becoming faintly discernable in German literature at the be- ginning of the seventeenth century. In Herford's closely printed work of four hundred pages The Uterary relations of England and Oermany in the sixteenth century [13] England appears almost exclusively as the debtor nation. In that century Ger- man literature rarely rose above the level of social and religious tracts of a predominantly satirical tone, yet it was able to lend inspiration even to the Elizabethan dramatists. In the eco- nomics of literature the power to lend is always present, while the power to borrow to advantage depends upon the vigor of the borrower. In the seventeenth century the influence of English literature upon the German was but sporadic. German literature was dis- tinctly under the ban of foren influence. Nearly all the con- 126 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 spicuous features of life, trends of taste, and literary characters emphasize this fact. The characteristic social form of the time was the **Sprachgesellschaft/' The **Fruchtbringende Qesell- schaft," later called the **Palmenorden,'' was founded in 16X7 by Prinz Ludwig of Anhalt-Kothen. The **teutschgesinnte Ore- nossenschaft" of Hamburg (1643ff.) was led by the purist ZeBetx- The **Pegnitzschafer" of Niirnberg (1644ff.) were under tl*^ sponsorship of Klaj and Harsdorffer, the grammarians. Tl^* * * Elbsch wanen ' ' (Hamburg, 1660-1667) were under the leader- ship of Johann Rist. A common chief aim of all these at^^ similar societies was the elevation and the purification of t^^ Qerman language, especially the supplanting of French aO^ Latin words. The very existence of these societies testifies the consciousness of a danger threatening the language, even the method of combating the encroachment was suggested from without. The model of the "Fruchtbringende GteseU- schaff was the *'Accademia della Crusca" of Florence (1582) - The cherishing of the vernacular was furthermore a commoa renaissance tendency. Qermany participated as a late convert in a change of taste in fiction. The love story reached its climax in Amadts of Gaul, a Portuguese romance of about the year 1500. This type of novel had enjoyed a great popularity; but a reaction in favor of the simple life had already set in. Jacobo Sannazaro's Arcadia (Naples 1504), Montemayor's Diana (Portugal 1524), D'Urfee's L'Astree (France 1607-1625), and finally the Arcadia of Sidney (England 1590), which Opitz translated into Qerman in 1638; these titles indicate the triumphant march of pastoral prose and poetry around the periphery of the continent to in- terior Germany. The prevailing literary contest in Germany was that between the purists and the bombasts or, as they are usually termed, the adherents of the first and of the second Silesian school; for strangely enough Silesia had come into literary leadership for the time. The affected bombastic trend had its counterpart in 1 1 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 127 ^'^1 Other countries ; in Italy it was represented by Marino, whose Strage degli innocenie appeared in 1630 ;^ in Spain by Qongora *^-i (1561-1627); in France by the **preeieu8es''; in England by Lyly, whose Eupkues appeared in 1579. Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635-1683), who gave his name to the trend in '^/ Germany (Lohensteinscher Schwulst), was accordingly one of the last to be affected. By common consent Martin Opitz (1597-1639) is the spokes- man of orthodox literary opinion of his time and country. When «yil a young man he had protested in a well written Latin ^atize, Arisiarchtis sive de contemptu linguae teutomcae (1617), against the excessive use of Latin and foren languages ^ Germany. He made it his life work to show that Germany ^txld have all the literary genres possible in other languages, -^^^re is something less than complete literary independence in ^*^i« very endeavor. Even his Buck van der ieutschen Poeterey ^^d many predecessors. One of the earliest in renaissance times ^'^s that of Hieronymus Vida, which appeared in Rome in 1527 ^^^der the title De arte poetica: Libri tres. J. C. Scaliger publisht ^is Paetices libri septem in Lyons in 1761 ; the seven-book division ^as retained by most of his successors. Du Bellay of the French *Pleiade'* wrote his Defense et illustration de la langue franqaise in 1549, which his colleag Ronsard contracted into the -Alrege de Vart poetique (1565). Sir Philip Sidney wrote his Apologie far paetry in the years 1579-1580.* Martin Opitz studied at Ley den (1620) under the noted Dutch grammarian Heinsius, author of Nederduytsche Poemata (1616), before pro- ducing his own Buck van der teutschen Paeterey in 1624. Again we have the typical advance from Italy thru the Romanic coun- tries to England and thence indirectly to Germany, this time by way of Holland. More frequently England's contribution to the common stream past back into Germany by way of France, while still other currents past directly from France or Italy into Germany, leaving England out of the course. » Translated into German by Brockes (1715), Der bethlemitische Kin- dermord, 2Cf. Brie, Sidneys "Arcadia" QF CXXIV (1918) 158. 128 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. From the foregoing it is clear that the English was only one of many foren influences operating in Germany in the seven- teenth century, and on closer inspection it appears as one of the least weighty of these. Waterhouse, in his monograph The literary relations of Engl^ind and Germany in the seventeenth century [17], treats of the reciprocal relations between the two countries. In the sixteenth centur>% as has been shown, Ger- many was the giver to England. In the eighteenth century she was to be the receiver. In the seventeenth century the accounts are brief, but Waterhouse finds the balance nearly even. It is true Waterhouse omits the drama from consideration, a considerable omission, for the English drama, as represented by the English comedians, was destined to prove itself the one permanent English literary influence of the time. There remain then, on the English > German side, for Waterhouse 's discussion about seven main topics. In the realm of lyric poetry Georg Rudolf Weckherlin (1584- 1653) is the only German of his time to display the results of English influence. Weckherlin was born in Tiibingen, he studied in Stuttgart, and traveled in France and England. For six years he was in the service of the Duke of Wiirttemberg. In 1616 he married an Englishwoman, Elizabeth Raworth. In 1622 or before he left Stuttgart, and in 1624 he entered the diplo- matic service in England. On the defeat of the royalists he lost his position as secretary for foren tongues to the committee of the two kingdoms and was succeeded by John Milton. He died in London in 1653. In spite of his preoccupation with state affairs, in spite of his long absence from Germany, and in spite of his imperfect technik, Weckherlin enricht his century with some of its best German poetry. Weckherlin is better known, however, on ac- count of his opposition to Opitz in the theory of metrics. Weck- herlin basenger. Certain of its members are mentioned as playing in ^e year 1671, and it is supposed that they took part in per- >rmances in Dresden of an even later date.^* Contemporaneous with the Browne-Greene troupe were other )mpanie8 which purported to come directly from England, he most notable of these were the Spencer troupe (1604-1623) *' William Kempe did not go with the others at this time, but his csence in Germany at a later time is attested. He is a well known ''sonage in English stage history. He was a player of Shakespeare's ^'niB and an incorrigible improviser. Hamlet *8 strictures in the speech the players are said to have reference to him. Regarding this as well Kempe 's continental journeys see Nicholson, Kempe and the play of ^^kt in Transactions of the new Shakespeare society , series I no. 8, 57-65. *t Kempe visited Germany is stated by Cohn [28] xxi and Bolte [38] 1. Cf. Creizenach [39] iii and Herz [45] 6. "'Bolte [40] xvi. »*» consists in part at least of the remnants of the old Browne-Gree*** troupe which Jolliphus from now on directed." Recent information in regard to players in Leipzig is parties" ularly difficult to harmonize with previously existing theoriu.** An entry of the city records, dated July 19, 1585, and reprinted by Witkowski [46], records the pajTnent of "5 Thaler de«* englischen Spiellouten, so ufm Rathhaus ihr Spiel mit allerleV Kurznvil gelrieben." Witkowski interprets "Kurzweil" B* inclusive of a comedy. It will be noted that this performance antedates by more than a year the arrival of the Danish players of Christian I, which has previously been regarded as the earliest api>earaiice of the comedians in Germany. The second item from Leipzig" also runs counter to pre- existing impressions. Hitherto no information could be obtai of any English cometlians in Germanj- between the date of arrival of Kempe's followers (1587) and the arrival of Bi » Kaulfu» Dieach [40] 142. >• ll*rt Hfll !l«. Km liopemls on Wolt«r, Chronoloffit der J CiUH. XriUfhrift lies BfTffi*rhf« tlftfhichtnfrfiKt XXXII. 103, <: Attention U aim ' " unknown truu •nB er ein Spiel vom reichen Mann gespielt." If Wustmann k riglit in seeing an Andrew Rudge behind this name, then the enttenee of a hitherto unknown company must be conceded. Eatries in a private diary indicate the presence of English oittrtainers in Leipzig in the years 1610, 1611, and 1613. One «iti7 reads, "Im Ostermarkt sind 2 Englische Comodianten lUhiergewest." Witkowaki, rather arbitrarily it seems, inter- preta this to mean two troupes of comedians. The entry of April 25, 1613 is also ambiguous: "Bis Pfingsten hat der Engellander Hanss Leberwurst mit s. Knaben Comodien gespielt inder Fleischergasse. " Whether two persons are meant here Iff ao entire English company is not clear. It would be strange, Werer, if the Leipziger Messen never sot to compete with the fVinkfurt feativals in theatricals of this type, and doubtless more decisive information will be produced in course of time. It is unlikely, however, that the existence of any hitherto ttnknown companies will be demonstrated. The sporadic per- fnTnances here and there were in all probability staged by itngglers of' the already well-known companies. It does not •eem likely that new companies coming from England would have found it easy to win large rewards. Even the old estab- liaht companies played with varying success. They discovered that it was first necessary to learn the German language, then that they must acquire the art o£ pleasing the spectators with- out conflicting with the city authorities. In times of little income there was a tendency to split up into smaller groupa, which were perhaps recruited by additions from amateur German talent. The term "eine neue, aua England heriibergekommene Truppe" probably- bo^^a aiHi'ilizing value, and doubtless some eom- I's Kii^'ltsli that had no valid claim to that variou>< wirtipanies differed widely in their The most reliable and honest of them awar-' of the inferior place assigned 140 University of California Puhlix^ations in Modern Philology [Vol. ^ by society to actors and accepted it as a matter of course. H® cherisht his reputation as a man and could remind the author- ities, **dasz er nie wegen t^berforderung der Spectatores oJ^^ sonstiger Unbill bestraft worden sei.''*® This was a rare di^' tinction for a player. The civic authorities addrest Browr:^^ always in terms of respect. He accepted a refusal from them ^^ final. He was not enterprizing and not inventive, but he neve^ ^ demeaned his art to gain the favor of the spectators. Green ^ was in most respects the opposite of Browne. He judged sue ^ cess by financial gain and, measured by that standard, was ^* good business manager. He met city councillors on a basis o equality. He preferred to seek a virgin soil rather than to cultivate the old fields. Sackville was a many sided artist who played all types of fool and clown with equal success. He later utilized his experience as buyer for his company and his popu- larity with people and court, by becoming a merchant and * * Hof lief erant ' ' in Braunschweig. Spencer was a Greene on a larger scale. He met the authorities with an attitude of superi- ority. HLs spectacles, especially his Tiirkische Triumph katnodie, were the most elaborate recorded. He treated the public with a certain mephistophelian irony. When accused he could play the role of the injured benefactor. Meeting opposition once in Kohl, he found a way nevertheless to continue his performance ; he argued about religion with the authorities and let himself and his company ostensibly be converted to Catholicism. As a reward they were permitted to play during Lent at an increast price. In Dresden and Berlin his change of heart was not known and he was received with the usual favor on his return. There was nothing grandiose in the faults of Jolliphus. Either the time or the immediate surroundings of the comedian ^s life seem to have had a depraving effect upon him. He is last heard of in Niirnberg, where lie played in May and June 1659. He was ordered out of the city at the end of September and again at the end of October ; he was then permitted to return on November "Herz [45] 22. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 141 U, only to be driven out again on account of a disgraceful row, of which he was the occasion. Information regarding the repertory of the English come- dians is far from complete. It is based chiefly upon fifteen lists of plays which were handed in to the city authorities by the comedians desirous of permission to play-® and upon a collection of the plays of the English comedians containing ten plays and five farces publisht in Leipzig in 1620 (2nd edition, 1624). On the basis of this and some miscellaneous evidence the following English plays have been listed by Creizenach as presented in Germany, or as related to some plays performed in Germany. The precise nature of the relationship is in most cases in doubt, ^erj' frequently the English play and the German play are sliown to have had a common origin in some well known Euro- pean romance ; but even in these cases some minor incident, a character, or some phrase shows that the English version has contributed something to the version of the comedians in Ctennany. John Still, Bishop of fiath: Gammer Gurtan's needle fiobert Wilmot: Tancred and Gismunde George Peele: Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes The Turkish Mahomet and Hyrin the fair GreeJc Christopher Marlowe: Doctor Faustus The rich Jew of Malta ■ The massacre of Paris Thomas Kyd: The Spanish tragedy Bobert Greene: Orlando Furioso A looking glass for London and England AlphonsuSf king of Arragon Henry Chettle: Patient Grissil WiUiam Shakespeare: Comedy of errors A midsummer night's dream The merchant of Venice The taming of the shrew King Henry IV Titus Andronicus Romeo and Juliet Julius Caesar Hamlet, prince of Denmark King Lear OthellOf the Moor of Venice The winter's tale 20 See Herz [45] 64-70. Thirteen of these are included in Creizenach [39] xxvii-xxxL 142 University of Calif ornia Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Pdeudo-Shakesperean plays: George Chapman: Thomas Dekker: Thomas Hey wood: William Houghton and John Day: John Marston: Lewis Machin: John Mason: Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher: Philip Massinger: John Ford: Henry Glapthorne: Lewis Sharpe: Anonymous plays: The two nohle kinsmen The London prodigal A Yorkshire tragedy Mucedorus The conspiracy and tragedy of Charles, duke of Byron Old Fortunatus If this he not good, the devil is in it King Edward IV The rape of Lucrece Friar Bush and the proud woman of Antwerp Parasitaster or the fawn The dumb knight The Turke The maid's tragedy . The prophetess The virgin martyr The great duke of Florence The broken heart Alhertus WallenMeiji The noble stranger The prodigal child Esther and Ahasverus Nobody and somebody with the true chronical historyie of Elidure, who was fortunately three several times crowned kinge of England Sir Thomas More The tragical life and death of Tiberius Claudiua Nero The following plays are also listed by Creizenach as indi- cating the existence of English plays which are now lost: Julio und Hyppolita Comodia von der schonen Sidea, wie es ihr bisz zu ihrer Verheuratung ergangen Tugend und Liebesstreit Schone lustige triumphirende comoedia von eines koniges Sohne aua Engellandt und des Koniges Tochter aus Schottlandt The four sons of Aymon The influence of the English comedians upon dramatic art was more important than upon literary production. These entertainers w^ere the first professional players in Germany. Their performances easily surpast in theatrical art the *'Schul- komodien/' the **Fa8tnachtsspiele/' and the productions of the **Ziinfte.** It is true that the **Zunfte" were semi-professional. Their members joined their talents and produced plays for money in their own cities and even journeyed to neighboring cities, biit 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 143 they never abated their dignity as citizens and master workmen. It was their aim as Hans Sachs's Prologus frequently says: Ein Tragedi zu recedim In teutscher Sprach zu eIoquim.>i It was the aim of the English comedians, on the other hand, to arouse emotions, fear or at least horror, or to cause tumultu- ous laughter. They cared not a whit for dignity. They sub- merged their own individualities in the parts which they played, and they studied every gesture and facial expression in order to emphasize its effects. The frequent stage direction to **tear the hair" seems to have been meant and understood literally. In short, the comedians brot with them an entirely new attitude toward their art. Their specialty was what is known to-day as *.* getting it over." There is no doubt that they exerted a deep and lasting influence upon dramatic art in Germany. The direct successors of the English players were the wandering players of the last half of the seventeenth century, among whom Velten was recognized as a leader. A direct descendant profes- sionally of Velten was Frau Neuber, who was later to join for a time with Qottsched in the purification of the stage, especially from the very abuses the English comedians had brot in. The plays of the comedians were at first given in the English language, which, according to Herz, explains the cool reception accorded to the Browne company in Frankfurt and Niirnberg in 1592 and 1593.*^ The year 1596 found the company still playing in the English language. When the change to the German language began is not known ; but it began as early as 1608,-^ and we may assume that it was completed at the time of the publication of the Leipzig collection of 1620. During the 21 With the view that the English comedians were more realistic in their representation than the amateur players from the peasant and poorer classes Minor in his review of Kaulfusz-Diesch does not coincide. Euph XIV (1907) 802. 2« Herz [45] 11; but cf. Moryson [26], who reports that the Frankfurt performance found great favor. 28 Niemand und Jemand was played in German in Gratz in the year 1608; see Bischoff [58a]. 144 University of California Puhlications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 early or English-speaking period, Gundolf holds, the English verse form was retained,-* but doubtless monologs and dialogs unaccompanied by action were omitted from the earliest time. The trend toward demoralization increast after the plays were transferred into German prose. Thereby every connexion with the poetic original was severed and unrestricted opportunity was given for the improvization of words and the introduction** of the rude comedy of the clowns, that was sure to call forth an immediate reaction from the audience. The naturalistic tendencies of the players favored the transi- tion to the prose form. Kaulfusz-Diesch holds that the first transition was from English verse to German verse, and that the prose form, as represented by the collection of 1620, was the result of a later disintegration. The prose plays of Herzog Heinrich Julius formed an exception in this period, Kaulfusz- Diesch holds, the prose being occasioned by the duke's extreme haste. Kaulfusz-Diesch bases this theory chiefly upon two facts : First, that there are rithmic lines in the collection of 1620,-* remnants, he says, of the earlier verse form; and second, that the Blackreude troupe in Niirnberg in 1604 undertook to present its play in **8chonen deutschen Reimen.'' Kaulfusz-Diesch is somewhat alone in this belief. Minor, in his review of Kaulfusz-Diesch, holds it as most improbable that the English comedians would have made first the transition from English blank verse to the German **vier- hebigen Reimpaaren.'' The rimes at Niirnberg would scarcely have been mentioned, he says, unless they had formed an ex- ception,^^ while the * * durchklingende Verse'* of the collection of 1620 might have been an intentional imitation of the Shake- spearean mixture of prose and poetry. Minor holds further that it is improbable that a rimed version, once establisht, would have given way to a prose version. That the lack of rime was 2* Gundolf [416] 18. 25 Ibid., p. 20. 2« Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 85. 27 Minor, review of Kaulfusz-Diesch [49]; Euph XIV (1907) 801. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 145 felt as a fault, is shown by the fact that two of Herzog Julius's plays were later done into rime by a reviser. Doubtless the companies gladly availed themselves of rimed versions when such were to be had, but for the most part contented themselves with prose. The new or naturalistic technik was the most essential in- novation of the English comedians. It did not impress the spectators, however, so forcibly as some concrete changes that were brot in. These changes consisted of the employment of a new type of stage, the use of elaborate stage decorations, and the introduction of new types of stage fools. All these inno- vations have been studied in detail by Kaulfusz-Diesch. He develops his stage from a minute study of a large number of dramas of the comedians, dramas of Herzog Julius von Braun- schweig, and of Jacob Ayrer of Niimberg. It is possible here only to record his results. He holds that the stage of the English comedians, like that of their contemporaries at home, was divided into three parts, which he calls ** Vorderbiihne, Hinterbiihne und Oberbiihne." The **Vorderbiihne" was without decoration and was neutral, i.e., it could represent any place according to need. The ** Hinterbiihne" was not separated from the **Vorder- buhne,'' but was distinguisht from it by the presence of specific decoration; consequently it could not be neutral. The **Ober- biihne" was a balcony attacht to the rear wall and could rep- resent whatever specific place a play demanded. One or two doors were at the back of the ** Hinterbiihne" beneath the balcony. There were also doors at the right and left opening directly into the ** Vorderbiihne," as indicated in the diagram on page 146. Kaulfusz-Diesch finds that the stage directions in the plays of Herzog Julius von Braunschweig almost without ex- ception are applicable to a stage precisely like that described. The text and stage directions of Jakob Ayrer, on the other hand, point to a compromize between the old Hans Sachs stage and that of the English comedians, which may be represented as follows : 146 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [^ Back of stage A, Standorte^^ Ungeteilte Neutralhiihne Hans Sachs Balkon Hinterhiihne Neutrale Vorderhiihne Englische Komodianten Balkan (z=Zinne) Standorti^ Ungeteilte Neutralhiihne {=Biihne oder Brteke Ayrer A more definite idea of Kaulfusz-Dieseh's conception of tb' appearance of the stage of the English comedians is given belo^ Fig. 1 — Reconstruction of the stage of Herzog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig (according to Kaulfusz-Diesch [49]). (a) ** Vorderhiihne* ' (6) '* Hinterhiihne' * (c) "Balkon'* Kaulfusz-Diesch 's investigation is painstaking and thoro, but the critics are far from ready to concede that he has proved his assertions. Bolte records his conclusions without taking excep- tion to them, but Minor and Eilian in their more detailed reviews indicate points where he has forcibly fitted the stage directions to his hypothesis regarding the German stage, and Evans points out that his original assumption regarding the threefold division of the English stage* is false. Tt appears that it will be impos- •"In the religious dramas as well as in Hans Sachses dramas a given place on the stajje rejireseutetl a given locality (heaven, hell, a tavern, etc.), as long as a certain group of people maintained its position there. Such a point was called a ' * Stano Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 107. " Herz [45] 13. SI* Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 114. 148 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 armer als das altere deutsche Drama ; es fehlt ihnen der gemiit- voile, philosophische Narr, der unter der Maske der Torheit tiefc Weisheit verbirgt, der Jeckle des Hans Sachs in seiner Esther- Shakespeare hat allerdings aueh diese Gestalt ; die rohen Wande^' truppen in Deutschland jedoch konnten sie nicht brauchen."*^* Creizenaeh says: * * Tief sinniger und gemiitvoller Humor w nicht ihre Sache."^^ The action of the fool was sometimes merely indicated i the manuscript, as in FortuncUus, **hier agiret Pikelharing;' in other cases the entire action was comic, as in the **Sing- spiele;*' in still other cases it was originally a minor action, which later developt into a major one. In the English original of Jemund und Niemand the comic element makes up about a third of the play, in the Gennan version of 1608 it is about half, in the version of 1620 about two-thirds.'* As the comic figure was regarded as the chief character, it was usually played by the leader of the company. Sackville played Jan Bouset, Spencer called himself * * Stockfisch, * ' and Reinhold, **Pickel- baring. * ' When the immediate literary influence of the English come- dians is thot of, only two names can come under consideration ; Herzog Julius of Braunschweig and Jakob Ayrer of Niimberg. Landgraf Moritz von Hessen is known to have written dramas under the impulse given by the comedians, but his works have not been preserved.'* The zeal of Herzog Heinrich Julius was phenomenal. In the space of two years, 1593 and 1594, he wrote nine pla3n9 for the comedians he had called to his court. His plays dealt chiefly with German material, but his Tragocdia von cinem ungerathenen Sohn has been connected with Tiius Andranicus, the Comoedia von Vincrntio Ladislao with Much ado about nothing, and the Tragocdia von ciner Ehebrcchcrin with the Merry wives of S2 Creizenaeh [39] cviii. »» Kaulfiisz-Diesoh [49] 110. 3* See Dunrker [56]. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 149 Windsor^^ The duke's court formed no bridge, however, by which the English drama could gain access to the German public. His court was remote from German public life. It did not even represent the taste of a class, as did the court of Louis XIV. The players, for their part, soon lost their feeling for their native land and perpetuated only a stage tradition. The precise relations of Jakob Ayrer of Niirnberg to the influence of the English comedians is a problem that has occu- pied investigators for a round hundred years. In his Deutsches' Theater (1817) Ludwig Tieck recognized that the dramas of Jakob Ayrer stood in some close relation to the English dramas and attributed the fact to the influence of the English comedians. Wodick^^' lists 241 works devoted in whole or in part to this theme. His eight-page '^t^berblick iiber den Gang der For- schung" scarcely permits of any further condensation. Despite the objections of reviewers, he accepts the work of Kaulfusz- Diesch [49] as representing the present state of our knowledge in regard to Ayrer 's stage as influenced by the comedians. Re- garding the sources of Ayrer 's plays, we must give Wodick's own work pre-eminence. Robertson [51] drew up a chronology of Ayrer 's works, basing it on the extent of English influence recognizable in his dramas.^** Kaulfusz-Diesch has shown that his chronology is untenable, and has drawn up another plan which shows, indeed, that Ayrer first made use of the English clown in the second of his Roman dramas, begun Itfay 24, 1596, that is to say about a month after an appearance of Sackville in Niirnberg; but not all of the several dramas of the next following years made use of the English clown. In the year 1602 the Browne troupe ap- peared in Niirnberg, and its presence there was followed by a series of dramas written by Ayrer, the subject matter of which is closely related to that of the English comedians. 38 The plays were reprinted in 1855. See Bibliography [53]. 3B*Wodick [52] vi-xii. 86 Jakob Ayrer was born 1543 in Niirnberg, moved 1570 to Bamberg, moved 1593 back to Niirnberg, where he was **Prokurator am Stadt- gerieht.'' He died in 1605. The period 1593-1605 is the time of his greatest productivity. 150 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 To this chronology one non-conflicting detail has been sug- gested by Castle [69]. He points out that in Ayrer's Histo- rischer Processus Juris (Frankfurt 1597) Faust appears as a doctor of laws; in the folk book he had been known only as a doctor of philosophy and theology; the new degree had been first conferred upon him by Marlowe. Marlowe's version might have been brot to Niirnberg in 1596 by the Browne troupe, whose performance Ayrer might have seen. Wodick [52] coincides with Kaulfusz-Diesch in discardinf? the chronology of Robertson. He finds that nothing is gained by the endeavor to distinguish two periods in Ayrer's produc- tivity, the one preceding and the other following his acquaintance with the art of the comedians. The new element is present in greater or less measure in all the dramas after 1593, but at the same time Ayrer recurred ever and anon to the Hans Sachs type of drama, which had been his starting point. Certain of Ayrer's plays, however, present knotty problems to the investigator of sources, and there is an extensive literature on the relation of various dramas of Ayrer to certain dramas of Shakespeare.'* Gundolf is doubtless right, none the less, in hold- ing that Ayrer is quite as negligible as Herzog Julius as a bridge for Shakespeare's entrance into (Jermany. Herzog Julius was inspired by the outward display of the comedians. The external technik of the new players influenced Ayrer also, if we accept the conclusions of Kaulfusz-Diesch. What chiefly appealed to Ayrer, however, was the abundance of new material. Herzog Julius would never have written but for the comedians; Ayrer would have written differently. Herzog Julius was in- different to all traditions. Jakob Ayrer respected the old Hans Sachs tradition, to which he adhered in its essentials. Unlike as The surmizes up to date and the facts ascertained in regard to this group of plays are discust by Wodick [52], who devotes the largest share of attention to the relation between Avrer's Die achane Sidea and Shake- speare 's Tempest. A common source accounts for most of the similarities. Kaulfusz-Diesch [458] arrives at a like conclusion in regard to the relation of Much ado about nothing and Ayrer's Die vom Tode erweckte Fenicia cf. Heinrich [463x]. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 151 Hans Sachs, however, Jakob Ayrer stood in need of some enrich- ment of material. Gundolf says : Des Schuhmachers Werke sind alle zusammeDgehalten durch jene welt- freadi^ Stimmung, dasz es so viele merkwiirdige Dinge gibt, die man leinen lieben Landaleuten mitteilen kann. . . . Bei Ayrer fiihlt man, dasz 8ie nieht mehr aus einem Lebensgefuhl heraus geschaffen sind, sondern iiu der selbstandig and erstarrt weiter rollenden Tradition.^o Oimdolf weaves these relationships into the form of a symbol. Man konnte auf diesem engen theatergeschichtlichen Gebiet Schicksale ^orgebildet sehen, die der Krieg auf politischem iiber Deutschland ge- braeht: in Ayrer den Zerfall des deutschen Biirgergeistes, in Heinrich *^Qiiii8 die Entfremdong der deutschen Fiirsten, im Erfolg der englischen ^OQiodianten die Fremdherrschaft, in alien dreien Verwelschung, Ver- ^offlichung, Entvolkung, das Erloschen der bauenden, bindenden, begei- '^^X'ten und begeistemden Kraft, die aus menschlichen Fahigkeiten erst *^ Ganzes, im Menschen Stil, im Volk Kultur schaflft.*! Neither in Ayrer *s works nor elsewhere did Shakespeare live ^^ Germany in the seventeenth century. At most we can speak ^^ the history of Shakespearean themes in Germany. For Shake- speare's works, as well as those of his contemporaries, were ^*^uced to raw material ; the spirit of the works departed from ^hem. Shakespeare's works fared rather better than some others, for as Gundolf points out : Lear, Othello, Cdsar, Hamlet, iiberhaupt Shakespeares Werke, waren ttraffer zusammengehalten als selbst die besten Werke seiner Mit- werber, denen Unterhaltung und Fabel doch immer wichtiger war als Pathos und Weltbild. Dieser Zusammenhalt, den die Shakespearischen Fabeln relativ vor den iibrigen Darbietungen der Komodanten voraus haben, ist (auszer einigen mythischen Biihnenbildern) fast das einzige, was den dichterischen Ursprung dieser elenden Texte noch erkennen laszt. Aber freilich ist dieser Zusammenhalt nur bewahrt, weil er nicht tot gekriegt werden konnte, nicht etwa aus Pietat, oder auch nur weil er brauchbar gewesen ware.^2 To speak of the influence of Shakespeare's works on public taste in Germany would be misleading; but it is interesting to 40 Gundolf [416] 54. 41 Ibid., p. 56. *2Jbid., p. 22-23. 152 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.0 note with Gundolf the influence of public taste on Shakespeare's works. He takes up in order several of the essential passages in Shakespeare's dramas and shows how they disintegrated at the hands of the comedians. Vom Titus bis zum Juden von Venedig laszt sich cine Stufenfolge d«^ Zersetzuiig des Organ lsmu8 durch den Mechanismus aufstellen. £>^' deutHcho Titus zeiji^ Charaktere, Sprache, Symbollk uud Sinn zersto*^ durch die Nerven-und StoffBensatiou, die komischen Teilc des Hamlet d* Sie^ der Biibnenburlenke iiber Humor und Ironie, Romeo den Sieg d Opernhaften iiber das Poetische, der Jud von Venedig den Sieg der Ok derobe iiber die Ilandlun^. . . . Nacheinander wcrdcn weggefressen Sprach^ Seele, Synibolik, Stiniinung, Oharakteristik, Sinn, Ilandlung, und nac einauder werden herrsohend Stoffmasse, Clown, Dekoration, Musil^ 0 Garderobe.*3 To show how the poi^try of Shakespeare was converted int(^ the prose of the comedians, one of the examples presented by Oundolf will suffice. Titus Andronicus II, 2, has the following- passage: The hunt is up, the morn is bright and gray. The fields are fragrant and the wooGterman influences in the German literature seminary at the University of Wisconsin.® There were three distinct groups of English authors, embodying as many different tendencies, which in three succeeding periods affected in some way the German pre-classical eighteenth-century literature. There were in short three waves of English influence. The first group included such men as Addison, Pope, and Thomson, who had certain strong French affiliations. Clear thinking and clear writing were the highest ideals for them. By the second group, including Milton and Young, man's religious and emotional nature was emphasized, while the literature of the third group, the dramas of Shakespeare, the songs of Macpher- son's Ossian, and the popular poetry of Percy's collection had the effect of setting in full light the justification and value of genius, originality, and spontaneity in man. The first impulse, which we have termed the Addison-Pope wave of influence, makes its new force felt in the twenties and endures thru the thirties and forties. Pope's influence continues even into the fifties, but it is being challenged by the forces which Milton typifies. Milton begins to be a theme of discussion about 1740 and celebrates his triumph in the first three cantos of the Messias (1748). Shakespeare becomes the vital problem with ^ It iR with the express permission of Professor A. B. Hohlfeld that I here first give broader circulation to this interpretation of the process as a whole. A faint sufj^gestion of some such classification of influence can be found in Koch [76] (see especially pages 8 and 11) but unfortu- nately in his subse^» z E. in synkopischen Sentenzen, fluche und schimpfe wie Shak^' speare, ley re wie Sterne, senge und brenne wie Swift. "^* Kleineibst says of Lichtenberg *s sojourn in England: Ein sprudelnder Dbermut, eine frische Lebenslust spricht aus d< Brief en an seine Freunde, besonders aus denen der Jahre 1774-75. Eng"^ laud war ihm das gelobte Land; wenn er seine politischen, kiinstlerischei^ Oder seine gewohnlichen Lebenszustande mil dem Leben in Deutschlan^ vergleicht: so immer zum Nachteil seines Vaterlandes. Der Stolz und das Sclbstbewusztsein der Englander imponierte ihm gewaltig, ihre poli- tisi'he Reife und Selbstandigkeit muszten ihm um so schatzenswerter erscheinen, als es damals iu Deutschland trotz Friedrich II. keine Macht gab, die man in politischer Beziehung mit England hiitte irgend ver- gleichen konnen. Doch mehr noch als das Volk in abstracto interessierte ibn, wie die Menschen der Aufklarungszeit uberhaupt, das Volk selbst in seinen Lebensgewohnheiten und seinem Treiben in Liebe und Hasz. Selbst vor Piiffen und groszeren Gefahren — vom Taschentuchraub bis zum Messerstich — schreckte er nicht zuriick, wenn es gait, das Straszenleben und den Pobel Londons zu studieren. Ebensosehr wie dies intensiv Leben, in das er sich kopfiiber hinein- stiirzte, wird zu seinem freudigen Wohlbefinden in England die Gunst der kouiglichen Familie beigetragen haben und die Hoehschatzung, die man ihm von alien Seiten entgegenbrachte. Er speiste nicht nur — zeit- weise taglich — an der koniglichen Tafel, sondern dUrfte sich riihmen, den Konig auch bei sich, kurz nach dem Aufstehen, noch in primitivster Toilette empfangen zu haben. Von der Konigin entlieh er Biicher und erhielt von ihr unter anderm auch Lavaters Fragmente, die ihm damals zuerst zu Gesicht kamen. t^berhaupt beschaftigt er sich gerade in Eng- land besonders viel mit der zeitgenossischen deutschen Literatur; bier drangt sich ihm am starktsten auf, dasz sich die deutschen Dichter, was i«Bn>/r von und an Biirger ed. Strodtmann (Berlin 1874), III 67. 11 Lichtenberg, Aphorismen ed. Leitzmann DLD CXXXI (1904) 154. 12 Ibid., p. 196. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 163 Ziele and Formen anginge, auf Irrwegen befanden. Die praktische Ten- denz des Englanders, die in seinem Welthandel, seiner Politik und vor allem seiner Erziehung f tir das spatere tatige Leben zum Ausdruck kam, hatte es ihm angetan; and damals in England, selbst von diesem Wir- kiugBdrang ergriffen, faszte er den Plan zu einer groszen Satire gegen die herrechende Mode der Originalgenies.i^s Lichtenberg had at first planned to direct his satire against "die scMeehten gelehrten Zeitungssehreiber/' but at Nicolai's ^ggestion he turned the point against the * * Originalgenies. " I'le intensive study of German literature on English soil shows ^^at the plan was developing most rapidly there. The title of ^is work was to be Parakleta oder Trostgriinde fiir die Ungluck- ^hen, die keine Originalgenies sind, Eleineibst admits: Daaz gerade die Beschaftigung mit Swift, dem Zeichner Hogarth und ^fjeren englischen Satirikem den Wunsch in ihm wach rief, die Zustande ^^ der deutschen Gelehrtenrepublik and auf dem Parnasz in einem groszen ^tirischen Boman zu karikieren, dariiber schreibt er selbst nichts, dock ^^d die Englander sicker Wegweiser fiir ihn gewesen. Einen Mittel- Ptinkt, um den sich alles gruppierte, brauchte er fiir seine Satire. Was ^ag ihm naher, als den hervorragendsten Vertreter des Sturm und Dranges ^ wahlen, ihn, der von den Strahlen des neuen Gestirns heller getroffen aneh tiefere Schatten warf.^^ In his admiration of Shakespeare combined with an abhor- rence of Shakespeare's German imitators Lichtenberg agreed with Lessing. Several of Lichtenberg's Aphorismen are directed against these imitators, but chiefly against Goethe." One of the most striking because least logical asserts that Goethe has gained the name of the German Shakespeare **wie die Keller- esel (assel) den Nahmen Tausendfusz, weil sich niemand die Miihe nehmen woUte, sie zu zahlen."" Lichtenberg had been helpt to a fuller appreciation of Shakespeare by his knowledge of English life, his familiarity with Fielding's Shakespearean criticism, and his association with David Garrick. Fielding and isKleineibst [131] 3-5. 14 Ibid., 14-15. 18 Op. cit., D. 211 and 604. i« Lichtenberg, SchHften (Gottingen 1844-1847), I 10. 164 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vf (xarrick were in their thot more advanced, more realistic th; the majority even of English interpreters of Shakespeare. Lie tenberg's satire against the **Originalgenies" remained, lil most of his works, a fragment. One of his few completed work was an interpretation of the art of another great English realist Hogarth." Another German writer who succeeded in acquiring an inti- mate knowledge of English life was Carl Philipp Moritz, wha journeyed afoot in England in 1782."' Because of his method of travelling he was lookt upon askance by the innkeepers and treated as a suspicious character, but in spite of these incon- veniences he came to know the English people well and favor- ably. One of the things that imprest him in English life was the close contact of poet and people. He reported: Ausgemaeht ist es, dasz die englischen klassischen Schriftsteller, ohne alle Ver^leichung, haufiger gelesen werdeu, als die deutschen. Meine Wirtin, die nur eine Schneiderwitwe ist, liest ihren Milton, und er»lhlt mir, das ihr verstorbner Mann sie eben wegen der guteu Dek tarnation, womit sie den Milton las, zuerst liebgewonnen babe. Dieser einzelne Fall wiirde nichts beweisen, allein ich babe scbon mehrere Leute von gerin- gerem Stande gesprocben, die alle ibre Nationalscbriftstcller kannten and teils gelesen batten. Dies veredelt die nicdern Stande und bringt sie den Hobern naber. Es gibt dort beinabe keinen Gegenstand der gewohnlichen Unterredung im bobem Stande, woriiber der niedre niebt aucb mitsprecben konnte. In Deutscbland ist seit Gellerten nocb kein Diebtemame eigent- licb wieder im Munde des Yolks gewesen.iT«» Direct personal contact of an author with a foren people was, however, rare in the eighteenth century; especially light was the contact between Germany and England. English writers such as Addison and Sterne were wont to include Prance and Italy in their journey, as Milton before them had done, but Ger- many was left unn»ganled. Indeed it is not easy to recall any English men of h»tters who visited Germany before the end of 17 Licbtcnberg, AuMfiihrlichc Erkliirung der Hogarthschen Kupferntiehe (Gottingen 1794); cf. Bibliography [208a]. »7"8ee BiBLiooRAPiiY [132]. iT»» Moritz, Beixen tinen Deutschen in Enqland im Jahre 178S ; reprinted in DLD CXXVI (1903) 24-25. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 165 the eighteenth century, when Coleridge and Wordsworth arrived (1798) as harbingers of a more active interest. In addition to Lichtenberg, Haller, and Moritz, who have already been men- tioned, there were, however, a few notable German visitors in England : Wernicke, who adapted an English satire to Hamburg conditions ;^® Postel, his adversary ;^® Borck, the Prussian ambas- sador to London (1741),^® who first translated a Shakespearean play into German;" and Helferich Peter Sturz ( 1768-1770), '« who, like Lichtenberg, met some of the literary leaders of Eng- land, among them Garrick, Colman, Macpherson, and Dr. John- son,^^ and wrote some notable letters from there. Lessing's cousin Mylius planned to include the whole of English literature within the scope of his investigations but died soon after his arrival (1754). A sojourn in England was a decisive element in the education of Moser and of Hamann (1757-1758). Moser's rela- tion to English life will be referred to presently. If Hamann neglected the opportunity while in London to become acquainted with English literature he at least gained the command of lan- guage for his later study. The Swiss poet Tscharner in 1751 made a trip to England especially to visit Young, with whom he spent two or three days.*' But Hermann Hagedorn (1726- 1729)*® succeeded better than any of his contemporaries in trans- fusing some of the English spirit into the German literary guild. Hagedorn made a practice of acknowledging conscientiously the sources of his inspiration. Perhaps that is why the theme of his relation to English literature so long failed to attract the investigator. But when influence is construed in the more lib- eral sense it appears that Hagedorn 's literary relations to Eng- land constitute an interesting and vital subject, for Hagedorn was in many respects a transitional poet and, as Coffman [118] shows, his brief visit to England was decisive for his own poetic career. 18 See Survey, page 180. IB See Bibliography [134]. 20 The dates in parentheses indicate the period of the stay in England. 21 See Survey, p. 363, and Bibliography [490]. 22 See Bibliography [213a]. 28 See Survey, p. 239. 166 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vo It is true that Hagedorn, as a Hamburger, enjoyed a cert contact with English literature even in his youthful days. 1 father was a friend of Brockes. The young Hagedorn conti uted to the Patriot two letters of the prevailing type. Mc over he studied at Jena the philosophy of Wolff, who popul ized some of the ideas that Leibniz had derived from Shafi bury and the English deists. Yet in the collection of Moralw , Gedichte printed in 1729 there is chiefly a reflexion of pseudo-renaissance taste and little that is specifically Engl: Then came the two years spent in London, **die einzigen Jahr as he wrote twenty years later to Bodmer, **die ich wieder erleben wiinschte.*'** It is not known whether he associa with any English men of letters while in London; but P( Thomson, Young, Richardson, Gay, and Mallett were in Lon< at the same time Hagedorn was there. He read their works t presumably it was there that he formed the habit of purchas the new works of English literature as they came out.^' Eng books were at that time not readily to be had in Germany, i Hagedorn enjoyed the reputation of being a liberal lender such works.^® The specific influence of Pope's and Thomson's poetry u] the form and content of Hagedorn 's will be dealt with elsewh« What Coffman has to say regarding the spirit of English po€ as reproduced in Hagedorn 's works she groups under five he ings: (1) Philosophy of happiness; (2) Hatred of pedantry, 1 of wisdom; (3) Love of freedom, hatred of servility; (4) Prie 24 Ungedruckte Briefe in Zurich; quoted by Coffman [118] 321 t Schuster (see footnote 27a) 23. 25 In the appendix, pages 90-97, of Coffman 's work [118] enti ' * Hagedorn 's references to English literature ' ' about 75 English aui are included. References are made in many instances to works soon a th^ir appearance in England. 2« A letter of Hagedorn to Bodmer, dated April 13, 1748, refers to books loaned in this way: Turnbull's edition of Shaftesbury, and J* son's Plan of a dictionary of the English language. The same letter i tions Borck 's translation of Caesar, A year later Hagedorn lends Bro< all his books on Chaucer, at another time the Essays of Hume. Cf. V< [102] 12. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 167 ship; (5) Love of country life.*^ Trite as these ideals and senti- ments may seem to-day they had only just been recognized in England, and in Germany they were almost unknown. Schuster isanthority for the statement that Hagedom's stay in England and his familiarity with English life and literature had much to do with the **Freundschaftskultus*' in Germany-^' Hage- dom*8 friendship, however, was that of good fellowship, not the abnormal cult of the **Gottinger Hain," for example. As for the hatred of servility, that too was a new note in German liter- ature. There is a servile tone to Hagedorn's Das frohlockende Suszland, written in 1729 just before his departure for England. The philosophy of happiness was lookt upon with suspicion as being less than religious. Pedantry, insistence upon deference by inferiors, and factionalism in literary matters were prevalent ^ German literary life. It was the release from this atmosphere rf pettiness that so endeared London life to Hagedorn. It is Well-known that the joys of country life were only just being discovered by Haller, Thomson, Brockes, and other innovators, ^d Rousseau had not yet gained for them general appreciation. There was nothing formal about Hagedorn 's acceptance of these new ideas. Optimism, good cheer, and love of the pleasant things in life were in Hagedorn inborn. He was above all a good fellow among his colleags, ready to give a helping hand 27 Hagedorn 's view8 in regard to (1) are manifested chiefly in the two poems Wiinsche and Gliickseligkeit. The former is drawn into com- parison with Pope's Essay on man, Moral essays, Srd. epistle, and Thom- son's Seasons, Gliickseligkeit is compared with Prior's Solomon on the vanity of the world and Addison's philosophy of life as exprest particu- larly in Spectator nos. 15 and 243. In regard to (2) Pope's introduction to Homer is compared with Hagedorn 's introduction to his Moralische Gedichte. Both authors expressly deny being learned men. Prior's Solo- mon is also mentioned in this connexion. Thomson's Winter is compared with Hagedorn 's Wiinsche, Hagedorn expresses his ideas in regard, to freedom and against servility (3) in the poems Der Weise and Schreiben an einen Freund, These are compared with Thomson's Liberty and Autumn and Pope's Essay on man, (4) Hagedorn 's sentiments regarding friend- ship are deduced from the poems Freundschaft and Der Schwdtzer, These are compared with Addison's sentiments as exprest in Spectator nos. 60 and 15, Thomson's in Autumn and Winter and Pope's Essay on man. (5) Hagedorn expresses enthusiasm for country life in Horaz. Cf. Thomson's Seasons, 27» Schuster, H., Friedrich von Hagedorn und seine Bedeutung fiir die deuUche Literatur (Leipzig 1882), 31; quoted by Coflfman [118] 8? 168 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 and forefending gratitude, asking no deference from his less suc- cessful literary competitors, and heedless of his title of nobility- He was at heart democratic, abasing himself before none afx^ claiming homage from none. Only in respect to his admiration for country life may his professions have exceeded his sentiment^- In the 3'^ear 1763 Justus Moser was called to London on ^ mission connected with the regency of the English royal housf^ over the bishopric of Osnabriick. He remained there eight month^^ and saw England during one of her most prosperous periods."^ He was a keen and interested observer, who turned his experi-* ences to good profit. As his biographer Nicolai says : Allcs offnet sich seiner lebendigen Beobachtung. LandesverfaBsang, Politik, Industrie, Handlung, Litteratur, Schauspiele, Nationalbelustigungen, und vor Allem menschliohe Charaetere von der interessantesten und ver- schiedensten Art, beschaftigten Mosers Aufmerksamkeit. Auch das Geringste entging ihm nicht. Dieser Zuwachs von Kenntnissen hatte auf ihn als Geschaftsmann und als Sohriftsteller einen wichtigen Einflusz. Die Menge der Gegenstande, worauf er nachher in seinen Schriften seine Augen richtete, deutet hierauf; und seine unnachahmliche Laune ward hier hauptsachlich, wo nicht erweckt, doch noch mehr entwickelt.»T* Several years after his return Moser founded (1766)*'* the weekly paper Die Osnabrilckischen Intelligenzbldtter, which was patterned after English weeklies he had seen. In this paper he publisht his Patriotische Phantasien (1768ff.). Goethe com- pared Moser with Franklin ' * in Absicht auf Wahl gemeinnutzi- ger Gegenstande auf tiefe Einsicht, freie Obersicht, gliickliche Behandlung, so griindlichen als frohen Humor,*^* but Nicolai preferred to compare him with Addison, whom Moser excelled as a statesman and man of affairs. He says : Beiden war die feine Weltkenntnisz, die ungesuchte Eleganz, der Sinn fiir das Schickliche, die mannigfaltige Einkleidung und die Gabe, ganz kleiue Gegenstande zu wichtigen Folgen anzuwenden, gemein. Der Zuschauer und die Phantasien stehen in gleichem Range.^s sT^See Nicolai 's Leben Mosers in Moser, Werke ed. Abeken (Berlin 1843), X 27. 2T« Ibid., X 30. 27* Ibid., X 43 and 107. Koch [76] 20 gives the date 1768. 27* Goethe, Werke I 28, 240f. Moser and Franklin had already been paralleled by the Berlinsche Monatsschrift at July 1783, p. 37f.; cf. Moser. Werke X 73. 2« Moser, Werke X 73. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 169 If English men of letters failed to visit Germany they were at least accessible to correspondence. Klopstock and Meta cor- responded with Richardson and Young. Klopstock opened up a futile correspondence with Macpherson regarding the presum- able melodies of the Ossianic songs, and Young replied graciously to his German admirers promising to meet them in heaven. To supplement such inadequate personal communication the German literary journals made an earnest effort to keep in touch with tendencies outside their own land. In the earliest part of the century the journals lookt to France for information even in regard to English literature, but later on the inflow of Eng- lish thot became more direct. The Spectator, Tatler, and Ouar- dian were so influential that they are reserved for treatment in the next chapter of this Survey. But other English journals also apprized German critics of the new works of fact and fiction as they appeared in the British Isles, and German journals spread the information. Trieloff [86a.x] devotes over a hundred pages to the reproduction of foren parallels to passages in the Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigcn for 1772. Most of the parallels are from the Monthly review, a few are from the Gentleman's magazine and other sources; the Monthly review was also the chief source of Christian Felix Weisze's plagiarized book reviews in the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften (1758ff.). When Nicolai was forced for business reasons to yield up the editorship of this journal he was succeeded by Weisze, who added a new department, **Vermischte Nachrichten. " Herder regarded this as one of the best and most interesting parts of the magazine and always read it first, for it kept its readers in touch with literary affairs in other countries,^*' and gave reviews of the most important works in foren languages. Weisze 's knowledge of the English language is well known. He was indeed the translator of a large number of English works,^*" but his in- 28* Herder, Werke I 145. 28*»For a list of some of the translations see Christian Felix Weiszes Selhsthiographie hrsg. von dessen Sohne Christian Ernst Weisze und dessen Schwiegersohne Samuel Gottfried Frisch (Leipzig 1806), p. 238-242. 170 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 ability to concentrate his mind upon a work long enuf to ap- praise its value was admitted by himself.^*' Despite this fact the Bihliothek contains scores of pithy reviews of contemporary English works. Giessing [141a] has recently discovered the English sources from which many of these reviews were drawn- That the plagiarism was rather systematic is shown by the fact that of eleven reviews of English works in Weilsze's first voluioc the first five were almost literal translations of estimates in tb^ Monthly review, and the plundering was continued in the lat^^ volumes, as Giessing 's parallel columns strikingly show. Oth^''^ British sources were exploited by Weisze as well. In five hal^' year volumes of the Bihliothek searcht by Giessing eleven of dependence on the Scots magazine were discovered. In n case is there any evidence that the reviewer read the book criticized and in no instance is there any acknowledgment of th^ source of his information. Weisze 's Bihliothek stands in markl?^ contrast to Eschenburg's Brittisches Museum filr die Deutscken, the reviews in which were also taken from English magazines but with acknowledgment. The practice of borrowing from foren periodicals was apparently widespread at the time, for it brot upon itself a general condemnation from the Neues Han- novcrisches Magazine in 1800 in an article entitled **t)ber die Diebstahle der Gelehrten.'*"* So closely intertwined was English literature with German literature in the eighteenth century that it is difiicult to define the relations without losing oneself in a mass of detail. In order to distinguish the essential from the unessential it is worth while to bear in mind a paragraph of R. M. Meyer in which he has summarized in a masterly fashion the forward movement of German literature in the eighteenth century: Da kommen die Vorklassiker. Haller bringt wieder Ernst und BTraft, Haf^edorn Loiehtigkeit und Geschmaok, Gellert lehrt wieder eine gewisse Natiirliohkeit der Rede, Gottsehed und die Schweizer gewinnen wieder h«ihorc Standpunkte der Kritik und der litterarischen Padagogik. Auf i^s'^ Ibid., p. 272. 28* Op. cit., 1800, p. 2014; quoted by Gieasing [141a] 88. 1920] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Survey 171 dem Fusz folgen ihnen die Klassiker. Klopstock giobt oin ^roszos Boi- Bpiel dichterischer Kuhnheit; er ergreift schwungvoU dio hiu-hston Inter- essen: Beligion, Vaterland, Huraanitat, unpeared. In his criticism of Kippenberg [171] Ullrich says that he is thoroly reliable in regard to the first German translations of Robinson, in regard to the history of Bobinson since 1731, and in regard to Insel Felsenburg ; that his treatment of the introductions and of **Robinsona the origin of the **Bildungsroman" in Germany, then Defoe prill assume a hitherto unconceded importance in the history of ie novel. Gulliver's travels won its way into Germany less rapidly than Defoe's novel. Not until a French edition of fifteen hun- Ired copies was sold out in one year (1726-1727) was its popu- arity noted, and the French version turned into German by one Corner (1727). In 1729 a translation of The tale of a tub ippeared in Altona but no further translations of OuUiver ap- peared until Bodmer's friend, Waser, began his translation of M Heine [89] 46. 178 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Swift's works (1757ff.)- CrulUver's travels was included in hi* fifth volume of the set (1760-1761) but found no great favor. 1b 1787-1788 R. Risbeck was at work revising Waser's translation ^ the Tale of a tub, Battle of the books, and Gulliver* s travels, H^ work consisted largely of modernizing the language of his preA^ cessor. In 1800-1801 ChilMver's travels appeared as the fi£^ volume of a translation by Potts (Leipzig 1798-1801). A n^^ translation by an anonymous hand appeared in Leipzig in 18(P^ A review of the same year expressly assumed that every one wi familiar with the work. The year 1839 saw a new ChiUiver travels in the large illustrated edition of Kottenkamp. A OuUive fur die reifere Jug end prepared by Karl Seifart (1870) was no the earliest version of its kind, but Philippovic is unable furnish data as to the earlier ones. There is a notable absence of Gulliver imitations in Germany. So far as is known Lichtenberg was the only one who even planned such a work. There is a reference to this plan in his Tagebuch, Oct. 7, 1785, but like his contemplated satirical novels against the sentimentalists and against the '^Stiirmer und Dranger*' the idea was allowed to lapse entirely unless we may take into account a mere fragment entitled Lorenz Esckenkei- mers empfindsame Reise nach Lapita, Schreibcn des Hrn t;x*+ da^ddy TruUrub, Aeltesten der Akademie zu Lagoda, das Emp- findsame im Reisen zu Wasser und zu Lande und im Hause sit- zend betreffend, aus dcm Hochbalnaharischen iibersetzt von M. 8. ( Martinus Scriblerus t ) . In the preface Lichtenberg says : * * Die gelehrte Welt hat es bekanntermaszen schon langst und mit Recht bedauert, dasz der beriihmte Lemuel Gulliver bei seinem Aufent- halte in Lapita und Lagoda sich nicht mehr bemiiht hat, eine genaue Verbindung zwischen der dasigen Akademie und irgend einer europaischen zu stiften.*' After a little more learned nonsense this fragment abruptly ends. Nor can it be said that any other of Swift's works exerted a genuine influence in Germany. Philippovic says: Ungefahr mit dem zweiten Viertel des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts be* ginnt sich Swift in der deutschen Literatur fiihlbar zu machen. An- 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 179 sahernd ein Jahrhundert halt er vor, um dann mit Gullivers travels der deutschen Kinderliteratur anheimzufallen. Seine WirkuBg in Deutschland ist niemals tief und niemals von groszer Bedeutung gewesen. Eigent- iiehen £mflusz hat er nur auf die zwei mehr oder weniger geistesver- wandten Eopfe ausgeiibt, namlich auf die Satiriker Babener und Lich- ienberg; und selbst diese zwei wurden wohl schwerlich ein anderes Gesicht ceigen, wenn sie die Schriften des Dechanten nicht gekannt hatten. . . . Kan kann fast sagen, daaz er seit ungefahr 1760 nur noch bei den An- ^^gern der alten Richtung in Deutschland lebt. Es kennzeichnet die ▼on der neuen Stromung wenig beeinfluszte schweizerische, speciell ziir- ^lierische Literatur, dasz noch nach 1760 in der Schweiz eine Gosamt- obersetzung** erscheinen konnte.*^ More influential than Swift's writings were his extraordi- ^^Ty personal experiences. Goethe workt these over freely in '^ drama Stella, and according to Caro [354] they, rather than ^iUo's Merchant of Lmidan and Richardson's Clarissa^ were the *^a^is of Lessing's Miss Sara Sampson?^ Philippovic has collected references to Swift from the works ^* Oottsched, Bodmer, Haller, Hagedorn, Liscow, Rabener, Gel- ^^^, Kastner, Lessing, Lichtenberg, Herder, August Wilhelm ^^d Friedrich von Schlegel, and Jean Paul Richter. None of ***^^se, however, wrote any extensive work in imitation of Swift, ^agedom, it is true, discovered **Swiftische Erfindung" in t-«iscow's Briontes (1732) and Bodmer joined with others of his "^^iine in calling Liscow **der deutsche Swift." Litzmann, how- ever, finds that the influence of Swift on Liscow has always been exaggerated. He was influenced a little as to form by Swift as Well as by Pope and Arbuthnot, but the chief foren influence on him was that of his acknowledged master, Boileau.*^ There were comparatively few attempts to adapt Swift's works to German conditions. Schwabe's translation of his The art of sinking' in poetry goes farthest in this direction. *7 Philippovic [353] 43; cf. p. 19. *» The reference here is to the translation by Waser, the friend of Bodmer; cf. Bodmer [139], Vetter [140], and Survey, pp. 160 and 178. BoKunze [215] 15 says: "Goethes Stella beruht auf Lillo^s London Merchant f ist aber nur durch Vermittlung von Weiszes Groszmut fiir Groszmut entstanden ; ' ' cf. Metz [353a]. 52 Litzmann, Christian Ludwig Liscow in seiner litterarischen Laufbdhn (Hamburg 1883), p. 74. 178 UniveTfily of CaUfomia PublitMtiont in Modern Philolo Swift's works (1757ff,)- GuUiver's travels was iocliK fifth volume of the set (1760-1761) but found no great 1787-1788 R. Riabeck was at work revising Waser's trar the Tale of a tab. Battle of the hooks, and GuUiver's tr work consisted largely of modernizing the language of cessor. In 1800-1801 GuUiver's travels appeared as volume of a translation by Potts (Leipzig 1798-1801) translation by an anonymous hand appeared in Leipzii A review of the same year expressly assumed that ever familiar with the work. The year 1839 saw a new travels in the large illustrated edition of Kottenkamp. I fur die reifere Jugend prepared by Karl Seifart (1870 the earliest version of its kind, but Philippovie is furnish data as to the earlier ones. There is a notable absence of Gulliver imitations in So far as is known Lichtenberg was the only one planned sueh a work. There is a reference to this p Tagebuch, Oct. 7, 1785, but like his contemplated satiri against the seutimestalists and against the "Stiii Drangcr" the idea was allowed to lapse entirely unle^ take into account a mere fragment entitled Lorenz I mers empfindsamc Reise nach Lapita, Schreiben des ds^ddy TruUrub, Aellesten der Akademie zu Lagoda, findsame im Reisen zh Wasser und zu Latide und im j Zend betreffend, aus dem Hochbalne^arischen iibersetzt (MartimisScriblerusT). In the preface Lichtenberg sa; gelehrte Welt hat es bekannterniaszen schon langst und bedaucrt, dasz der beriihmte Lemuel Gulliver bei seinei halte in Lapita und Lagoda sich nicht mehr bemiibt genauc Verbindung zwischen der dasigen Akademie ni eiiier europaisehen zu stiften." After a little : nonsense this fragment abruptly ends. Nor can it be said that any other of Swift's Tj a genuine influence in Germany. Philippovie i Ungefahr mit dem zweiten Viertcl ilen achtzehi giuiit Bich Swift in tier deuts<:hen LUemtur 180 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. • Schwabe was commissioned by Gottsched to undertake this work and to provide examples of ** bathos" from Qerman poets b* well as English.** The attempts of Qerman critics to make adaptations ^^ other English satires are significant. They show that the Qt?^" man leaders in literary aflfairs were conscious of the need ^^^ foren tutelage as far as form was concerned. A satirist writ^'* for his own community, where the conditions he satirizes ar*"^ known, his half veiled references penetrated, and his jibes aj^^ preciated. Moreover political and literary conditions in Q&r-^ many differed so greatly from those in England as to mak^ adaptation particularly difficult. Despite this fact the attempC^ was constantly repeated thruout the century in (Jermany. The earliest imitation of this kind stands at the very thres- hold of the century. It was written by Wernicke in 1702. Christian Wernicke was more familiar with English literature than were most men of his time. He had served as a diplomat in London and Paris. Literature was not a profession with him, but a leading interest. He had studied the works of Morhof and Opitz, nevertheless in his early days he had admired Qry- phius, Hoffmannswaldau, and Lohenstein. He later repented of this unnatural taste. When the opera came to the fore in Ham- burg Wernicke made a stand against it and opposed, in literature and art, all that was not founded on sound sense, including the work of his formerly admired Lohenstein, whom he criticized in the second edition of his Vberschrifften (1701). Christian H. Postel, a leading adherent of the operatic bombastic school, retorted with a sonnet. To this sonnet Wernicke replied with his Heldcngedicht, Hans Sachs genaiint, aits dem englischen iibcrseizt. In the introduction to this poem Wernicke wrote: '^Als ich nun mit diesem Qedanken im Schwange ging (i.e. of replying to Postel) so gerieth ich unversehens unter meinen ft3 ,4/1/ 1 Longin oder die Kunst in der Poesie zu Icriechen, anfanglieh von dem Hvrrn D, Swift den Englandern zum hesten geschriehenf itzo zur Ver- besserung des Ge^chmacks hey uns Deutschen iibersetzt und mit Exemplen auji engli^tehen, vornehmlieh aher aus unsern deutsehen Diehtern durchgehends erldutert. (Lcipzijjr 1734.) 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 181 zusammengesammelten Schriften auf folgendes sinnreiches Qe- dicht eines beriihinten englischen Poeten, worinnen er eine Per- sohn aufgefiihret hat, welche meinera Wiedersacher in alien Stiicken gleichet/* Wernicke's model was the English satire Mac Flecknoe, or a satyr upon the true-blew Protestant poet T. 8. (London, 1682). The ''true-blew Protestant poet T. S/' was known to be Thomas Shadwell, and the author of Mac Flecknoe was no doubt Dryden,*^* whom Shadwell had recently attackt in a satire entitled The medal of John Bayes. The situations represented in the two poems are closely similar. The Irish poet Richard Flecknoe, who died in 1678, had been accorded the title of the prince of dullness. After his death the author of the poem lets his mantle fall upon Thomas Shadwell. The coronation rites are described in detail and offer abundant opportunity for parody and jest at Shad well's expense. Wernicke calls his work a translation but it was really a successful adaptation in which Postel, in the poem designated as Stelpo, plays a role corresponding to that of T. S. To Hans Sachs is assigned the Mac Flecknoe role. There is a close correspondence of detail and of verse as well. Many of the lines are simply translations or paraphrases of the original. Wernicke 's satire is composed of 269 verses as against 217 in Dryden's. Eichler holds this early literary satire to be of no small significance. It was criticism not only of Postel but of Hans Sachs. It was ''Kritik des literarischen Individuums.'* **Den Begriff dieser letzteren,'' he says, ''so weit wir sie fiir moderne deutsche Literatur zuriickverfolgen konnen, verdanken wir m. E. den Englandern. ' '" After Wernicke had launcht this attack against Postel, a third rate Hamburg writer Hunold came to Postel's defence with a comedy called Dem thorichten Pritschmeister, oder schwermcnden Poeten (Coblenz 1704). Hunold 's plot is with- out originality. He makes Wernicke, under the names Weck- o* Dryden 's authorship has recently been challenged but on inadequate grounds; see Bibliography [185]. 65 Eichler [185] 233. Eichler is the most satisfactory authority for this feud; Baumgartner [182] for its aftermath. 182 University of Calif omia Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 liarr and Narrweck, the prince of dullness and the ''Erzpritseli- mcister/' J. U. Konig of Hamburg wrote to his friend Bod- mer of the Postel-Hunold-Wernicke passage-at-arms and sent him, April 30, 1725, a transcription of the lampoons. Bodmer reprinted the work of Wernicke in 1741 and it past thru four editions during the time of the Leipzig-Swiss controversy. Bod- mer always implied that Qottsched belonged to the Hans Sacb*" Stelpo school; and he himself wrote (1742) a prose satire called Das Complot dcr herrschenden Poet en (i.e. of the Gottsch^ school) for which he borrowed notives from Wernicke as well from Pope's Dundad. Bodmer 's taste for satires was only less strong than for ligious poetry, but most of the satirical works he planned fe*^ short of completion. He endeavored to adapt Pope's Dunci&^ to German conditions,*^* but the fragment that appeared in 174*^ showed the insuperable difficulties of this undertaking. Bodme^^ had previously (1737) publisht a prose translation of two canted- of Hudibras without any attempt at adaptation : * * Bin HudibroF fiir uns ware Uberflusz und unnotig, wir leben nicht mehr in den schwarmcrischen Zeiten Karls des Ersten.'*'^ The intro- duction was of some significance. Bodmer says that burlesk poetry is of two kinds, that in which an insignificant character is elevated, and that in which a great character is degraded. This idea Bodmer has derived from Addison, tho he does not specifically acknowledge it. At the same time Bodmer misquotes Addison to the effect that rime is a matter of minor importance. Bodmer 's own tame translation of Hudibras^^ is evidence to the contrary. Qottsched reviewed the work of Bodmer rather favorably in his Kritische Beit rage; he hoped that Bodmer would finish his translation and that some one else would turn the prose into ft« See SuBVST, p. 208. 57 Bodmer [139]; quoted by Thayer [167] 578. ss Thayer [167] 549 and Vetter [102] and [103] agree that Bodmer first learned of Hudibras thru the Spectator no. 249. Bodmer borrowed from Zellweger the copy from which he translated. There are references to Butler in letters written by Bodmer 1723 and 1729. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 183 Yerees **und zwar in solche, die hiibsch altfrankisch klingen."** Oottsched then gives a practical demonstration as to how this should be done. His verses are based on Bodmer's prose, how- ever, and not on the original. Bodmer let it be known that he did not intend to complete the translation. His friend Waser took up the task and produced a complete version in prose in 1765.*® Haller regretted the prose form,*^ as Qottsched had done in the case of Bodmer 's translation. The earliest complete rimed version was that of Soltau (1787).** There were other ^r renderings** but the only noteworthy one was that of Josua Eiselein, "Professor und weiland Oberbibliothekar der Paiversitat Heidelberg*' (Freiburg 1845). It has a rambling, ^nidite, and irrelevant introduction. Eiselein introduces matter ^f his own invention into the text and uses Soltau 's verses wher- ^er he feels he cannot improve upon them. In spite of numerous and extensive efforts Hudibras never "^came naturalized in German literature. Herder in his Frag- ^enie uber die neuere deutsche Literatur speaks of Hudibras ^ one of the works which are non-translatable: "An einen lieutschen Cervantes, Hudibras, Tristram, und wie die guten liente mehr heiszen, laszt sich bei unserm Antonio von Bosalva, bei unserm Benommisten, und noch weniger bei anderen Schrift- stellem kaum gedenken.'*** Thayer [167] shows that Pope was far more influential than Butler in the shaping of mock epics in Germany, even among the poets who knew Butler. Wieland found pleasure in Butler, but did not imitate him in his humor- ous poetry. The same is true of Riedel, who followed Pope in i9 Beytrdge zur kritischen Historie etc, (Leipzig 1737), 17. Stiick, pp. 167-176; quoted by Thayer [167] 553. •o Meanwhile J. J. Busch had publisht a prose rendering of about 1200 lines in 1764; cf. Thayer [167] 554. «i GGA 1766 I 32; cf. Thayer [167] 557. «2 Hudibras frey verdeutscht, dem Herrn Hofrat WieJand zugeeignet von D. W. 8. (Biga 1787, revised ed. Konigsberg 1797). •3 In the Deutsches Museum, Sept. 1798, the first canto by Dietrich Wilhelm Andrea, in Vienna an ostensibly new prose edition, in reality a revision of Waser 's. «* Herder, Werke U 46. 184 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol- ® his comic epic Der Trappenschiizze (1765). Thayer finds i sufficient grounds for the assertion of Sime and E. Schmidt tha. Lessing and Nicolai planned to write a satire against Gottscb in the manner of Hiidibras^^ Young's satires made even less stir in Germany than Butler's- Written in 1725-1728 they were first commented on in 1745. Gottsched reviewed the fourth edition in that year, attributing it to Glover, quoting 130 verses of the original, translating it into German prose, and expressing the hope that his fellow coun- trymen might be satirized in a similar fashion. Such an at- tempt was made in a fragmentary paraphrase appearing in a Hamburg journal in 1753. Meanwhile Bodmer had reviewed the satires in his Neue critische Brief e (1749) giving a trans- lation of numerous verses.*^ A poor but complete translation by an anonymous author appeared in Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1755-1756. This had at least the result of leading Ebert to include a good translation in his edition of 1771. There were a few other scattered fragmentary translations, but there is nowhere a sign of influence. Even the writers who were enthu- siastic about the Night thoughts paid no attention to the satires. To a large extent Fielding's Joseph Andrews was a satire upon Richardson. A similar satirical element predominates in Musaus's Grandison der Zweite (1760) which is described in another connexion.** It is in order here to refer in passing to a work called Geschichte Edward Grandisons in Gorlitz (1755). Edward Grandison is a copy of Richardson's novelistic hero Charles Grandison. In passing thru Gorlitz he falls in with Schonaich and some other literary men and seizes the opportunity to inform himself about literar^"^ affairs in Germany. Schonaich commends Gottsched and his school, and Bodmer, the admirer of Milton, is harshly treated. But the mention of Milton arouses Grandison 's curiosity. During the night he reads some works of the Swiss and the Leipziger and decides promptly in favor of «« Thayer [167] 579-580. «7 Vetter [103] regards Bodmer 's authorship as doubtful. «8 See Survey, p. 296. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 185 the Swiss. He is confirmed in his conviction by the conversation of Qottsched and some friends, who arrive and talk the next day. Bodraer was one of the authors of this work, tho it was publisht under Wieland's name.®® The general impression that one de- rives from most of the imitations just mentioned is that the Swiss men of letters and a few others were constantly trying to estimate their own work by the English standard. In Leipzig the French standard was still regarded as the valid one. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century occurred an event that attracted much attention on the part of the leading German journalists and men of letters, the war of the American colonies for independence. The German writers in question were prac- tically unanimous in their support of constitutional government but differed as to which side best represented that principle. Goebel [93], Hatfield and Hochbaum [94], and Walz [96] and [97], have all made valuable collections of data on this question. They have searcht not only thru the works of literature of the time but also thru the journals for contemporary German opinion regarding the contest in America. The findings of these investi- gators are comparatively accessible, and the contradictory opin- ions that prevailed in 1775 and thereafter do not need re-quota- tion here. A few outstanding facts will suflSce. Gottingen was influenced by the strong ties that bound it to England, and Schlozer, a professor at the university, was an ardent defender of the English cause, as apparently were several of his colleags. The three Swabian journalists whose attitude Walz [97] defines, Schubart, Wekhrlin, and Schiller, were all enamored of England's institutions. Wiirttemberg shared with England the distinction of being one of the two constitutional lands in Europe. It is true a right of * habeas corpus' was lacking to its constitution, as one of the three journalists, Schubart, soon discovered to his sorrow. Schubart 's admiration for the English was intense. Tho sometimes overshadowed by his sympathy for «» Regarding the participation of Wieland and Bodmer in this work see HordorflP, Untersuchungen zu ** Edward Grandisons Geschichte in Gor- lits** (Schlusz) Euph XIX (1912) 66-91, and Budde, Wieland und Bodmer, Pal LXXXIX (1910) 103-129. Cf. Waniek [116] index. 186 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [VcA. 9 the colonists, it never entirely disappears. He regrets the Qer«- man traffic in soldiers, but he defends the Hessians in America against the charge of cruelty, and is proud of their achievements. Wekhrlin, on the other hand, in his Chronologen (1779-1781) and other journals was uncompromisingly for the English. Eng- land was his ideal state. He was a confest monarchist with ft corresponding antipathy for the revolutionists. Schiller, finallyt was for a time (1781) editor of a Stuttgart paper, the Nach' richten zum Nutzen und Vergniigcn, a four page sheet, which had much to say regarding English and American political affairs, but very little regarding Swabian — a more dangerc^O* subject. Schiller was a neutral observer of the conflict overseas- There is no direct criticism of the Qerman traffic in soldier^* but there is a suspicion of a fine irony in the picture he dre^'* March 16, 1781, of the hired troops on their way to Americ-^' pausing for a moment before the palace to salute **ihren ange— beteten Landes Vater und Regenten.'' One is reminded by thi^ report of Kabale und lAebe, II 3.^® Other writers have treated of the opinions of Klopstock^ Herder, the *' Storm and Stress" poets, and Goethe regarding' America.^®' All accounts agree : First, that the men of letters advocated a liberal, constitutional government generally inclin- ing, on the whole, toward the cause of the colonies ; second, that the Grerman traffic in soldiers was especially distressing to them ; and third, that the American cause was summed up to the Ger- mans in the names of Washington and Franklin. Other notable patriots and statesmen, such as Hamilton and Jefferson, were practically unknown to them. Walz [97] finds that Wieland, unlike the other German leaders of thot, was rather colorless in his remarks in the Teutscher Mcrkur (1773ff.). There are rather few references to England, and there is no expression of opinion against the traffic in soldiers ; but the quotations of Hatfield and Hochbaum [94] seem to bespeak a rather warm interest in the American colonists. 70 Goebel [93] holds that the contrast was made for effect. Walz [97] 127 sees no necessity for such an interpretation. TO* See BiBLiooBAPHY [92]-[101]. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 187 Klopstock's admiration for the Americans is exprest in two odes Sie und nicht wir (1790) and Zwei Nordamerikaner (1795), also in Denkzeiten (1793) line 22flf. Klopstock was proud of a diploma of citizenship received from the French republic and declined to surrender it, because he felt that in so doing he would surrender his fellow-citizenship with Washington. Walz [96] believes accordingly that in the phrase **]VDtburger des Guten'' in Furstenlob the term **des Guten*' applies to Washington. There are several other references to Washington in his letters.'^ Herder makes several references to Franklin, in one of which he compares him with Socrates ;^^ but Herder was most con- cerned about the traffic in soldiers. He wrote of the German mercenaries : Und dooh sind sie in ihrer Herren Dienst So hiindisch-treu I Sie lassen willig sich Zum Mississippi und Ohio-Strom Nach Candia und nach dem Mohrenfels Verkauf en. Stirbt der Sklave, streicht der Herr Den Sold indess und seine Witwe darbt; Die Waisen ziehen den Pflug und hungern. Doch Das schadet nichts; der Herr braucht einen Schatz.^s Others who were opposed to the renting out of troops were J. J. Engel in Furstenspiegel (1798) and Hermes in Sophiens Rcise (1769-1773). Frederick II was against it too, but not for sentimental reasons. He felt that it was drawing too much fighting blood from the (Jerman states. He taxt soldiers con- ducted thru his domain just as he taxt cattle similarly led. Schubart voiced the almost universal opposition to the lending of troops in his KapUed (1787). Matthison says the song was sung from the Limmat in Switzerland to the Baltic sea, from Moldau in Bohemia to the banks of the Rhine.^^' 71 Incidentally Klopstock prof est to agree with Franklin in regard to simplified spelling. In a letter to Cramer, Dec. 10, 1782 he says: **War kan anders iiber di Ortografi denken, als Franklin und ich?" Lappen- ber^, Brief e von und an Klopstock (Braunschweig 1867), 308. 72 Herder, Werke XVII 295. 78 In Nationalruhnij originally intended for Humanitdtshriefe but with- held for political reasons until 1812. See Herder, Werke XVIII 208-210; quoted by Walz [96]. 78« Matthissohn, Erinnerungen (Wien 1794), I 181. •_» 188 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [' The **Sturraer und Dranger" were interested in Ann socially rather than politically. Klinger believed in the n superiority of the Indian over the white man, as a foUowe Bousseau should. The scene of his drama Sturm tmd Dr which gave the name to the movement, was laid in Ame Klinger hoped at one time to secure, thru Franklin, a commii in the American army; failing in this, he showed his free from partizanship by seeking, thru the Herzogin Amali position as ofiScer in the mercenaries of the Herzog von Br schweig ; but this plan failed also. Franklin plays an impoi role in Klinger 's novel Geschichte eines Deutschen der neu> Zeit (1778). Lenz's attitude toward the colonists is not ( Hatfield and Hochbaum infer from the dramatic frag Henriette von Waldeck oder die Laube (1776) that Lenz interested in the American cause,^* but Walz [96], on the < hand, concludes from the Waldbruder of the same year tha attitude was one of indifference. In numerous German n of the revolutionary time and later, America is referred to a refuge of those who find conditions no longer favorable at 1 Lili Schonemann once proposed to Goethe that they go to Am< "Amerika war damals vielleicht noch mehr als jetzt," Q< says, **das Eldorado derjenigen, die in ihrer augenblickli Lage sich bedrangt fanden.'*^*^ '^ Damals noch mehr als jei had Goethe written in 1830 instead of 1810 he would not so exprest himself. But America as the Eldorado of the op is a theme that for chronological reasons must be reserved fo third part of this survey. 74 Hatfield and Hochbaum [94] 365. " Goethe, Werke I 29, 156. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 189 Chapter 4 ADDISON AND THE MORAL WEEKLIES The journalistic successes of Steele and Addison brot a new type of literature to the front in England. The Tatler (1709) was followed by the Spectator (March 1711-Dec. 1712 and June- Dec. 1714), the interval in its publication being filled succes- sively by the Guardian (1713), the Englishman, and the Lover. ^ These periodicals fumisht a common subject matter of conver- sation to men and women of leisure. The Tatler appeared three times every week, the Guardian appeared weekly, while the Spectator presented itself daily, and after its revival in 1714, tri-weekly for discussion at the coffee houses. There was a refonnatory impulse behind these papers. They sot to improve morals by dint of elevating taste; to substitute literature and Planners as topics of conversation for horse-racing, cock-fighting, and other gentlemanly interests ; and to introduce into the com- mon speech the simplicity and elegance of the French language. These journals continued to appear thruout the eighteenth cen- tury in England. Kawcynski [149] has counted over two hun- dred during that period, and Brandl in his review has added to the list, yet the papers seems to have lost much of their prestige with the final discontinuance of the Spectator. About the time the movement was passing its crest in England a similar one began in Germany. The (Jerman weeklies surpast the English in number, tho not in quality. 1 These papers were not without predecessors, tho the Christian hero, mentioned by Hartung [163] and Coffman [US], was not a moral weekly. Defoe's Weekly review of the a fairs of France^ 1704flf, a news sheet rather than a moral weekly, but incidentally containing discussions of moral and poetic questions, preceded the Tatler, as did also the Athenian gazette, 1690. In reality the moral weeklies developt out of the popularity of moral essays and of ** Characters. ' ' Works of this kind were prevalent since the time of La Bruy^re and especially popular in England in the first decade of the 18th century. See Baldwin, PMLA XIX (1904) 75- 144 and Dunham MLN XXXIII a918) 95-101. 190 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. S The earliest German weeklies were : Der Hamburger Vernunfftler, Hamburg 1713-1726. Die lustige Fama aus der ndrrischen Welt, Hamburg 1718- Neuangelegte Nouvellen-Correspondence aus dem Rekk^ derer Lebendigen in das Reich derer Todten, Hamburg 1721. Die Discourse der Maklerny Ziirich 1722-1723, conducted by Bodmer and Breitinger. Der Leipziger Spectateur, Leipzig 1723. Der Hamburger Patriot, Hamburg 1724-1726, founded t>^ Brockes and his friends. Die vernilnfftigen Tadlerinnen, Leipzig 1725-1726, cor^"^ ducted by Gottsehed. It was natural that Hamburg, Ziirich, and Leipzig shouliS lead the movement, not only on account of their connexions witlm England, which have already been set forth,*' but also because of their remoteness from court life, which was then under the domi- nation of the more aristocratic French influence. Berlin joined the movement tardily with Das m^ralische Fernglas (1732) and Der Weltbiirger ( 1741-1742). « Gottsehed listed 180 weeklies founded in Germany during the period 1713-1761. Kawczynski listed over 500 in Germany dur- ing the eighteenth century. Hamburg was the leader with ninety-nine such publications including the Patriot, in its day the most widely read paper in Germany, with 4500 subscribers in Hamburg and elsewhere. Leipzig followed with twenty-eight weeklies, the leading one being Gottsehed *s. The count must necessarily vary with the definition of the term ** moral weekly.'* Most of the papers were partly moral and partly literary with a tendency, as time went on, to become !• See Survey, p. 159f. 2 Regarding the four Hamburg papers see Jacoby [151]; regarding Die Discourse der Mahlern, der Patriot, die verniinfftigen Tadlerinnen see Milberg [148]; for the Discourse der Mahlern see further Vetter [157]; for the Hamburger Verniinfftlcr Hartung [156]; for the Berlin papen^ Geiger [152]. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 191 strictly literary. The year 1735 may be taken as a turning point in that respect. In that year Gottsched suffered his Biedermann, successor to the Tadlerinnen^ to pass away and founded in its stead his Beytrdge zur kritischen Historie der deutschen Sprache, Poesie und Beredsamkeit, Prom 1737 to 1773, the date of the founding of Der teutsche Merkur, literary titles predominate.* In the moral weeklies we have all the elements essential to a widespread influence. They were read everywhere and by all classes of people. They stood in high esteem and they provided the most available organ thru which young writers could express themselves. After Kawcynski, Jacoby, Milberg, and Vetter had prepared the way with special studies of special papers or groups of papers. Umbach [155] was able to advance knowledge of the weeklies by giving his investigations a broader base. He ex- amined twenty-five such journals and included in the scope of his inquiry the later period, which his predecessors had slighted. He lays special stress on the close relation of the weeklies to the English Spectator, a phase which ]VIilberg had neglected and Kawczynski had by no means exhausted. Umbach finds that most of the early moral weeklies in Ger- many frankly admitted their indebtedness to the Spectator and that the dependence, tho less pronounced, was obvious thruout the century. The complete translation of the Spectator, which Frau Gottsched produced (1739-1743), necessitated a more active quest for original material. Frau Gottsched also publisht a German version of the Guardian in 1749; a translation of the Toiler appeared in 1756. The Hamburger Verniinfftler de- pended on its English original, the Tatler, for its inspiration, but most of the early papers depended upon a French trans- lation of the Spectator of 1714, in which 214 numbers were 8 Some of these literary journals had a distinct English flavor, as for example: Die hritische Bibliothek (Leipzig 1759flP.), and Bremisches Maga- zin zur Aushreitung der Wissenschaften, KUnste und Tugend von einigen Lieb- habem derselhen mehrenteils aus den englischen Monatsschriften gesammelt und herausgegehen (Bremen and Leipzig 1757-1766). For the period 1777- 1855 Elze [74] 58-59 has listed twenty -one English -German literary magazines publisht in Germany. 192 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [VoL 9 lacking or incomplete.* It was this version that Bodmer pickt up in Geneva in 1718 on his return from Italy and resolved to imitate. Umbaeh finds that the Spectator was plundered moi^ largely of its religious articles. Persiflage of human faults and foibles is next in point of prominence, and ideas regarding edu- cation were also borrowed largely. These borrowed articles must, to a large extent, have determined the general tone of the German periodicals. The common moral philosophy of these papers, English and German, seems to go back to Locke and Shaftesbury. They all look upon nature in its totality and speak of the wholesome effect of its impressions on man. They attack the group which denies the existence of God. Regarding morals the journals held that good common sense should prevail. They made a crusade against carnivals, masked balls, and modern dances. They ridiculed popular superstitions, astrology, and alchemy. They dealt with practical questions of education and interested themselves in broadening the outlook of woman. They opposed affected man- ners and false assumptions in society. They preacht the ideas of brotherhood and humanity. In short, they popularized the creed of the age of enlightenment, while the emphasis laid upon the equality of man in his natural state and the protest against artificial distinctions lookt forward to the age of the revolution. It was in the field of letters, however, that the weeklies were most influential. Like their English models they devoted them- selves to the simplification of style, the purification of diction, and the fostering of good taste. Addison had developt his taste and acquired his style by read- ing the literary works of the ancients and of the French classicists. He strove for a form of expression free from all affectation, one that rendered up its content with ease and simple elegance. He rarely preacht good style in his journals, but trusted to the power of example. The German imitators, however, declare 4 Vetter was unaware of its incompleteness when he wrote [157]. The wrong impression is corrected in [103], where his earlier results are sub- jected to a review. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 193 their object in advance,^ and claim the sanction of the SpectcUor, Fran Oottsched announces a similar purpose in the preface to her translation of the second volume of the SpectcUot- **Unser Wimsch ist allerhand Arten von Leuten zu gefallen und ihnen dorch keine seltsame und eigensinnige Schreibart anstoszig zu werden, sondem sie vielmehr durch einen zwar reinen aber auch gewohnlichen und bekannten Ausdruck anzureizen. ' ' Quoting Boswell's A method of study she writes: **Sie (Addison und Steele) haben sich als Meister in alien Schreibartei;i gezeigt, sodasz man seine eigene wohl nach ihnen einrichten konne.''^ The Hamburger Patriot is of a like opinion, claiming Addison as its model in point of style. The editor professes to have once visited the Spectator in London and asserts : * * dasz seine Schrif- ten vomehmlich die Ursache der Vollkommenheit sind, die die englische Sprache nun erlangt hat."® A simple and easily com- prehended style was the characteristic of nearly all the moral weeklies. The weeklies, moreover, afforded young men their best opportunity for winning their literary spurs. It is not too much to say that the notable simplification of German prose that took place during the eighteenth century was indirectly a result of Addison's betterment of the English language. The German periodicals were confronted with one task with which the English editors did not have to cope, the purification of the language from foren words. The Hamburger Patriot led the reform saying: Ich habe einen anderen Nutzen gesuchet, nehmlich den Oeschmack meiner Landsleute in der Sprache und Schreib-Art zu verbessern. . . . £in Teotscher musz ietzund Franzosisch, Lateinisch und Italianisch ver- stehen, um ein Buch in seiner Mutter-Sprache lesen zu konnen. Ich habe mich aber auf alle Weise bestrebt, durch eine sorgfaltige Beinlichkeit und edle, ungekiinstelte Einformigkeit diesen verwehnten Oeschmack zu bessern.s' 5 See Hamburger Patriot, Stiick 156; quoted by Umbach [155] 34. 7 Op. cit., Vorrede zu Band II; quoted by Umbach [155] 31; cf. Die vemunftigen Tadlennnen II, Stuck 32 and Milberg [148] 57. 8 Op. cit., 20 Stuck; quoted by Umbach [155] 32. «*0p. cit., 156 Stuck; quoted by Umbach [155] 34. 194 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 At the outset the Discourse dor Mahlern was one of the worst offenders in respect to the use of foren words. It was attaekt for this fault by the Patriot and other weeklies. In its twenty- third number it criticized its own previous style, suggested bet- terments and improved from that time on. The average number of foren words per page in the first twenty-two numbers was fifteen, thereafter four.' The German weeklies joined with the English ones in the crusade against unnatural forms of poetry and writing, against acrostics, against puns and plays on words. They followed the English papers also in their positive endeavors. The descrip- tions of nature helpt prepare a way for the reception of Brockes. The fables and characters, which are frequent in the English Spectator, in imitation of similar French forms, are re-echoed in the German periodicals, and the opinions of the English critics especially regarding the theatre are quoted as authority. In his fifth chapter Umbach considers the influence of the English weeklies upon certain important poets of the eighteenth century. His investigations in regard to Haller confessedly bring no definite results. He finds several correspondences of ideas and phraseology between Haller 's poetry and the Spectator papers ; but might these not go back to the English moral phil- osophers, whom Haller knew as well as did Addison? Haller did not know English at the time of his journey to England (1727), but the French Spectator was doubtless well known to him, as well as the German imitations. Haller joined with the German weeklies in the campain against the foren word. Hagedorn made some minor contributions to the Hamburger Patriot in 1726. He was then eighteen years of age. He prob- ably first read the English Spectator and Guardian in the orig- inal during his visit to England 1729-1731. On his return he found the German weeklies insipid in comparison with the English prototypes he was familiar with.^® He did not write essays for weeklies in (Jermany, but he workt material from • Umbach [155] 37. 10 Ibid., p. 73. 11>20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 195 the English weeklies frequently into his Maraiische Gedichte,^^ with his usual acknowledgment of source.^' He called attention to the folk-songs reprinted in the Spectator, and with Addison heexprest an admiration for this type of poetry/* Hagedorn's simplicity and brevity of style is due in some measure to the example of the Spectator,^* which strengthened him also in his democratic tendency. The content of Rabener's satires shows a close correspond- ence in gubject matter to the German and English moral weeklies, and there are several particular references therein to the Spec- War. Rudolf Nedden [158] has shown the extent to which Qellert drew upon the Spectator papers for his Faheln und ^ndhlungen. Umbach calls Gkllert **die Summe der moral- ^hen Wochenschriften : Was diese unermiidlich in einzelnen -^bhandlungen dem Volke vor Augen gestellt haben, faszt Qellert ^ einem groszen moralischen Lehrgebaude zusammen.'**' Um- ^ch finds many passages in Qellert paralleling the German '^Oral weeklies, several paralleling the English weeklies, and •^ny laudatory references to Addison, which he quotes at length. It is to be regretted that Umbach did not include the two ''fittscheds among the list of authors individually tested as to ^eir relation to the English weeklies. Qottsched's esteem for Addison is well known. He showed it not only by his frequent eferences but by his tragedy Cato, written in manifest imitation 1 Addison's Cato and of the Caton d'Utique of Deschamps.^* jessing points out that this is far from signifying an appreci- 1^ Coffman [118] 78-79 draws a comparison between Hagedorn's Die ^reundschaft and Addison's essay, Friendship, i^ Harvestuhde and Schreibeti an einen Freund to Spectator, nos. 196 ind 612. "See Spectator, nos, 366-406 and 70-74; cf. Survey, p. 267. 14 See letter to Bodmer, April 13, 1748; quoted by Umbach [155] 75. 15 Umbach [155] 80. i«See Tiirkheim [160] and Criiger [161]. Addison's Drummer was ranslated into French by Destouches, who revised it slightly to suit his aste. Frao Gottsched later translated Destouches 's work into German; ;f. Beam [86] 86. Addison's Cato was thrice translated into German >ro8e, Frau Gottsched 1735, Anon. 1758, Anon. 1763; and twice into German verse, Felas 1803 and Boehler 1863; see Hegnauer [162] 104. 196 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 atioh on Gott^ched's part of the essential nature of English poetry." Regarding Frau Qottsched there might be something to u^y as well. While at work on her translation of the Spectator ahe received a letter from a stranger asking advice regarding mar- riage with a man below her rank. Fran Qottsched gave tlic answer in the form of a play. Schlenther comments:" **Wic Meister Addison nicht nur moralische Wochenschriften sondern auch moralische Komodien verfaszte, so unterbrach auch Pra-H Qottsched ihre Dbersetzung der Wochenschriften mit der A^** fassung von Komodien.*' The reference here is to Frau Gotrt- actied's Die ungleiche Heirat (17^3), Die Hausfranzosinn (174:^^» and Da^ Testament (1745)." Not by any detailed investigation of individual Qerm-^^ authors, however, is the extent of the influence of the Engli^^ weeklies on Qerman literature to be estimated, but rather broader considerations that involve the whole literary history the first half of the eighteenth century in Germany. Befoi the classic literature could develop, the Qerman language ha^' to be bettered in many respects. The necessary movement towai purification, clarification, and simplification began under th^^ banner of French pseudo-classicism, but was extended and pop— -^ ularized by the example of the English weeklies. A further serious defect in Qermany at the beginning of the eighteenth century was the lack of a common culture. The re- naissance had caused a rift between the classically trained schdar and the uneducated mass. Opitz had tried in vain to bridge the gulf. The thirty years war had remedied the disparity only in so far as it levelled downwards. When Qottsched, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, renewed the effort his task was a difficult one. The people read little and satisfied their literary cravings by marvelling at the rude plays of wandering players. Men of culture affected a preference for French liter- iT Leasing, Schriften VIII 42; in the 17. Literaturbrief, i« Schlenther [117] 180. i»Cf. Hegnauer [162] 131. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences^Survey 197 ature and the French drama. Then it was that the moral week- lies provided a common meeting ground. They were elegant enuf for the enlightened and not too deep for the uneducated. For Gottsched in Leipzig, and for his confederates in Hamburg and Ziirich, Addison was the man of the hour. But none of them acquired Addison's easy manner. He wrote as if to social equals. The tone of his German followers on the other hand was stiflfer and more pedagogical ; they held that the unlearned masses must be instructed by their intellectual superiors. The German public, however, took the lesson in good part, as an English public perhaps would not have done. Thirdly and lastly, an indispensable pre-requisite for a healthy literature was scientific literary criticism and the development therefrom of an esthetic theory. Both the Leipzig group and the Swiss group learnt from the English weeklies how to express themselves with discrimination and some precision in such mat- ters. Out of their divergencies of opinion arose a journalistic debate. The debate clarified opposing literary theories and markt the beginning in Germany of a criticism worthy of the name. In view of the great esteem in which he was held in Germany it was fortunate that Addison was so liberal a critic and that he had taken occasion to express so emphatically his admiration of Milton and Shakespeare and even, tho timidly, of popular poetry. Addison with Pope and other men of wise restraint, common sense, and good taste make up the first wave of English influence in Germany in the eighteenth century. The laudatory essay on Milton opened the way to the second wave, in which the marvellous secured its recognition. The frequent references to Shakespeare aroused first curiosity, then enthusiasm for Shake- speare, while Herder was able to claim Addison 's sanction in his campain in behalf of the poetry of the uneducated, and thus the arrival of the third wave was signalized. In short, the English weeklies played a pioneer role in the movement of English literature in Germany in the eighteenth century. 198 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Chapter 5 POPE The discussion of Pope's influence on German literature seems to have been opened by Max Koch in a study of 1880 [284], wherein he showed that Pope's version of January and May in the Merchant's tale from Chaucer, was, with Shakespeare's Mid- summer night's dream, an important source of Wieland's Oberon, In his general sketch of English > German influences three years later [76] he laid emphasis upon the influence of Pope's **philo- sophisches Lehrgedicht" on the poets Brockes, Haller, Drollin- ger, Uz, Ewald Christian Kleist, Pyra, Wieland, Goethe, and Schiller. He pointed out that Pope was considered a great phil- osopher in Germany until Mendelssohn and Lessing in their tract Pope ein Metaphysikerf (1755) demonstrated the contrary to the Berlin Academy. He further called attention to the fact that Pope popularized the prevailing English philosophy just as Schiller later popularized Kant's ideas. Among the evidences of this influence he refers to two works of Haller: **Da8 Be- streben, Thomson und Pope zu verbinden, hat Albrecht von Haller in seinen Alpen (1729) geleitet. Popes Richtung geson- dert hat er im Gedichte Vher den Ursprung des Vheh} (1734) eingeschlagen. " This last assertion doubtless has reference to Pope's Essay on man, with which Haller 's work shows many cor- respondences ; but the common direction of the two poetical essays is purely accidental, for, as Wyplel points out, ^' Pope's Essay on man, tho begun in 1732, was not completed until 1734, while Haller had begun his Ursprung des Vbels in February 1733. Up to this time there had been no reference to Pope in Haller 's cor- respondence, tho Butler, Rochester, Swift, Shaftesbury, Blount, and Hobbes had already been referred to. The first mention of 1 Koch [76] 14. !• Wyplel [120] 21. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 199 Pope is in a letter from Stahelin in 1734. Haller might have taken his work in hand, thereupon, and revised it with the help of Pope's example, but there is no evidence whatever that he did 80. In a later edition of his poem he expressly denies that it had profited by the Essay on man} Wyplel emphasizes the fun- damental differences in the characters of Pope and Haller, dif- ferences that find their natural reflexion in dissimilarities of style. At most, he says. Pope, with the other philosophic poets of England, may have encouraged Haller in his trend toward greater pregnancy of style. Wyplel attributed certain apparent Pope-Haller parallels to a common origin in the earlier English philosophic writers and emphasized the importance of Shaftesbury as an influence on Haller. A promist investigation by him did not appear but his surmize has been confirmed by others. Bondi [318] finds the prevailing English philosophy in Haller's Oedanken ilber Vernunft, Aherglauhen und Unglaube7i, in Die Falschheit menschlicher Tugenden, and in Vber den Vr- sprung des Vbels. Jenny, on the other hand, says that Haller 's philosophy corresponds rather with Leibniz's.^' Where it does correspond with Shaftesbury's, Haller derived his ideas at second hnd from him thru Leibniz. Grudzinski [328] holds a middle view. He declines to regard, with Bondi, the question of the freedom of the will as a touchstone to distinguish Leibniz's philosophy from Shaftesbury's but sees the distinguishing char- acteristic of the latter in its esthetic stamp, that of the former in its metaphysical foundation : Wo sich ein Dichter in begeisterten Schilderungen der Harmonie und Ordnung in der Welt ergeht, wird gewohnlich Shaftesburys Einwirkung vorliegen. Darauf beschrankt sie sich auch in Hallers Ursprung des VbelSf dessen metaphysische Grundgedanken durchaus der Leibnizschen PhUosophie entnommen sind. Shaftesburys Einflusz auf Haller ist in seinen Gedanken iiber Beligion und Sittlichkeit zu suchen; fiir die ausge- glichene daseinsfreudige Lebensansicht des Englanders hat der schwer- mutige, weltabgewandte Schweizer kaum Sinn gehabt.s 2Maack [277] 8. «• Jenny [319] 11. 8 Grudzinski [328] 18. 200 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol- 9 At all events investigations undertaken since 1883 tend "to show that Koch [76] exaggerated Pope's influence at the eac- pense of that of Shaftesbury and other English philosophers- The three most recent works on Shaftesbury, those of Elson* Grudzinski, and Weiser'', have given Shaftesbury his due. may hope for an impartial appraisal of the relative influences a work that has been begun by Heinzelmann, who intends t include in the scope of his investigation: (1) an account of th extent to which Pope was read by the Germans of the eighteenth^- century; (2) an account of their critical attitude toward him^ (3) a sketch of the influences which he exerted upon their litera- ture/ As yet he has publisht only his bibliography of translations [274] and a text to the same [275]. This text is so arranged, however, as to give an adequate general idea of the development of the Pope influence in Germany. His subdivisions are in them- selves suggestions : ( 1 ) Pope first entered Germany thru Prance ; (2) Hamburg and the early Pope translations; (3) translations growing out of the Bodmer-Gottsched controversy; (4) later translations and the rationalistic undercurrent; (5) Pope and the beginning of German romanticism. The first three captions indicate the familiar France-Leipzig, Hamburg, and Ziirich routes, whereby Addison and other English authors had made their entry into Germany in the early part of the century. The fourth sub-title calls attention to a fact, sometimes overlookt, that rationalism was by no means an outlived force in Grerman literature even after the coming of the later movements (senti- mentalism and ''Sturm und Drang ").'^ Heinzelmann shows that the popularity of Pope reacht its climax in the sixth decade. It was in the year 1755 that the Berlin Academy made Pope's say- ing ** Whatever is, is right'* the subject for a prize essay; and Pope's philosophy, Heinzelmann says, continued to be accepted generally in Germany despite the efforts of Lessing and Mendels- s'See Bibliography [327], [32S], and [313]. « Heinzelmann [275] 318. B Cf . Graner [278] 3. ''In Deutschland nahm das Interease fur Pope ganz und gar ab, als das strahlende Gestirn eines Shakespeare zu leuchten anfing. ' ' 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 201 sohn.'* Translations of the Essay an man are abundant in thie last half of the century, indeed the best do not appear until then. In the sixth decade too translations appeared of several of Pope's poems which had not previously been done into German, among them January and May, To Mr, Elijah Fenian, Temple of fame, Windsor Forest, and To Mrs. M, B. on her birthday. The years 1762-1764 brot the first reprint of Pope's works in Germany. It was supervised by Nicolai. About the same time Schlosser, later the brother-in-law of Goethe, was busy at the task of writ- ing in heroic couplets an anti-Pope, an imitation of Pope wherein he sot to demonstrate that man could be unhappy in spite of the perfection of the universe. A prose translation of the Essay on man accompanied this work. The whole was not publisht nntil 1776. Heinzelmann's last subdivision calls attention to the fact too often overlookt that there were qualities in Pope that appealed also to the romantic mind. Byron, for example, profest a great admiration for Pope. So among Pope's translators in Germany ve find such names as Herder, Lenz, Biirger, and Sophie Brentano. Naturally different works came to the foreground at different literary periods. The Essay on man was the chief object of interest with the rationalists. The Essay on criticism and the Dunciad played a role in the Gottsched-Bodmer controversy* while £loise to Ahelard was first appreciated by the more senti- mentally-minded public of the end of the century. During the period 1780-1805 there were ten or more translations of this poem, Eschenburg's and Burger's being the most popular.^ It is interesting to note that Dryden also, as a lyric poet, was most fully appreciated about this time.® His reputation was based almost exclusively upon his Alexander's feast, an ode written 5* Heinzelmann [275] 346; cf. Survey, p. 198. « Cf. Survey, p. 208. 7 An early predecessor of these was a literary curiosity. It was a translation by an Englishman into the French language publisht in Berlin in 1751. See Heinzelmann [275] 324. » Cf . Survey, p. 172f. 202 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Yc^l. 9 on St. Cecilia's day 1697. It had been translated by Weisze in 1763 and by Ramler in 1766 and 1770, but the new centuiry produced a new sheaf of translations. In 1800 three vermoKU* saw the light, one by Kosegarten in Schiller's Mtise^ialmenac^f and one by Noldeke and another by T — r, both in Wieland ^* Neuer teutscher Merkur. In 1805 a new translation appeare^^ in Zurich and still another in Vienna in 1812. It was Pop^^ however, who first attracted attention to this poem in Qermany^' for when DroUinger (1741) publisht a translation of Pope*i Essay an criticism he had to include Pope's eulogy on Dryden's famous ode. In his Essay on the writings and genius of Pope Warton, following Pope, commended Dryden's ode as the best modem lyric poem, reserving the second place to Pope's Ode on St. Cecilia's day. The essay of Warton was much noticed in Germany,' was reviewed by Mendelssohn in 1758,*' and trans- lated by Nicolai in 1763.^^ Koch [284] laid as much stress on the content of Pope's writings as on their form. Friends tho they were. Pope and Voltaire were at variance in their philosophies. Pope held that whatever is, is right, while Voltaire held that much of the tradi- tional was wrong. Generally speaking Germany seems to have accorded Voltaire the first place as a literary critic, but to have followed Pope in his philosophy. It would appear from Heinzelmann 's study, however, that Pope's poetic form rather than the content of his poetry should be emphasized as a force in German literary history. Pope, like Addison, had developt his taste under French influence. Boileau was his authority in poetic matters, and he followed essentially in his practice the precepts of French pseudo-classi- cism. The simplicity and clarity of Addison's prose were char- »See Britische Bibliothek II (1757) 377, and Mendelssohn in the Bihliothek der schonen Wissenschaften TV (1758) 314. Both comment on Alexander's feast. Other commentators on Dryden's ode were Hagedom, Herder, Boie, and Schubart. Upon none of the others, however, does it seem to have made so deep an impression as upon Herder. See Banm- gartner [182] 363-370. 8* See footnote 19 of this chapter. >o Nicolai, Sammlung der vermischten Schriften (Berlin 1763), VI 1 ft.; cf. Baumgartner [182] 359. c- Xri 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 203 aeteristic of Pope's poetry. To these virtues he added an epi- grammatic pointednesSy being a master in the art of precisely encompassing a simple thot in a highly polisht couplet. In at- tempting to imitate this conciseness, clarity, and brevity, German poetic style improved just as the prose had improved under the ^idance of Addison, with the difference, however, that Addison presented a permanent model of good prose style while Pope's Pleasured beat eventually grew tiresome in the land of its origin fis well as elsewhere. As far as form is concerned Hagedorn was one of Pope's *Ptest imitators. Frick [281], who thinks only of material re- ^ttiblances, says that Pope's influence upon Hagedorn begins ^^ wane after the publication of Gliickseligkeit (1743); but Coff- ^san points out the constancy of Hagedorn 's trend toward Pope's ^^asure. In three of his moral poems Hagedorn employed the ^^Bibic pentameter, the form in which the Essay an man was Titten. In one of these poems, Horaz (1751), he uses the heroic f:)uplet thruout, while in the other two, Der Gelehrte (1740) and er Weise (1741), he employs it at the close of each stanza. In ^is use of the heroic couplet, Coffman believes, Hagedorn was ^n innovator borrowing from the English literature and intro- ducing into the German a form which has since been popularly employed there to the present day.*^ Coffman further empha- sizes Pope's influence on Hagedorn by quoting from the latter several epigrams of strong antithesis which are at once recog- nizable as after the manner of Pope. *' Hagedorn was the first German writer," she says, **who was able to reject the lumber- ing diffuseness of contemporary German literature and to imitate successfully Pope's compactness of style. '**^ Coffman supports this assertion by calling attention to a group of three poems which marks a constantly nearer approach to Pope 's conciseness. They are: A rendering of Pope's Universal prayer (1742), Schriftmdszige Beirachtungen ilber einige Eigenschaften Gottes (1744), and Horaz (1751). 11 CofFman [118] 504. 12 Ibid., p. 606. 204 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Coffman places the chief stress, however, upon the harmoimy of spirit and taste that prevailed with Pope and Hagedom, Ui justification of which she appropriately quotes from Hagedom '0 introduction to his Moralische Oedichto: Die schonste t^^bereinstimmung zwischen zvvei Diehtern beruhet wenig auf Worten, als die edelste Freundscbaft; Geist und Herz und ifl> den besten Alien und Neuern die lebendigen, oder vielmehr die einzigeis- Quellen des glucklicben Ausdrucks gewesen. Er leidet zum oftem unter* dem Joche einer blinden Folge und kiimmerlichen Knechtschaft. Ma& soUte nachahmcn, wie Boileau und Lafontaine nachgeahmt haben. Jeoer pflegte davon zu sagen: ''Cela ne s'appelle pas imiter; c'eat jouter centre son original. ' '^^ Hagedorn also quoted Pope in support of this view and especially commended Pope's imitations of Horace, calling them **meisterhafte, freie Originale" and **ein Muster der besten Nacheif erung. " Pope had said in his observations on Homer: * * It is generally the fate of such people who will never say what has been said before, to say what will never be said after them." Hagedorn put this prosy statement into a Pope-like couplet: Wer nimmer sagen will, was man zuvorgesagt, Der wagt, dies ist sein Loos, was niemand nach ihm wagt.i« At the outset, it was thot that Pope's poetry could not be ren- dered into German verse. Readers unfamiliar with the English language contented themselves with French translations, which were early available. The first German translation was of the Rape of the lock (1739) by an unknown translator who ob- viously used the French prose version of Ferard (Paris 1728)" as his basis. Two years later a German translation of the Essay on man of similar origin appeared. The inadequacy of the French versions was first discovered by Frau Gottsched. She completed a translation of the Rape of the lock in 1744. She had begun the work on the basis of the French version six or seven years before and had finisht four cantos before an English edition came to her hand. In translating the final canto from "Hagedom, Poetische Werke^ (Hamburg 1760), I vii. 1* Ibid., xix. iBWaniek [116] 429. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 205 this edition she realized that her previous work was valueless and laid it aside until she at length summoned up the courage to translate the earlier portions again, this time from the origiiiaL*' Prau Gottsched translated Pope's heroic couplets into the all-prevailing hexameters. This had the advantage of giving her an extra syllable per line, but the result was a somewhat heavy form. There were also errors of translation in several cases. Heinzelmann regards the work, however, as a very creditable effort. A revised edition appeared in 1772 after Frau Qott- sched^s death. The Rape of the lock was included in Dusch's complete prose translation of Pope (1758-1764), but no further Tersion appeared until 1797, when G. Merkel produced a ** mod- ernized** translation, or adaptation, which Heinzelmann calls "a distorted shadow of Pope's work."**' However, the Rape of ttc lock was in the foreground of attention during this period *nd was a constant object of imitation, as Petzet [276] has *^own. As imitations worthy of special mention he reckons;*^ Pyra's Bibliotartanis (a fragment of 1741) Host's Tdmerin (1741) Zacharia's Renommiste and other satires (1744ff.) Uz's Sieg des Liehesgottes (1753) Schonaich's Der Baron oder das Picknick (1753) Dusch's Schoszhund (1756) Lowen^s Waipurgisnacht (1756) Thiimmers WUhelmine (1764) The most frequently translated work of Pope was naturally -tie Essay on man. Most of the translators were satisfied to give ^ mere prose rendering, among them Mylius and Dusch. On tie appearance of the latter *s work in 1758 Lessing protested. 18 Heinzelmann [275] 322. !•■ Ibid., p. 355. 17 Compare Waniek [116] 491-493. 17* Zimmer, /. F. W. Zacharid und sein Benommwt (Leipzig 1892), p. 44, liolds it most probable that Zacharia had seen the prose translation of The rape of the Jock (1739). He presumably was not able in 1744 to read Pope in the original, but he had very likely been allowed to see the MS. of the verse translation which Frau Gottsched had begun. 206 University of Calif amia Publications in Modern Philology [Y6L9 He characterized Pope as a poet, **de8sen . . . Verdienst in dem ^ war, was wir das Mechanische der Poesie nennen ; dessen game Miihe dahin ging, den reichsten, triftigsten Sinn in die wenigsten, wohlklingendsten Worte zu legen; . . . dem der Reim keine Kleinigkeit war. Eincn solchen Dichter in Prosa zu iibersetzen,'* he said, **heiszt ihn arger entstellen, als man den Euklides ent- stellen wiirde, wenn man ihn in Verse iibersetzte."^' MendelJ*- sohn agreed with Lessing in his extensive review (1758) of W»K- ton's Essay on the writings and genius of Pope, Dusch ar*-^ his supporters held the criticism to be unjust, said that Pop^^ could not be done into German verse, and were able to cite mam- -2? unfortunate attempts in proof of their assertion. Some of the best verse artisans of the country wrestled witl the problem of rendering Pope into verse, but with only mod — erate success. Brookes *s attempt (1740) was entirely unsuccess ful. His use of a meter of eight feet gave him room enuf, but ^ often necessitated meaningless additions; so the translation was neither poetic nor close. It was accompanied by Zinck's trans- lation of Warburton's defence of Pope against the attack of Crousaz. Heinrich Christian Kretsch 's translation of the Essay on maw into rimed alexandrines (1759) received much criticism, most of it favorable and apparently well deserved. In the year 1762 a polyglot edition of the Essay came out in Amsterdam^ containing the original English and the best translations into Latin, Italian, PVench, and German. Kretsch 's work was ac- corded the honor of representing the German language. Between 1776 and 1790 several new translations appeared, two of them in blank verse. Another blank verse translation, Broxter- mann's, appeared in 1798. All of these last named transla- tions were prosy and uninteresting. Heinzelmann regards a translation of the Essay on man by Bothe in 1794 as the most successful of the century. Bothe*® preserved the original metre 1" Leasing, Schriften VIII 5; (in the 2. Literaturbrief) . i» Publisht in BibUothek der schonen Wissenschaftcn IV (1758) 500-532. Cf. footnote 10 of this chapter. 20 Re Bothe see Subvey, p. 279. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 207 to a large extent, but he introduced longer and shorter lines whenever compelled to, and used new rime schemes. He made a virtue of this necessity, claiming that it brot in a needful variety. The Essay on man was the subject of controversy not only in Germany but elsewhere. A Swiss scholar, Crousaz, charged it with being unorthodox, and at the same time asserted that Pope was dependent upon Leibniz for many of his ideas. His Examen de I'essai de M, Pope sur Vhomme (1737) was, there- fore, an attack on Leibniz as much as on Pope. Its direct provo- cation was a translation by Du Resnel of the same year, Les principes de la morale et du gout en deux poemes, traduits de Vanglais de M, Pope, It soon developt that much of Crousaz 's criticism of Pope was unjustified, for Du Resnel, under the pre- text of adapting Pope to the French readers, had inserted his own ideas into the text. His translation was half as long again as the original. Doubts as to Pope's orthodoxy prevailed even in England, however, and in the following year Pope wrote his Universal prayer, in which he showed that his doctrine was based upon free will and not upon fatalism. Pope's defenders in Germany were quick to translate this prayer into their tongue. Hagedorn's paraphrase, which appeared in 1742, was the most popular. His cautious rendering of the last phrase ** Jehovah, Jove, or Lord" into **Gott, dem alle Qotter weichen'* was re- ceived with unmerited approbation. To-day critics are not much concerned with the question of Pope's orthodoxy, but are still interested to know whether Pope was indebted to Leibniz for his leading ideas. The case for the negative has been quite re- cently stated by C. A. Moore.^^ He thinks it unlikely that Pope was even indirectly dependent on Leibniz thru Shaftesbury. To a large extent Shaftesbury and Leibniz go back to common pre- decessors for their common ideas but, as Moore points out, Leib- niz admitted that King and Shaftesbury had anticipated much of his Theodicee (1710)." 21 0. A. Moore, Did Leibniz influence Pope's essay r JEGPh XVI (1917) 84-102. 22 Ibid., p. 89. 208 University of California Publications in Modem PhUology [YoL> Next after the Essay on man the Essay on criticism occu- pied the largest share of attention. Since Pope was a recognized authority in matters literary both the **Leipziger" and the **Schweizer" desired to claim him as their own. DroUinger wa» first in the field with a translation of this essay (1741), • prose one, to which the Leipzig group could only respond witl* a translation by Q. E. Miiller (1745). Miiller attempted a linef- for-line rendering into hexameters but came to grief. Eve^^ Oottsched could not approve of his work unconditionally, bu held it to be better than the lazy prose form of Drollinger the too long metrical form of Brockes.^* A prose translation o^^ the Essay on criticism was included in Dusch's work of 1758- 1764, but apparently no other complete translation appeared before 1795. In that year a rendering was made by J* J. Eschen- burg, the translator of Shakespeare. The version was far in- ferior to what might have been expected of such a writer. Bodmer planned in 1747 a Dunciad also, in which the Leip- ziger should play the title role. He tried to adapt it to the conditions of German literature; but the scheme was not easily carried thru, and his translation was comparatively tame. On the whole the Swiss were as little successful in establishing a claim upon Pope for their sect as Gottsched had been in claiming Addison for his. While waiting for the completion of Heinzelmann's study we have only scattered and somewhat unsatisfactory authorities to consult regarding the direct influence of Pope on particular German poets in the eighteenth century. Petzet's adequate account of the imitators of the Rape of the lock [276] has already been mentioned. Graner has treated of the translations of Pope's Essay on criticism [278]. There are brief articles on the influ- ence of Pope on Goethe [280], Hagedom [281], Lessing [282], Schiller [283], Wieland [284] and [285], and on Zacharia [145] if. Maack's program tfber Popes Einflusz auf die Idylls 2s The reference is to Brock es's translation of the Essay on man; ef. Survey, p. 206. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 209 und das Lehrgedichi in Deutschland [277] includes several authors in its scope and needs some further description. Maack's finding in regard to the **Idylle'' are neither ex- tensive nor definite. That Brockes often received suggestions from Pope may be accepted as a fact, tho one parallel passage falls short of proving it.-* Only a general comparison is made between Pope's Windsor forest and Haller's Alpen. Such an influence is barely possible, for Haller began to learn English soon after his return from England, that is to say about 1728 ;'* Die Alpen, which appeared the following year, originated prin- cipally out of the impressions Haller derived from a botanical trip made in 1728. During this trip he stayed for a time at the home of a friend, Ludwig von Muralt. Muralt was the author of Lettres s^ir les Anglais et les Franqais, in which he commended the **bon sens'' of the English and the **bel esprit" of the French.** One is free to surmize that Pope's descriptive nature poetry was discust on this visit, but definite proof of its influence on Haller 's Alpen is lacking. In the comparison of Pope's pastoral poetry with that of Ewald Christian von Kleist Maack again only refers to general similarity and Thomson's poetry is not taken into account at all. The evidence that Dusch plundered Pope is conclusive but not surprizing. Maack is able to speak more definitely regarding the influ- ence of the Essay on man in Germany. He finds the first trace of such influence in Brockes 's Neujahrsgedicht 1739. Brockes was at that time preparing his translation of the Essay, which appeared the following year. With Frick [281] and Coffman [118] Maack calls attention to Hagedorn's indebtedness to Pope.** He refers also to Kleist 's indebtedness to Pope in his FrUhling-^ and to Zernitz's in his Der Mensch in Absicht auf die 2* Brockes, Irdisclies Vergniigen in Gott (1744) I 27, (Das Wasser im Friihling), and Pope, Works (London 1777), V 17flf., (Spring), wUmbach [155] 69. 2« Koch, in Vogt and Koch, Geschichte der deuischen Literature (Leip- zig und Wien 1904), II 79. 28 Grudzinski [328] 22 says, however, that not the Essay on man but Shaftesbury's philosophy was the inspiration of Hagedorn's Freundschaft. 20 The yerses in question are reprinted in parallel columns. 210 University of California Puhlicationa in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Selbsterkenntnis and Gedanken von den Endzwecken der Welt. Uz was not only dependent on Pope in his Sieg des Liebesgottes already referred to, but also in his Theodicee}^ Dusch borrowed from the Essay on man as well as from Pope's Windsor forest. Not much can be proved by investigations of so small a scope as Maack's. It is to be hoped that the work of Heinzel- mann [275] will soon be rounded off. In the meanwhile his studies together with Coif man's have corrected the prevailing impressions in two essential respects: First, the influence of Pope did not entirely fail even with waning rationalism (ca. 1770), but on the contrary there were qualities in his work that particularly attracted the romantic mind ; and second, Pope guided the Germans not so much in thot as in literary form. To use Heinzelmann 's concluding phrase : * * The numerous efforts to reproduce the much admired characteristics of Pope's style con- tributed no inconsiderable share to the rapid development under- gone by the German poetic language during the last half of the century. ' ' 1S20"J Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 211 Chapter 6 THOMSON During the course of the eighteenth century an evolution occurred in the treatment of nature by the English poets. The earlier English poets of the century, of whom Pope is typical, praised the benign aspects of nature, the blue skies, the green fields, and gently sloping hills, in somewhat traditional phrases. A Kttle later these phrases became less stereotyped and poets began to describe with a greater regard for reality and with more attention to things actually seen. At the same time the less benignant aspects of nature began to receive their share of attention, and were defended as useful after all ; and in the end mature came to be glorified, even in her most forbidding aspects ^d sternest moods, as one inseparable whole so fashioned as to produce the most exalted feelings in man. The transition has sometimes been called the romantic revolt, ^^h the implication that romanticism was a conscious reaction ^inst rationalism, but it now appears that the change was not * I'evolution but a most natural evolution, that the seeds of de- ^'^lopment were contained in the writings and thot of the earlier I^^rt of the century.^ Previous treatizes regarding the influence ^f English nature poetry on Germany in the eighteenth century ^ave been based largely upon the revolutionary theory, and are Consequently subject to a certain amount of revision if the newer ^Jiterpretation be accepted. The church regarded as strongly orthodox the defence of Xiature on the grounds that some of its seeming deformities after all had their usefulness. As specimens of such defence a recent 1 See the article by C. A. Moore, The return to nature in English poetry, in Studies in philology (Chapel HUl N. C, Univ. of North Carolina) XIV (1917) 243ff. This article treats of the descriptive content largely, while an article by the same author in PMLA XXIV (1916) 264-325, Shaftes- bury and the ethical poets of England, treats more extensively of the theo- logical and ethical content. Orudzinski [328] also brings Thomson into elose connexion with Shaftesbury. 212 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [YoL9 critic, Moore, quotes William King's De origine malt (1702, English translation 1729).' From the theologian the idea paflt to the poet and was exprest by Sir Richard Blackmore in Creaiiom (1712). This utilitarian interpretation of nature is practically that of Brockes. Even Pope exprest a theoretic esthetic appreci- ation of nature as a whole, tho he dwelt in detail only upon milder aspects. Shaftesbury, however, in his Moralists (1709), had surveyi nature in its totality and held it to be the chief and most woi derful revelation of God, rendering other proofs superfluoi The church regarded this doctrine as heretical. Shaftesbui not only defended but glorified the harsher aspects of nature and so, tho he wrote in prose, he was none the less a predecessor^^ of Thomson and the winter poets, and not in opposition to them as has sometimes been implied. There is need to investigate the extent of Brockes 's and Haller's knowledge of Shaftesbury, now that recent investigations have reduced to a minimum* the pos- sible influence of Thomson on these poets. In so far as Brockes, Haller, and Thomson had anything in common it might prove to be due to the common influence of Shaftesbury among others. Shaftesbury is now receiving more attention as an influence in Germany in the eighteenth century* and is claiming some of the importance formerly attributed to Pope and Thomson. Thomson's- Seasons appeared in London during the years 1726-1730. They were felt to be an entirely new kind of poetry, not only in content*' but also in form. It had long been consid- ered proper to praise nature with poetic epithets such as the ancients used, selecting particularly those phrases which brot noble and agreeable suggestions to the mind. Thomson's .verses, however, were free from restrictions not only of rime but to a large extent of other conventions. The peacock's feathers had 3 See the article cited above in Studies in philology. 8 Moore, in a footnote to the article in Studies in philology, speaki without qualification of the influence of Thomson on Haller 's Alpen (1729) and Brockes 's Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott (1721); but cf. Subykt, p. 213f. «8ee Bibliography [307]-[328]. ♦• But cf. Moore, A predecessor of Thomson's "Seasons," MLN XXJUV (1919) 278f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 213 long constituted a part of the stock in trade of the poet, but Thomson discovered that the feathers of the turkey, the cock, and the duck were also beautiful. He no longer used the custo- mary epithets but chose instead whatever adjectives seemed to him to characterize his subjects most precisely. He described in detail the processes of caring for stock, he described the com- mon wild-flowers and the birds, he saw the beauty of the un- cultivated fields and distant hills quite as readily as of the convenient, well-cared-for parks. These innovations found much favor in England, and the new type of poetry soon made its way into Germany as well; but not quite so soon as Koch [76] would have us believe. Re- garding Thomson *s influence on Haller Koch says: **Das Be- streben Thomson und Pope zu verbinden hat Albrecht von Haller in seinen Alpen (1729) geleitet.'**^ Against this assertion Gjerset quotes the opinion of Haller *s biographer Frey: Sehr wahrscheinlich hat ferner Haller die Seasons im Jahre 1729 noch gar nicht gekannt, die zudem erst ein Jahr vor seiner Reise nach England erschienen sind,^ und deren auch in dem Briefwechsel mit Stahelin nicht die leiseste Erwahnung geschieht; uberdies waren sie damals noch wenig bekannt. Schlieszlich wissen wir, dasz der Plan zu den Alpen durch eine im Juni 1728 in die schweizerische Gebirgswelt unternoinmene Reise hervorgerufen wurde.^ Furthermore there is convincing evidence of Thomson *s influ- ence, neither in the content of Haller 's poetry, nor in his method of expression nor in his verse structure. * Koch was equally unguarded in his assertion concerning Thomson's influence on Brockes. **Die Schilderung, wie wir sie hier finden (i.e. in Irdisches Vergnilgen in Gott) lernte Brockes von James Thomson.''® Brockes was fifty years of age when Thomson's Seasons began to appear, and he had begun 5 Koch [76] 14; Flindt [79] 12 repeats the erroneous statement. « Haller visited England in 1727. In 1726 Thomson 's Winter only had appeared. The first complete edition of the Seasons appeared in 1730. 7 Frey, Alhrecht von Haller vnd seine Bedeutung fiir die deutsche Liter- atur (Leipzig 1879) ; quoted by Gjerset [358] 31 without page reference. » Koch [76] 13 J cf. Koch [76] 16. Flindt [79] 12 repeats the erroneous statement. 214 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol-^ his Irdisches Vergnugen in Gott (1721-1748) fully ten yeatJf* before he first read the Seiisons. He had already formed b-i* style, which wjas not totally unlike Thomson's. He too hm^ taught his countrymen to go out of doors and study nature first hand. He observed the minute phenomena of nature wit more intensity than Thomson. He could describe the colors o an insect and the structure of the nightingale's throat with curacy. He laid stress upon the things perceived by the senses^P^ on sights and sounds and odors, but because he lackt the imagi- nation of Thomson and because the German poetic language was poorer than the English he could not describe as well as Thomson. The grass was for him as green as the traditional emerald, and the dew was like diamonds. Moreover he lackt Thomson's ability to see nature as a panorama. He did not share Thomson's ad- miration for irregular landscapes and uncultivated expanses. Thomson loved nature for its own sake, Brookes used it to show how astonishingly well the Creator had ministered to man by his works. This is the feature of his poetry that rendered him so soon antiquated and brot upon him so much ridicule. Brockes was ungrudging in his praise of Thomson. In his Irdisches Vergnugen in Gott he speaks of Thomson's Seasons, In welcher Schrlft der grosze Thomson so sinnreich und begliickt gewesen, Dasz wir bei keiner Nation dergleichen Meisterstiick gelesen ; ' 'lo and B. J. Zink, one of Brockes 's chief admirers, wrote an intro- duction to Brockes 's translation of The seasons, in which he said: Die Furcht, durch diese erhabene Schreibart sich ubertroffen zu aehen, hat ihn so wenig abhalten konnen, selbige bekannt zu machen, dasz er sich vielmehr verbunden erachtet, wenn er auch iibertroffen ware, den groszen Endzweck auch hierin desto mehr befordern zu helfen, welcher bei ihm einzig und allein darin besteht, das wahre Vergnugen der Men- schen in verniinftigem Genusz nach Moglichkeit zu befordern. Gjerset is doubtless right in thinking that these words were inspired by Brockes himself." 10 Op. citt, VII 427. 11 Ojerset [358] 9. Trice: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 215 Bat Brockes seems only tardily to have made the effort to appropriate something of Thomson's art. He begins Herbst (1743) with the words : Auf denn rneln OeistI Tritt eine neue Bahn In dieser Zeitentheilung an! The new arrangement, which is according to seasons, is carried over also to the next volume (1746). It will be noted that Brockes during this period was also busy with the translation of Thomson's Seasfyns, Gjerset discovers some evidence of Thom- son's influence in Brockes 's subject matter. He says: **In den letzteu drei Teilen des Irdischen Ycrgnugens in Goii finden wir • • . eine Neigung, ins Freie der Natur sich hinauszuwagen und ^^ Jahreszeiten als ein ganzes zu betrachten. . . . Einzelbe- *^hreibungen von Blumen, Blattern und kleinen Gegenstanden erscheinen jetzt seltener."*^ The new tendencies, however, Qjer- *t holds, only extend to a few outward forms. The character ®' Brockes 's poetry remained unchanged. A more recent investigator notes the same change but dates ^^ from the time of Brockes 's earliest study of Thomson in Ritze- '^^ttel in 1735. '*In this place with its quiet country life," ^tewart says, **he breathed in a new inspiration for nature and *^^r solitudes."" On the whole it may be asserted that the influence of Thomson ^D Brockes is too slight to be measured. While Brockes was i^et ignorant of Thomson he had joined with him in the revolt ?rom the classic view of nature^* and its cold, lifeless, stereotyped Method of description. Brockes, like Thomson, was an interested and accurate observer of nature, and his descriptions, like Thom- son's, were particular and precise and reproduced the character- istics of definite localities. Both departed from the conventional, saw with their own eyes, and described in their own words, but 12 Ibid., p. 15. "Stewart [360] 22. I* Cf. definition by Myra Reynolds, The treatment of nature in English poetry between Pope and Wordsworth^ (Univ. of Chicago 1909), p. 57. 216 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 this was as far as the similarity went. Brookes reasoned about the admirable construction of the natural world ; Thomson felt its mysterious influence. Brockes loved the shady river banks and the level meadows and all the forms of nature that a^i® comfortable and pleasant; Thomson loved the rigors of wint^^ and the distant hill slopes that lured the wanderer. At mo**^ Brockes learnt from Thomson to lift his eyes now and then fn^*'*' nearby scenes to the broader horizons of nature. Tho Brockes 's response to Thomson's example was limit€5"^ by his temperament, his intellectual acceptance of his rival wi unreserved, and this helpt to make the path of Thomson Germany smooth. Brockes 's own popularity diminisht rapidl] from now on. The first volume of his work past thru sevc editions, the last volume thru but one. In the year 1767 th< Neue Bibliothek der schojien Wissenschaften und der freyen Ki'mste speaks of the **so bewunderten und so bald vergessenen Brockes.*'"' Wieland repeats the phrase in the Teutscher Merkur of 1782,**** and Salomon Qeszner echoes it in his Brief uber die Landschaftsmalerci}^ Brockes 's merit, as far as Thomson is concerned, is chiefly that of a translator. He began with several partial translations; in 1740 he printed a translation called Die wilden und unordenU lichen Eigeixschaften der Liebe aus Mr. Thomsons Seasons as an appendix to his translation of Pope's Essay on man. He used several different meters, as if by way of test, and translated very freely. In 1741 he translated Thomson's Hymn to the seasons and used it as an introduction to his Harmonische Himmelslust im Irdischen, At about the same time he translated lines 535-827 of Spring and incorporated them in his Friihlingsgedicht. In 1743 he paraphrased Summer, lines 46-95 and embodied the passage in Morgengedankcn in Irdisches Vergnilgen in Oott.^** i**Op. cit., V 23; quoted by Gjerset [358] 18. 1*"* Quoted by Gjerset [358] 18 without page reference. 15 Op. cit., in DNL XLI 1, 289. i5« Op. cit., VII 180. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 217 This ends the period of fragmentary translation^' and a series of complete renderings begins in Germany. The list was headed by Brookes 's version, whose **wohlgemeintet)bersetziing,'' as Lessing called it,"' was generally regarded as unsatisfactory even in the early years when it had few competitors, but the frequent translations and the private correspondence of such poets and critics as Ebert, Sulzer, Qleim, and Uz""* testify to the popularity of Thomson's Seasons. Gjerset says that most of the translations of the Seasons in Germany follow the second edition (1738). One derives a dif- ferent impression from Stewart, who represents the relation of these renderings to one another, to the four editions of Thomson's Seasons in England, 1730, 1738, 1744, and 1746, and the later editions of Lyttleton, 1750, Murdoch, 1762, and X, date un- known, in the following graphic fashion: 1730 J738 1744 1746 T B Br H L Brockes 1745i7 M = Murdoch 1762 8r = Schmittheriber 1822 Bruckbrau 1827 N =Neuendorff 1815 8t=8chubart 1789" Harries 1796 P = von Palthen 1758 8u = 8oltau 1823 Lyttleton 1750 R = Rosenzweig 1819 T = Tobler 1757-1764 X = English text unknown to 8tewart " In 1745 a translation of three episodes from the Seasons was printed as an appendix to Lange and Pyra's Freundschaftliche Lieder. Wieland attributed the translation to Bodmer. 8ee Biblioobapht [238]. !«■ Lessing, Schnften VII 67. 16" Re Ebert see Gjerset [358] 33; re the others 8tewart [360] 385f. 17 Gjerset disputes the date of the title page and substitutes 1744. 18 Gjerset says [358] 74: **Ira Versmasz des Originals," but Walz [363] 118-119 gives selections, which are in rithmic prose. Of. Stewart [360] 394-395. 218 University of California Fublications in Modem Philology [Yol.9 Stewart says: These translations extend over a period of more than 75 years, cover- ing the critical period of German literature when the poetical language of Germany was being created and perfected and when the literature ^^ the country was advancing by great strides from the dullness and hot^' bast of the early eighteenth-century writers to the finished work of tt^^ classical period. . . . The various translations of The seasons may taken as a somewhat crude measure of the growth of the German la guage and of the advancement of the art of translation which kept with the general literary development of the country. i^ Stewart's statement is, however, obviously an exaggeration ^ since of all the translations he lists only those of Brocket (1745ff.), Tobler (1757ff.), and von Palthen (1758) fall within what may properly be called the critical period of German literature. According to Qjerset, Ewald Christian von Kleist with his Fruhling (1749) must be regarded as the first German poet to respond to the example of Thomson's Seasons. Kleist had been a friend, follower, and enthusiastic admirer of Brockes. The fact of his inspiration by the Seasons is sufficiently attested by his letters to Gleim.^^ Parallel passages are not difficult to find.** For Thomson's Spring, lines 665-676, Vergil's Oeorgics IV, 509- 515 are recognized as a model, but Gjerset points out that Kleist has here followed Thomson even in his deviations from the Latin model. Kleist imitates Thomson not only in the plan of his work but also in his way of looking upon nature and describing it, his motifs, his scenery, and his introduction of episodes to break the monotony of description. It has been pointed out by Sauer that Kleist was unable to read Thomson in the original and had to make use of Brockes 's translation as the basis for his imitation.'* Kleist 's imitation, however, remained fragmentary. No other seasons followed his Fruhling, The editors of the Neue Biblio- thek der schonen Wisscnschaften relate: **Der sel. Kleist zeigte i» Stewart [360] 20. 20 Quoted by Gjerset [358] 22-23. »i See Gjerset [358] 23ff. " Sauer [361a] I 156f . 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 219 UDs einstmals ein 30-40 Verse vom Anfange zum Sommer; und als wir ihn baten, darin f ortzuf ahren, versieherte er uns heilig, dasz solches nimmer mehr gesehehen wiirde. Seit er den Thom- son recht gelesen habe, sey er vollig davon abgeschreckt worden, und er rechne sich seinen Friihling als eine Ubereilung an.*'^* Heist's work was nevertheless much imitated by his country- men. Gjerset names in this connexion J. Chr. Blum with his Die Eugd bet Rathenau (1771) and C. S. Slevogt with his ^ersuch eines poetischen Oemdldes vom Herbste (1771). Wieland was in no strict sense an imitator of Thomson, altho Readmits in his correspondence that his MoraUsche Erzdhlungen (^52) and his Friihling owe their initial impulse to Thomson. ^e same letters show that Wieland had other models before ^ at the same time.^' The other poets mentioned in Gjerset 's treatize seem not to ^*Ve been independent enuf to create original works on the basis ^* Thomson's suggestions. They were imitators of Thomson Either exclusively or in connexion with some other model. The ^^^ successful of these was Qiseke,^^ of whom Herder said: Er scheint in keiner Dichtungsart eigenen Ton oder Original- Manier zu haben; er hat sich iiberall in den Ton eines andern, ^ber sehr gliicklich eingedichtet. "^* Not so successful as Oiseke were Fr. Wilhelm Zacharia with lis Tag^szeiten (1755), von Palthen with his Lenz (1758), Dusch with his Schildernngen aus dem Reiche der Natur und Sittenlehre durch Me Monate des Jahres, which appeared in four volumes, namely Frilhlings-, Sommer-, Herbst-, und Winter- Monate (1757-1760), and Chr. Cay Lorenz Hirschfeld with his Landleben (1767) and his Herbst (1769).»« These were all confest imitators of Thomson. Zacharia wrote to Gleim, Dec. 10, 1754: ** Thomson seine Jahreszeiten haben i*Neue Bibliothek der sohonen Wissenschaften I (1770) 131. 2s See Survey, p. 248. 2T Ode an den Friihling (1747), Der Herbst (1747), Der Winter (1753). 28 Herder, Werke IV 278. 80 Gjerset [358] 48-71. 220 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 mich so begeistert, dasz ich versucht habe, ob ich ihm und Kleisten von fern nachfliegen konnte.'* But he was compelled to admit in his poem Tageszeiten oder Jahreszeiten im Jdeinei^ (1755) : Nur Thomsonische Hymnen erfiillen die Seele mil Feuer Und besingen allein den erhabensten Gegenstand wurdig.s^* Eight or more passages in Zacharia's Tageszeiten are almo^^ direct translations from Thomson's Seasons.^* Since the publication of Qjerset's treatize the circle of ol servation has been extended and additional authors have beei connected with Thomson. Thus Ritter associates Qeszner witfc^ Thomson : * ^ Thomsons Einflusz tritt nicht blosz in der rundei Sinnlichkeit des Ausdrucks zutage, fiir die Geszner gewisz von Thomson gelernt hat, sondern sie auszert sich auch in einigen direkten Einzelbeeinfluszungen. ' *'* (Jeszner would naturally be susceptible to Thomson's influence, since he was an artist as well as an author. He says, in fact, in his Brief iiber die Land- schaftsmalerei: ''Der Landschaftsmaler musz sehr zu beklagen sein, den z. B. die Gemalde eines Thomson nicht begeistem konnen."^*' Koch says of him: ** Geszner iibt nicht Zerglie- derung und Nutzanwendung des Einzelnen wie Brookes, noch die schwermiitige Betrachtung Kleists, aber er hat von beiden und von Thomson gelernt. Der KUnstler sieht iiberall anmutige, in sich geschlossene Bildchen, die er in der Ausfiihrung, sei's mit der Feder, sei's mit dem Stift stilisiert. "" It will be remembered that toward the end of the eighteenth century a distinct reaction took place against descriptive poetry. «2' Quoted by Crosland [147] 292. s3Cro8land [147] 293 lists these passages; cf. Ojerset [358] 41ff. 8* Ritter [361] 170 parallels Geszner's Daphnis (DNL XLI 1, 11-60) with the Palemon-Lavinia episode in Thomson's Autumn, and a passage in the fifth Gesang of Der Tod Abels beginning: "Sowie wenn drei lie- benswiirdige Gespielen'' (DNL XLI 1, 170) with Thomson's Summer, line 12I5ff. »*• Op. cit., in DNL XLI 1, 288. SB Vogt and Koch, Geschichte der deutsclien Literatur* (Leipzig and Wien 1904), II 162. W\ Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 221 The reaction seems to have begun in England, but it soon crost over to the continent. Pope apologizes for his own earlier efforts in this direction asking : Who could take offence While pure description held the place of sense fs* Warton, in his Essay an the genius and writings of Pope, however, took up the challenge in behalf of descriptive poetry pointing to Lucretius and Virgil in his Oeorgics as sanction, but Mendelssohn in turn (1759) replied to Warton: So Teraehwistert die Dichtkunst und die Malerei sind, so hat doch «iiie jede Konst ihre angewiesenen Orenzen, die durch das Werkzeug der Sinne, fur welches sie arbeiten, bestimmt werden. Virgils Landbau und I'Obezens Natur der Dinge scheinen uns von Thomsons Jahreszeiien wesentKeh unterschieden zu sein. Die Bomer woUen eigentlich unter- nehten, und malen nur zur Veranderung; der Englander hingegen hat keine andere Absieht als zu malen.s? ^'^fising supported in his Laokoon (1766) this statement of Men- ^©Issohn's quoted in the first sentence. In the seventeenth section ^' that work Lessing quoted Pope's disparaging words about his ^^ early descriptive poetry and added : Von dem Herm von Kleist kann ich versichem, dasz er sich auf ^inen Friihling das wenigste einbildete. Hatte er langer gelebt, so ^^rde er ihm eine 'ganz andere Oestalt gegeben haben. £r dachte darauf , ^inen Plan hinein zu legen, und sann auf Mittel, wie er die Menge von ^ilderUy die er aus dem unendlichen Raume der verjiingten Schopfung 9iaf Geratewohl, bald hier bald da, gerissen zu haben schien, in einer natnrlichen Ordnung vor seinen Augen entstehen und auf einander folgen lassen wolle.s^ It is a remarkable fact that Thomson is not mentioned here or elsewhere in this section of Laokoon. But the growing oppo- sition to descriptive poetry, especially after Lessing had entered the lists against it, proved too strong, and indications of con- 8«Pope, Prologue to Satires, line 147. iT Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften IV 1 (1758) 396; quoted by Goldstein [556] 198. GjerSet [358] 73 refers also to Bd. II, Th. 2, 103 and Bd. VI 55. The years are not given. 88 Lessing, Schriften IX 106. 222 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 tinued interest in Thomson's descriptions are rare in the last third of the century. Just after the century had past, however, the Seasons were able to celebrate a final triumph. Haydn's oratorio Die Jahreszeiten was first produced on April 24, 1801, with a text which Haydn's friend, (Jottfried van Swieten, had written the previous year, basing it on Thomson's Seasons. In this form Thomson is best appreciated to-day in Germany and elsewhere. • •••••••••• Qjerset concentrated his attention especially upon the influ- ence of Thomson's Scaso7is. Critics have recently found that the philosophic, didactic, and lyric content of Thomson's poetry called forth in Germany a response stronger than has heretofore been estimated, and that several leading German poets were inspired by Thomson's social ideals. One of the earliest of these was Hagedorn. If Pope was Hagedorn's best teacher in regard to form, Thomson was most congenial to him in respect to sentiments. Coffman has shown this by many examples. Apparently Hagedorn especially com- mended to his friends Thomson's poem Liberty, and it is to the Englishman's love of freedom Hagedorn refers when he exclaims in Der Weise: **Wie edel ist die Neigung echter Britten."" To such independence belongs also a freedom from servility. As Thomson says in his poem Liberty (1. 490-492) : Unless corruption first deject the pride And guardian vigor of the free-born soul All crude attempts of violence are gone. With this Coffman compares the lines of Hagedorn in Der Weise: Die Schraeicheley legt ihre sanften Bande Ihr glattes Joch, nur eitlen Seelen an. Unedler Buhm und unverdiente Schande, O waget euch an keinen Biedermann.^o 8» Hagedorn, Werke (Hamburg 1760), I 11. *o Ibid., I 16. )] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 223 Like Thomson, Hagedorn lays emphasis upon innocence, eerfolness, health, avoidance of self-delusion ; and both extol le joy of true friendship of man for man and the joys of mntry life. In regard to many of these ideals it is recognized lat Thomson and Hagedorn were pioneers in their respective ountries. Coffman is doubtless right in taking the prevalent optimism f Hagedorn as a criterion and asserting that he was more gen- indy influenced by Thomson than were Brockes and Haller ;*^ nd the added statement is probably also correct : that he was tflier influenced than were Kleist, Wieland, Zacharia, and eazner. The surmize that he may have helpt this last men- ttned group to know Thomson seems also tenable, but whether not these suggestions can be demonstrated into facts it cer- uily remains true that Hagedorn caught the spirit of Thomson's €try and rendered it into German terms more accurately than ] his contemporaries. Stewart [362] makes out an excellent case for his contention Qceming the relation of Klopstock's early poetry to Thomson, eviously Milton and Young had been thot sufficient to account any English tone in the Oden and the Messias, Stewart lid add Thomson to the group, admitting, however, that there 10 direct external evidence that Klopstock read him. Altho »pstock praises Milton, Young, Elizabeth Rowe, Addison, and »r English authors, he makes no mention of Thomson in his ms or correspondence; but Schmidt and Gleim, Klopstock 's t intimate friends, corresponded regarding Thomson, and rt read Kleist 's Fruhling aloud to a circle of friends of whom pstock was one. Stewart holds, with much plausibility, that mson's Seasons, already much discust elsewhere, must cer- ly have been spoken of in such a gathering. Klopstock, at time, knew no English, but the translations of Brockes t Coffman [118] 88. Hagedorn might have acquainted Brockes with nson's poetry when he returned from England in 1731; but against surmize we have the fact that Brockes 's interest in Thomson seems ;o have been aroused before 1740. 224 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 (1740-1745) were at his disposal. It is not Thomson's nature poetry that comes into consideration in this connexion, but his ethical system. Aside from descriptions of nature the elements most conspicuous in Thomson's poetry are: (1) panegyrics to God;' (2) praises of benefactors ; (3) odes to friends; (4) patri- otic eulogies of England; (5) songs of love. Klopstock's odes are usually groupt under the subjects: (1) religion; (2) friend- ship; (3) love; (4) patriotism. Stewart cites a number of pa- rallel passages in which Thomson and Elopstock use similar pictures and similar comparisons, and points out many words added to Klopstock's vocabulary thru Thomson's influence. More surprizing is the article of Walz [363] in which he parallels portions of Schiller's Spaziergang with Thomson's Seasons. In the year 1789, he says, Ludwig Schubart, the son of the Swabian poet, presented Schiller with his translation of Thomson's Seasons. Schiller acknowledged the gift in a letter which showed that the work was new to him. Succeeding letters of the period indicate that Thomson made a deep impression on him. The Spaziergang has three parts; lines 1-50 describe the walk into the country, lines 50-172 contain a vision of the rise of civilization and its decay, and the concluding part indicates the awakening of the poet and his union with nature. Altho similarities of imagery and situation are not lacking elsewhere, it is particularly the second part that Walz compares with the Seasons. Thomson's line of thot is as follows: He begins with the mechanical aspect of civilization, passes on to the develop- ment of social life and virtues, as shown in the commonwealth with its legal order, patriotism, and devotion, and ends with the city as the highest form of social order. Schiller expresses the same thots, tho in a different order. He begins with **die thiirmende Stadt," which echoes Schubart 's **thurmbekranztes Haupt," Thomson's ** tower-circled head,"*^ and then proceeds to the two other phases. Schiller's interest in Thomson is further 42 * < Thiirmende Stadt * ' was also a favorite expression with Klopstock. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 225 shown by certain references to him in Vber naive und sentimen- talische Dichtung ( 1793-1795). *» The complete account of Thomson's influence in Germany remains yet to be written. Gjerset's essay [358] was premature, preceding as it did the studies of Shaftesbury's influence [307]- [328] and most of the detailed studies regarding Thomson. The story of Thomson's vogue in Germany would constitute no small contribution to the study of eighteenth century esthetics even tho he was but one of several poets who brot about a new attitude of man toward nature, and even tho he fortunately failed to establish descriptive poetry as an enduring type. 48 Schiller, Werke XII 202 and 209. 226 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Chapter 7 MILTON 'S PARADISE LOST The opinions of Addison and the poetry of Pope percolated into Germany from many sides; Thomson's new poetry had other and adroiter advocates in (Germany than Brockes ; but John Milton owes almost his whole reputation and influence in Ger- many directly or indirectly to Bodmer of Zurich. It is true Bodmer's translation of Paradise lost was not the first extant in Germany. As early as the year 1678 an acquaintance of Milton, Theodore Haake, sent to two of his friends a manuscript copy of his translation into German of the first three books of Milton's epic.^ One of these friends, Johann Sebald Fabricius, merely acknowledged the manuscript with a polite note: **In- credibile est quantum nos affecerit gravitas stili et copia lectissi- morum verborum ; ' '^ while the other friend, Gottlieb von Berge, was inspired to an unsuccessful attempt to compete with Haake as a translator. After that, however, Milton was relegated for a time to the standard books of references. Daniel Morhof's treatize mentions as the chief peculiarity of Paradise lost the lack of rime: ''Plena ingenii et acuminis sunt, sed insuavia tamen videntur ob rhythmi defectum; quem ego abesse a tali carminum genere non posse existimo."' In 1690 Hog's Latin translation of Paradise lost appeared, which rendered Milton's epic accessible, to the learned class at least, everywhere. A few of the latter in Germany were no doubt able to read and ap- preciate the original. Milton was best known in Hamburg. The contest between the first and second Silesian schools had its 1 See Brandl [224] and Bolte [225]. 2 Bentham, Engelldndischer Kirch- und Schulenstaat^ (1732), p. 116. 8 Morhof, Polyhistor give dc notitia auctorum et rerum eommeniarii (Liibeck 1688), Lib. I, Kap. xxiv, p. 302; cf. Morhof, Unterricht von der teutschen Sprache und Poesie, deren Uhrsprung, Fortgang und Lehrsatsen (Kiel 1682), p. 568f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 227 diminutive counterpart in this city.* Yet Christian Wernicke and Heinrich Postel, the leaders of the two factions, both speak favorably of Milton, Postel in the introduction and notes to his Lisiige Juno (1700), Wernicke in his Poetischer Versuch (1704).'^ Another Hamburg poet sufficiently interested in Milton to translate certain passages into German was Barthold Heinrich Brockes. His translations first appeared in 1740, but were written much earlier, possibly in 1732.* Before the year 1740, however, the name of Milton was well known in wider circles in Germany. Bodmer publisht his first version of Paradise lost in 1732, having completed it, however, as early as 1724. On its appearance Gottsched, who was then on friendly terms with the Swiss scholars, reviewed it favorably, pronouncing it in fact superior to the original and criticizing • only the Swiss dialect forms.^ It was a prose translation, later often revised.^' As Bodmer himself says, his first translation was Swiss, his second (1742) German, and his third (1754) poetic.® After the appearance of Bodmer 's first rendering, partial translations in prose and in verse became frequent.*' It has sometimes been stated® that Bodmer first learned of Milton thru the pages of the Spectator, but such was not the case. Hans Bodmer points out: The Milton essays were lack- * See Survey, p. 180f., and Eichler [185]. 5 See Pechel, Christian Wernigkes Epigramme, Pal LXXI (1902) 492. 8 Cf. Brandl [104a] 100, who maintains on not quite sufficient grounds that they were completed as early as 1731. '' Bey t rage zur kritischen Historic etc. 2te8. Stiick (1732). ^■Por discussion of the first five editions see Schmitter [232]. Re the edition of 1780 see Pizzo [224] 43. 8 Cf . letter of Bodmer to Zellweger, Jan. 27, 1754; quoted by Bodmer [230] 198. Criiger [150] xvii erroneously quotes Bodmer: **erst die dritte (1780) poetisch," while Muncker [243]2 127 says: '*erst die vierte vom Jahre 1759 poetisch. " The edition of 1759 was, however, a mere repe- tition of that of 1754. To avoid giving a false impression it should be added that all editions are in prose. 8'Stry 1746, Gruner 1749, Giseke n. d., Grynaeus n. d., Muller 1755, Zacharia 1760f., Herder date uncertain, Ramler 1782, Moritz 1786, Kose- garten 1788, Wieland (1790), Burde (1793), Pries (1813), Bruckbrau (1828), Rosenzweig (1832), Kottenkamp (1840), Bottger (1846), Schuh- mann (1855), Eitner (1865). For translations of Paradise regained see footnote 45. » Cf. Jenny [226] 18 and Vetter [102] 6. 228 Univernty of Calif omia Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 ing in the French edition of the journal which Bodmer poflMit and so they remained for the time unknown to him. Bodmer did not come into the possession of an English edition of the Spectator until 1724, shortly after the completion of his tranft- lation of Paradise lost,^^ It has been furthermore asserted ihwX Bodmer first knew Milton's work in French translation, but HcbJM is again erroneous, for as late as 1726 no such version was ^^ existence.*® Reviews of the work in French, it is true, h^^^ already appeared, one of the more extensive ones in a Prenc^"^ journal publisht in Holland." Wliatever may have first kindled Bodmer 's interest in Milto^^ we now know that on May 30, 1723 he wrote to his friend Zel weger asking for a copy of the work and received from him ii August or thereabouts presumably the only copy between th^^ Rhine and the Reusz.'^ On the lower Rhine Paradise lost wi better known and Hans Bodmer suggests that Zellweger may have discovered it while a student in Holland." On receiving the copy Bodmer retired to his country home at Greifensee and must have devoted himself exclusively to his prize. He read the work with the help only of a Latin-English dictionary." He translated first the eighth book, then the first four books, and sent them all to Breitinger for his approval before the end of the year 1723. The entire work was finisht early in 1724,** but its appearance was delayed until 1732. The delay in the publication of Bodmer 's translation was chiefly due to difficulties with the censors. Fiiszli in Ziirich wrote to his friend Huber in St. Gallen in 1725 : Es ist hier ein Hr. Bodmer . . ., welcher des verruhmten Miltoni Carmen heroicum de paradiso perdito in Englisch besehrieben in dms Deutsche in ungebundener Rede iibersetzt, es hat sollen hier gednikt werden, die geistlichen Censores aber sehen es fur eine allzu Bomantische 10 Bodmer [230] 183. 1^ Journal liUraire IX (1717) 157-216. 12 Bodmer [230] 185. i» Ibid., p. 182. 1* Ibid., p. 198. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 229 Schrifft an in einem so heiligen themate; es ist etwas extra Hohes und Pathetisches, aber nicht recht, dasz man es nicht gestattet hat, in druk zu geben.18 Bodmer was equally unsuccessful in his attempt to find a publisher in Hamburg and Dresden. Meanwhile he prosecuted some inquiries in regard to the translation of Berg, apparently without result. It was a Ziirich firm, Marcus Rordorf, that eventually undertook the publication in 1732, the opposition of the * * geistlichen Censores" having now been overcome. Earlier comments upon Milton in the German journals had merely reflected a dispute in the French journals of 1727-1729. The Milton essays by Addison, which had been lacking in the earlier French Spectateiir, were translated into French by Dupr6 de Saint-Maurs (Paris 1727). Voltaire in his Essai sur la poesie epique (1728) attackt Milton from a rationalistic point of view, as did also Constantin de Magny in his Dissertation critique sur le paradis perdu (1729). Gottsched was naturally influenced more by critics of the Voltaire and de Magny type. He was, however, reserved at first in his expression of opinion, and only in a personal letter to Bodmer did he write on the seventh of October 1732: **Uebrigen8 wiinsche ich ehestens das verspro- chene Werk zur Vertheidigung des Miltons zu sehen. Ich gestehe, dasz ich begierig bin, die Begeln zu wissen, nach welchen eine so regellose Einbildungskraft, als des Miltons seine war, ent- schuldiget werden kann.''^^ It was quite natural that Bodmer should quote Addison in his defence.^® The full title of this apology, which appeared in Ziirich in 1740, was Die kritische Abhandlung von dem Wundcrbaren in der Poesie und dessen Verhindung mit dem Wahrscheinlichen, in einer Vertheidigung des Oedichtes J oh, Miltons von dem Verlorenen Paradiese; der beygefiiget ist Joseph Addisons Abhandlung von den Schonheiten in demselben Oedichte. Thus began a literary debate which lasted a decade. Gottsched assumed the leadership of the anti-Miltonic i« J. Zehnder-Stadlin, Pestaloszi (Gotha 1875), p. 235; quoted by Vetter [102] 6 and Jenny [226] 21. 17 Quoted by Cruger [150] Ivii. J» Spectator no. 267flf. 230 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 party. At the outset he commanded the best talent in Germany. The trend of the times was against him, however. The enthu- siastic newer generations of writers triumpht over the ration- alistic school, and when the Messids appeared in 1748 it was clear that a campain had been lost by Gottsched. It was Bodmer*8 enthusiasm for Milton's epic that first fired Klopstock's zeal while he was a student at Schulpforta (1739- 1745). Klopstock took leave of his school with a speech on the epic poets which indicated his plan to produce a work in the German language worthy of a place beside the epics of Virgil, Tasso, Milton, and Fenelon. By the year 1747 three **Gesange'* of his Messias were completed and offered to the Bremer Beitrdge. The editors hesitated at first, then askt Hagedorn's advice. He exprest himself cautiously, but when the matter was referred to Bodmer in May 1747, the latter gave his enthusiastic approval, declaring that the spirit of Milton had descended on the young poet.'^ In his first letter to Bodmer August 10, 1748, Klopstock describes the impression that Milton first made upon him: Und als Milton, den ich vielleicht ohne ihre t^bersetzung allzuspat zu sehen bekommen hatte, mir in die Hande fiel, fachte es im innersten Grunde das Feuer an, das Homer in mir entziindet hatte, und hob meine Seele, um den Himmel und die Religion zu besingen.^o Bodmer later pictured, in a somewhat similar fashion, the impression which the first reading of Paradise lost made upon Klopstock : Die ersten Reden, die er davon fiihrete, nachdem er wieder zu sich selber gekommen war, wiewol er noch immer zuriik sah, lauteten von neuen, unbekannten Gegenden, in welche der Poet ihn gefiihret, von seltenen, hohen Bekanntschaften, die er ihm verschaffet, von dem Reich- thum der Ideen und der Empfindungen, den er ihm mitgetheilt hatte. Es ist wahr, sagte er, ich hatte vordem einige dunkle Spuren auf einem unbetretenen Boden gesehen, und etUche Ziige dieser herrlichen Scenen erbliket: Aber hier fand ich sie in ihrem vollen Lichte vor mir ofifen ligen. Vielleicht hatte ich einmal den Weg auf diesem ungebahnten lolbershoff [232x] 592. 20 Morikofer, Klopstock in Zurich^ p. 8; quoted by Ibershoflf [232x] 592. 1920] Price: Englisliy> German Literary Influences — Survey 231 Geiilde fortgesezet, und hatte vielleicht bis in die himmlischen Gegenden dsrehgebrocheiiy welche Milton mir g^ezeiget hat, wenn ein ehrfurchtvoller Sehauer mich nicht zuriikgezogen hatte. Aber nachdem Milton den Eingang in dieses Heiligthum der Geisteswelt erofifnet hat, nachdem er mieh hineingef uhret hat, so darf ich kiinf tig mit kuhnen Fiiszen darinnen heramwandeln.si Contemporary critics joined with Bodmer in dubbing Klop- stock the (Jerman Milton and later writers have done him a like injustice. Milton's work is essentially epic, Klopstock's is lyric, and no common standard of judgment is applicable. Neverthe- less the extensive and detailed comparisons of Muncker^^' and ^ter critics were almost inevitable.-^ The two works are after all *^ike in tone ; the music of both is as the swell of a great organ, "^t here too Klopstock's composition must yield to Milton's, '^opstock began his first three cantos with a diapason note ^^t he could not long sustain and could never transcend. *-^lton prepared for effective climaxes, then let his themes die ^t. in soothing, tranquil cadences.^^ Klopstock might have "H.Tned much from Milton in respect to technik and composition ^t his work was never planned as a whole. The first three Qesange*' roused the throng to the pitch of exalted enthusiasm ^ 1748 but the last echoes died away almost unnoticed in 1775 ^ the midst of the ** storm and stress" period. When Bodmer offered to Klopstock (1750) the hospitality »I his home it was with a double purpose; he wisht to afford Qopstock the leisure and freedom to complete his work, but he Uso hoped that Klopstock could lend him aid in his own epic, lis Kooky which he had begun under the inspiration of Paradise ost. To give a full account of Bodmer 's indebtedness to Milton RTOuld involve a long and uninteresting list of parallel passages. Bodmer made no effort to conceal his borrowings, indeed like 21 Bodmer, Neue critische Brief e, p. 15-16; quoted by Pizzo [229] 35. ^I'Muncker [234]i 117-128. 22Hubler [235] did not come to hand. Ibershoff's parallel passages ire as follows: [236] Paradise lost V 278ff. and Messias XII 510ff.; [237] ^aradise lost IX 887ff. and Messias XIII 533ff.; [237] Paradise lost XIII [98ff. and Messias VIII 665ff. 23 Cf. StoU, Is paradise well lost? PMLA XXXIII (1918) 428-435. 232 University of California PublicatioJis in Modem Philology [Vol.9 Milton he rather considered it a virtue to show thus the profits he had derived from reading,^* but Ibershoff [232x] is able to indicate certain more general points of resemblance in the con- tent of the two epics. **Like Milton,'* Ibershoff says, **Bodmer sings the praise of liberty, righteousness, the simple life, the beauties of virtue, and the glories of the life hereafter."-* No doubt Ibershoff is right in seeing a Miltonic influence here, y^ most of these new notes were being wafted from England at tl^^ same time from other English poets, notably from Thomson- Haller too had given expression to them with seeming sponta^ eity. The same remark applies to the theme of friendshi; which was also congenial to Bodmer. With Milton friendshr yields, as Ibershoff admits, to divine love.^" In his idyllic pi( tures Bodmer will best stand comparison with his master; ii the creation of epic characters he failed notably and his worl is entirely devoid of the musical quality of Milton's. Bodmer 's opinion of Paradise lost never changed. In the-^ introduction to the third edition of his translation (1754) he ' says: '*Wir sind iiberzeugt, Wer wahren Oeschmack und einiges Genie hat, wird dieses Gedicht fiir das Beste unter den Werken der Neuern erkennen.'* But while he was at work on pew (Klitions of his translation in rapid sequence (1732-1780), and while successive **Gesange'' of Klopstock's Messiah were appear- ing (1748-1773), new men were coming to the fore in German literature and popular taste was passing thru new phases. We are indebted to Pizzo [229] for a resume of these changes. In showing how the representative critics referred to Milton, Pizzo » skillfully unfolds a clear picture of the changing standards of the times. In endowing God and the angels with visible physical form Milton, as Voltaire pointed out, had involved his epic in incon- gruities. Bodmer rusht to Milton *s aid with theoretical defences that happily deceived himself and his time. Yet what really con- 24 Bodmer, in the second edition of his translation of Paradise lost (1742), p. 471, devotes a long footnote to a defense of Milton's display of erudition; quoted by Ibershoflf [232x] 597. 2a Ibershoflf [232x] 597. 2« Cf . Survey, p. 222f . IWO] Price: Englishy> German Literary Influences — Survey 233 eerned Bodmer, as Pizzo demonstrates,"® was not the consistency of Milton, or the abstract justification of the **Wunderbare*' in poetry, but the freedom of the religious imagination. The seraphic element he admired and it impelled him to translation ; the biblical, patriarchal, idyllic element he imitated in his later poetic writings, Die Noachide, Jakob und Joseph, Jakob und Sakdj etc. In these he participated in the romantic **Welt- flucht" of his time. The patriarchal time was his Robinson isie, his golden age. Geszner in his Der Tod Abels (1758) was Bodmer's follower in this respect. Bodmer's contemporaries appreciated chiefly the seraphic element in Milton and were for that reason easily led into the error of proclaiming Klopstock ^^ German Milton. Soon after came the period of Winckelmann and Lessing,'^ *^icli lookt to ancient Greece for final sanction of art forms. '^a* antik-heidnische'* was sot in Milton rather than **das ''B.phische,'* but it was only too obvious that **edle Einfalt und 'He Grosze" were absent in Milton *s stupendous pictures. Nor ^ Milton fare much better at the hands of the **Stiirmer und ^S^nger."" Tho Gerstenberg was eager to give up the classic ^Xidard of judgment for a more individualistic one, tho he ^infied Shakespeare for being true to himself alone, and pro- ^^d against testing Klopstock by a comparison with Homer, -t; it does not appear that he ever rated Milton as an **Original- ^nie." Gerstenberg 's fellow critics made one step forward, ^wever, when they recognized that Satan was the true hero of 'orodisg lost, Bodmer had contended that Adam was the hero, l>ecause he commands our respect. ''^^ The **Sturmer und ^ranger" were able to sympathize with Satan in his struggle C>r greatness and in his mighty passions. They appreciated the i-we-inspiring pictures in Paradise lost; but these new men were 30 Pizzo [229] 17-24. »i Ibid., p. 48flf. «Ibid., p. 84ff. Mlbid., p. 32. 234 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 after all realists, and Milton was unrealistic, so they could make little use of him as a model in their art. It is said that Klinger admired him thruout his life,'* and Schubart exclaimed in the early sixties: **Wie herabgesunken unsere Dichter von der Wiirde der biblischen Seher, von der Sonnenhohe Homers, Os- sians, Shakespeares, Miltons, Youngs, Bodmers, Klopstocks!*'*" Milton, Young, and Thomson were always lookt upon as author- ities by Lenz,'* but Schiller classified Milton as sentimental, not naive.'^ If we make the one great exception of Klopstock's Messias, it does not appear at first glance that Milton influenced German literature very deeply. Pizzo is not inclined to believe that Paradise lost influenced Brockes's Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott (1721-1745). «« He does not think with Kraeger^'^ that Satan was a **Vorbild'' of Schiller's Karl Moor. Nor does he finally concede that there is any echo of Milton in Goethe's Faust, as has been asserted by Sprenger*® and by Max Morris.*^ What remains is inconsiderable. The scene in the Garden of Eden in which Satan gazes with envious eyes upon the first happy pair of human beings was imitated by Bodmer in the Patriarchiaden, The bower of Adam and Eve appeared in the Messias. In Klopstock's Tod Adams (1757) it appeared as a bridal bower, after which it reappeared, according to Pizzo,*^ in the poetry of Ebert, Geszner, Ramler, Giseke, Herder, Vosz, Miller, Holty, Wieland, Gerstenberg, Maler Miiller, Stolberg. The description of the sunrise also stimulated to imitation. Gleim 8* Rieger, Klinger in seiner Beife (Darmstadt 1896), 474. 35 Schubart, Gesammelte Schriften und Schicksale (Stuttgart 1839-1840), I 286. 36Ro8anow [539] 77. 37 Schiller, Werke XII 227 (in Vher naive und sentiment alische Dich- tung). 3'* As against Jenny [227] 15 and Brandl [104a] 46. 8»Kraeger [238a] 9-19. *o8prenger [233] 304-306. *i Morris GJ XXII (1901) 179; and Goethe Studien^ (Berlin 1902), I 84flf. and 224fF. ♦2 Pizzo [229] 40. S20] Price: Englishy> German Literary Influences — Survey 235 • wrote on the sixteenth of January 1762: **Man gebe mir zehn Poeten, die alle die aufgehende Sonne beschrieben haben, ich will die herausfinden, die ihre Beschreibung aus dem Milton nah- men."*' Neither of these motifs, it may be here noted, was original with Milton, but both were taken from the work of Joost van den Vondel, along with many other episodes, descrip- tions, situations, and characters. Milton's indebtedness is well known to critics, who refer to it without disparagement of Milton, since the exalted tone of his epic is his own.** This leads to the final estimate of Milton's influence on German literature. Milton ceased to be read, and Klopstock's Meisias in time lost its hold upon the readers and at a still earlier ^^y fhe patriarchal poetry had fallen into disfavor ; yet before ^is came to pass Milton had profoundly influenced German '^ters. Addison's example had led to the clarification and sim- ^^cation of German prose. Pope had showTi the way toward '^vity and pointedness in poetry. The German language was doming a simple musical instrument but Milton's influence *Iime. Bodmer's three translations, 1724, 1742, 1754, provide striking example of the way in which the language struggled ^ growth in order to cope with Miltonic thot and fancy.**^ In still another respect Milton's influence was decisive in ->Tnan literature. The moral weeklies had offered themselves a battle-ground of poetical theory, but Milton presented him- If as the first great topic of a literary debate which establisht. i€ rights of imagination along with those of reason. *9 Brief wechsel zw, Gleim und Vz (ed. Schiiddekopf) Bibl. d. Stuttgt. fc. Vereine CCXVIII (Tubingen 1899), p. 320. >• Cf . L. C. van Noppen 's introduction to his Vondel *8 Lucifer trans- ted from the Dutch (New York 1898). 4s The translations of Paradise regained may also be mentioned here: -rynaeus (1752), Anon. (1781), Bruckbrau (1828), Bottger (1846). The rork of Grynaeus was entitled: J. Miltons wiedererobertes Paradies, nebst esselben Samson und einigen anderen Gedichten wie auch einer Lebens- ^eschreihung. Basel 1752. 236 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Chapter 8 YOUNG'S NIGHT THOUGHTS The writings of Edward Young, soon after their appearance, began to play a conspicuous part in the history of German liter- ature. His drama The revenge (1721) was commented upon by Gerstenberg, was compared not unfavorably with its model Othello, and became in turn the model of Drawees Freygeist (1757) ; his satires, unimportant as, they were, were translated into German ;^ but as far as German literature is concerned his Conjectures on original composition (1759) and his Night thoughts (1746-1751) were by far his most important works. The Conjectures are discust in a later connexion;^ the present chapter concerns itself with the reception of the Night thoughts in Germany. Like Thomson, Young submits to no strict classification as a literary influence. Thomson, tho endowed with an imagination that made him in a certain sense a forerunner of Milton in Germany, still clung in many respects to the tenets of Pope and Shaftesbury. Young, who, judged by his Conjectures, seems to be a forerunner of the genius-loving **Stiirmer und Dranger,*' was, with his Night thoughts, a successor of Milton. The influence of Young's Night thoughts in Germany was freely commented upon in the eighteenth century, not the least pointedly by the men who were themselves most affected. Ha- mann wrote to Herder, Jan. 17, 1769: **Ich muszte neulich un- vermuthet in Young blattern ; da kam es mir vor, als wenn alle meine Hypothesen eine blosze Nachgeburt seiner Nachtgedanken gewesen, und alle meine Grillen von seinen Bildern impragnirt 1 See Survey, p. 184. 2 See SuEVEY, p. 386. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 237 worden waren;"' and Bodmer, in a letter to his friend Pastor Schinz in Altstatten, August 30, 1765, requested a copy of Ebert's translation of Young in order that he might see how often and how exactly he had imitated Young. Ebert was, as will presently be seen, an inveterate translator and editor of Young, and his version of 1771 containing abundant parallel passages from German authors [367] may be regarded as the first formal treatize on Young's influence in Germany. Bam- storflf, in 1895, was his next important successor [368]. Barn- storff 's findings were utilized and to some extent increast by Thomas in 1901 [364a] and by Kind in 1906 [365]. The latter included the Conjectures within the scope of his inquiry and produced the only extensive and inclusive treatment of the sub- ject of Young's influence in Germany. Kind's portrait of the poet Young was based chiefly upon the work of Thomas, whose picture of Young was at least more sympathetic than the one which his first biographer, Sir Herbert Croft, wrote for Johnson's Lives of the poets. The more recent account of H. C. Shelley,* founded on Young's private cor- respondence, present a yet more sympathetic view. A reviewer of Shelley's work^ points out certain respects in which Kind's work will need revision in the light of the better knowledge concerning Young. Kind, for example, says that a part of Young's melancholy was due to lack of success in currying the favor of the powerful and that he did not reach his saintly old age without having tasted of the dissipations of youth. Now it is true that Young wrote laudatory verses to men of influence, but it is not true that his nature was embittered by any lack of success, and the most recent biographer finds no evidence of a dissipated youth. Shelley furthermore makes it clear that much of the narrative scheme behind the Night thoughts was fiction and not intended to be taken as a literal 8 Hamann, Schriften III 393. « Shelley, H. C, Life and letters o) Edward Young (Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 1914), vii-f-289 pp. 7 Cf. Hulme in MLN XXXII (1917) 96-109. 238 University of California Puhlications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 description of Young's griefs as Kind, in common with Young's contemporaries, had assumed.^ It is true that the Gkrman enthu- siasts for Young suffered a disillusionment, when they findlj became better informed in regard to Young's personality, but this was merely because they had formed an unwarranted pre- conception. Young's Night th mights appeared at a psychological moment. The enthusiasm for Milton had paved the way for the appre<5V ation of Young's religious poetry, but the personal note disti^^' guisht Young from his predecessor. In other words Youn^ * appeal differed from Milton's in much the same way that tl appeal of the middle-class drama differed from that of it« nobli predecessor. Young's poetry was, however, like Milton's in il lack of rime, in its imaginativeness, in its relative formlessness^ and in its recognition of inscrutable and mysterious forces. I cast its strongest spell upon the Swiss writers and upon th^^ North-German admirers of Klopstock, whose Messias slightly^^^ anticipated Ebert's translation of the Night thoughts. The time^^ was past when an English work of note had difficulty in com- manding attention in Germany. The danger was rather that it might be taken up as a fad. For about three years after their completion (1751) the Night thoughts remained untranslated but not unknown;' the earliest portions had been welcomed by the learned journals of GK)ttingen and Leipzig, Gleim and Uz corresponded about the new poem, and Johann Arnold Ebert began promptly a translation. It was thru Ebert, apparently, that Klopstock became acquainted with Young's work, for there are echoes of it in the first three cantos of his Messias (1748). He learned English about the year 1752 with the Night thoughts as his text-book. Bodmer anticipated Ebert by two years, for he publisht a translation of a few verses from the Night thoughts in his Neuc critische Brief e (1749). The influence of Young is evident in Bodmer 's next work, the «Kind [365] 61. 9 The following account of the Night thoughts in Germany is based on Kind's work [365] except where otherwise indicated. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 239 Noah of 1750. Vetter quotes over thirty passages in the Noah parallel to passages in the Night thoughts}^ The decade 1750-1760 was the period of translation. In 1751 Ebert's renderings began to come out. His career was from that time on bound up with Young's fate in Germany. He had intended to publish a series of translations of the best English writings including the first seven ** Nights" of Young; but he was diverted from his plan and spent the greater part of his life in translating, annotating, and teaching, and otherwise treating Young's works only. He completed his prose trans- lation of the Night thoughts in 1752. It met with favor at the hands of both the critics and the public, and past thru three new editions in rapid succession (1753, 1756, and 1763) ; but during this period he had many rivals. Geusau's translation of Night IV (Jena 1752) in alexandrines was probably the worst of all renderings. Kayser's translation in hexameters of Nights I'lV (Gottingen 1752) found favor with Haller. Its preface contained the results of Tscharner's investigations regarding Young's private life, made in England in 1751." A Hamburg journal publisht (1754) a translation of Night V by Oeder, the first rendering in the original meter. The year 1755 saw a translation in rimed trochaic octameters (Frankfurt) of Night I. To this was added in 1756 Night IV and in 1759 Night IL In 1760 Ebert publisht a translation of Nights I-IV with the Eng- lish version on tlie opposite page and with notes treating of Young's sources and of echoes of his works in later writers. Thus Ebert was not only the chief herald of Young in Germany but also the first investigator of his influence. This new edition was almost as popular as Ebert 's earlier one and was exhausted in a comparatively short space of time. Ebert was now the generally recognized authority on Young in Germany, tho Kayser also had his adherents. A reviewer, possibly Haller, 10 Vetter [103] appendix. 11 See BiBLioQBAPHY [372]. 240 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 in the Gottingische gelehrte Ameigen found Kayser's hexametric version better than Ebert's prose one, tho he praised Ebert's scholarly annotations.'^ During the next decade (1760-1770) Young seems to have reacht the height of his popularity. To quote Kind's survey: During these years Ebert is giving English courses in the Night thoughts at the Carolineum (i.e. in Braunschweig); and Klopstock, in his treatize Von der heiligen Poesie (1760) discusses the work at length and pronounces it the only example of sublime poetry that deserves to be without a fault. Young's satires, tragedies, and other writings continue to receive attention and add to his glory. Gerstenberg reviews the Night thoughts with ardor; Dusch is influenced by them; Schubart is busy with them; Knebel is rescued from the abyss of doubt thru them and is held spellbound; Herder begins his active work with them; Lenz imbibes them; Hamann continues his studies in them; and the youthful Goethe uses them as his English reader. But worse than all this, scores of poets imitate lamely; they are lonesome and sad, they have night thoughts on all occasions, even on pleasure trips; they Youngize without cause, simply because that is the current fad. is It was these extremes that brot on* the reaction in the seven- ties. In a short time the Youngists were ridiculed or reproved by Lessing, Nicolai, Moser, Heinse, Klotz, and Unzer'* and even by Wieland, who as early as 1758 had turned against his one- time favorite. After the year 1770 Ebert found that he had the field largely to himself. He utilized it chiefly in polishing up his previous editions. Altho the servile imitations of Young had fallen into disrepute, the sentimental, melancholy atmosphere of his poetry still prevailed as is shown, among other works, by Werther.^^ Schiller also past in this decade thru his Klopstock- Young period; but speaking generally Ossian and Percy had crowded out former favorites in lyric poetry, and wdth the ad- 12GGA (1760) II 12; cf. ibid. (1761) 112. 13 Kind [365] 68. 1* Kind [365] 62 quotes from Mauvillon and Unzer, Vher den Werth einiger teutschen Dichter (Frankfurt and Leipzig 1771-1772), Brief 15. ^^ Goethe mentions the Night thoughts along with Sterne's Sentimental journey as one of the works of literature that helpt to pave the way for Werther, Werke I 27, 214. Price: English'^ German Literary Influencee — Survey 241 X of Ossian and Shakespeare the contempt for imitative poetry A increast. Ebert's activity continued to the end of his life despite the general reaction and despite the admonitions of such friends as Zacharia who wrote : O E. . . ., hiille dich nicht in Melancholey! Verlasz die Grotte, die du bewohnst^ Und sitze nicht immer allein beym kla^^enden Young, In sehwarze Nachtgedanken verwolkt.^B* Zacharia had himself but recently past thru a period of enthu- siasm for Milton and Young and had written of himself to Gleim, Dec. 24, 1756 : **Glucklich schatzt er sich, fern von alien Lagern und Konigsheem zu seyn, und bei einer Schale Punsch den Milton Oder Young zur Gesellschaft zu hahen/'"*' In the year of his death (1795) Ebert was at work on a final 'Sprint of the edition of 1767. The last edition of Young in the ^'^hteenth century to appear in Germany was an English edition ^^th Ebert's notes; it was intended for use in English classes *^ci was prepared by Herrmann (Leipzig and Weiszenfels 1800). *^ the year 1825 there were two translations of the Night ^^ghts in Germany, one partial and one complete. In the * ^^r 1844 Elise von Hohenhausen produced a line-for-line trans- ition of Young in the mistaken belief that this was the first ^ ^^dering of Young into blank verse. This edition was reprinted 1874 and was the last attempt to turn the Night thoughts into Jrman verse. About the same time the Night thoughts came ^^ be a subject of programs and dissertations, a few of which ^^ucht upon Young's influence in Germany, thus leading up to ^■^le works of Barnstorff and Kind. No German poet was deeply and permanently influenced by joung, but it would appear tliat many of the leading German ])oets of the eighteenth century were affected transitorily in some IS' Zacharia, Seherzhafie epische Poesien nehst einigen Oden und Liedem (Braunschweig and Hildesheim 1754), p. 427. is» Quoted by Orosland [147] 294. 242 UniivrHitif of California Publirations in Modem Philology [Vol.9 way.^' The connexion of the Swiss with Young has already been noted. Despite the fondness of the Swiss for Young, the Gottsehed school was not hostile. On the occasion of the appearance of an anon^inous rimed translation Qott«ched commended the translator and the original. Incidentally he spoke of the rime of the original, thus showing that he had never read it. Frau Gottsehed once advised a friend who had recently suffered loss by death not to read the Night thoughts lest they leave her too hopeless.^^ The ** Bremer Beitrager*' were practically of one mind regarding Young. Ebert strangely enuf shows little sign of Young's influence in his poetry, but Klopstock once wrote to Ebert that he read the psalms, the prophets, and the Night thoughts for inspiration while working on his Messias. Cramer was equally extravagant in his praises; he declared that Young was nearest to David and the prophets and his work second only to the Book of revelatian. Lessing at the time merely charac- terized this as **etwas iibertrieben,''"' but he later joined with Mendelssohn in the campain against the imitators of Young, the *'Nachtgedankenmacher.''^^ Zacharia also came wuthin the sphere of Young's influence. He began his Tageszeitcn in 1755 by invoking the muse of Thomson : Muse, die du den Brittischen Sanger mit giildener Laute Zu der geheimen Wohnung der Jahreszeiten gefiihret: Lass mich, giitige Muse, die Jahreszeiten im Kleinen — Jahreszeiten des Tages nicht ganz unwiirdig besingen!is* i« In addition to the poets mentioned above Kind refers to Schonaich, Triller, Creuz (see also [369] and [3701), Johann Adolf Schlegel, Giseke, Gleim, Uz, Cronegk, Hagedorn, Gockingk, Fr. L. Stolberg, Crugot, Zim- mermann, Lavater, Dusch, Gerstenberg, Schubart, Lenz (see also [123]), Jung-Stilling, Richter, Holderlin, Novalis, Moser, Michaelis, H. L. V^agner, Heinse, and J. G. Jacobi; of. Kind [365] 75ff. 17 Letter to Fr. v. R. Leipzig, Aug. 22, 1752; cited by Kind [365] 79. 17* Lessing, Schriften VIII 125f. 18 Lessing, Schriften V 152; in his review of Kayser's translation (1753) he calls the Night thoughts ** dieses Meisterstiick eines der ehr- barsten Dichter. ** Kind [365] 106 evidently read * * erhabensten * ' for * * ehrbarsten. ' ' Two fragmentary poems of Lessing, Vber die menschliche GliickseUgkeit, Schriften I 237-240 and Die Beligion, Schriften I 255-267, according to Kind [365] 107, shov* the influence of Young. 18' Zacharia, Die Tageszeitcn, ein Gedicht in vier Biichern (Rostock and Leipzig 1756), p. 2. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 243 But having proceeded thru Morgen, Mittag, and Abend and arrived at Nackt he acknowledges a debt of gratitude to Young and Ebert : O Ebert, du, der du zuerst mich Zu der hohen Versammlung der brittischen Sanger gefiihret, Und die Schonheit der Youngischen Muse Germanien zeigtest.^s^ Some of the critics held Gellert largely responsible for the Young mania.^**" Tho his own works show little trace of this influence, his literary authority was so great that his commendation of Young was doubtless widely effective. More imortant was the eflfect upon the **Klassiker und Vorklassiker/ ' Wieland's works were colored by Young's mood during the years 1751-1758. Ebert proves this fact by pas- sages from Wieland's Brief e van Versiorbenen an hinterlassene Freunde (1753), Sympathien (1754), and Empfindungen eines Christen (1757). The more direct influence in this case comes, however, from Young's protegee, Elizabeth Rowe.*® A change takes place in Wieland soon afterward, and we find him presently complaining to Zimmermann that Young is corrupting the taste of writers of to-day; he adds that he himself was once under the spell but that that time is now past.^® Herder was less readily captivated by Young than was his teacher Hamann. He discust Young in his reviews, sermons, and letters, and translated passages from Nights I and //. He had no patience with the imitators of Young. He called them **schlechte Schmierer von Nachtgedanken, "-^ and prophesied that they would soon become the most miserable and gloomy of poets (1772).^^ In 1796 he described Young as an author who strove for originality without attaining it,^* but his subsequent IB** Ibid., p. 100. i8« Kind [365] 71 and 85f. i» See Survey, p. 248. 20 Wieland, Ausgewdhlte Brief e (Zurich 1815), I 269-270. 21 Herder, Werke I 253. 22 Ibid., V 290-291; quoted by Kind [^6S^^ 108. 28 Ibid., XVIII 106. 244 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 judgment was more favorable. In Adrastca (1801) he called the Night thoughts **da8 non plus ultra sinnreicher, witziger, erhabener, frommer Qedanken, glanzend wie das naehtliche Firmament. ' '^* Goethe's acquaintance with Young dates as far back as the Leipzig period. In Leipzig he learned English from Milton and Young. Young 8 influence seems not to have aflfected Goethe's lyric poetry, but in the thirteenth book of Dichtung und Wahr- heit he mentions the Night thoughts among other sentimental works in connexion with Werthcr.^^ At about the same time, 1773-1778, Schiller was passing thru the school of Klopstock and Young; it is not always easy to distinguish the influence of the one from that of the other. Possibly Schiller retained some trace of these influences even in his maturer poetry; Wieland, at any rate, called Schiller's KUnstler (1789) philosophical poetry of the species of the Night thoughts. But in his Naive und scntimentalische Dichtung (1795-1796) Schiller questions the intelligence of persons possest of an excessive fondness for poets like Klopstock and Young, who lead not into life but away from it.^' On looking back upon the history of Young in Germany the first impression is that Young was not an influence but at most a fad, and that he owed his v(^ue to the prevailing enthusiasm for things English, which, helpful as it had been in the emanci- pation from French influence, was now becoming itself detri- mental to the natural growth of German literature. When the development of lyric poetry in the eighteenth century is viewed in its totality, however. Young is seen to constitute an indis- pensable stage. He led away from the universal pathos of Klop- stock and Milton into the details of personal grief and particular sorrow, and so prepared the way for folk poetry, the appeal of which is universal precisely because it is so individual. 24 Ibid., XXIII 236. 25 See footnote 15 of this chapter. 26 Schiller, Werlce XII 211. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 245 A protegee of Edward Young who, like him, commanded much attention in Germany was Elizabeth Singer Rowe. Her literary reputation was establisht by a series of letters entitled Friendship in death (1728). Edward Young prepared these for the press and wrote a preface for them at her request. The letters were followed in 1739 by Devm^t exercises. After her death her personal correspondence and her miscellaneous works were publisht. The favor with which these works were received in England and Germany was symptomatic of the time, and it is well that their influence in Germany should have been made the object of a special study by Louise Wolf [304]. The earliest translation of Friendship in death was m^de by Johann JVfattheson of Hamburg (1734) and dedicated to his circle of friends of whom Hagedorn was one. It does not seem to have attracted much attention. A French translation of 1740 appearing in Amsterdam caused more comment ; and this trans- lation w^as translated into German in 1745. The third and best German translation was that of Pastor Gustav von Bergmann of Livland 1770. JVfeanwhile the Devout exercises had appeared in three translations 1754, 1756, and 1761. The names of these works were sufficient guaranty of their popularity. The one fell in with the friendship cult and other-worldliness of the time and the other, or indeed both, with the pietistic tendency. The prevailing conception of the earlier work is that the dead take an interest in their living friends and serve them as guardian spirits. It purported to be a series of letters from the dead. Finally Professor Elausing of Leipzig translated Rowe's private correspondence in 1771 under the title FretmdscJiaft im Lebcn, and Ebert her miscellaneous poeti'y in 1772. The knowledge of Elizabeth Rowe in Germany was further disseminated by the moral weeklies. Her influence was most evident on Elopstock and his wife Meta. Of less importance was the influence of Wieland. Any possible influence on Herder is of little signifi- cance. Klopstock's circle of friends in Leipzig (1747), Cramer, Giseke, and Ebert, celebrated Elizabeth Rowe almost as much 246 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 as Young. Klopstock himself was as yet unable to read English*^ but he read Rowe in translation. He was especially familiar with Joseph"^ and Friendship in death, which latter was a solace to him during his unhappy love affair with Fanny Schmidt. In a letter to Fanny he refers to the death of **die ■r liebenswiirdige Radikin" and calls her **unsere deutsche Rowe.''-^ In the poem Die kiinftige Geliebte (1747) the picture of Fanny mingles with that of Rowe. Wirst du Fanny genanntf Tst Ciilly dein feyrlicher Namef Singer, die Joseph und den, welchen sie liebte, besang.29 In a later version of the same poem Petrarch's Laura is added to the composite picture: Heiszest du Laura, welehe der liedervoUe Petrark sich, Konigen und Weisen, sie zu bewundern, besangf Laura! Fanny! ach Singer! Ja, Singer, nennct mein Lied dich.«o In the poem Petrarka und Laura Klopstock begs **die gott- liche Rowe" to plead for him with Fanny'^ and in the poem Der Abschied he sees a vision, wherein ** Singer '* stands in a throng of the best loved poets and most beautiful women : Ich sterbe, sehe nun bald um mich Die groszen Seelen, Popen und Addison, Den Sanger Adams, neben Adam, Neben ihm Eva mit Palmenkranzen, Der Schliife Miltons heilig; die himmlische Die fromme Singer, bei ihr die Radikin.32 27 See Survey, p. 223. 27-Hamel, in DNL XL VII (1883f) 3. 28 Cf. J. M. Lappenberg, Brief e von und an Klopstock (Braunschweig 1867), p. 1; quoted by Wolf [304] 62. Johanna Elisabeth Radikin was the betrothed of Klopstock 's friend Cramer. She died in 1747. Cf. Klop- stock's ode Wingolf 1. 78. 29 Quoted by Wolf [304] 62. «o Lappenberg, Brief e von und an Klopstock, p. 20. Letter to Hagedorn, April 19, 1749; quoted by Wolf [304] 63. 81 Op. cit., line 20ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 63. 82 Op. cit., 1. 17ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 63. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 247 In the ode Die Braut Elizabeth Bowe and Fanny already begin to asBume the appearance of guardian angels : Doch mit Blicken voll Ernst winket Urania Meine Muse mir zu, gleich der unsterblichen Tiefer denkenden Singer Oder gottliche Fanny dir! Singe, sprach sie zu mir, was die Natur dich lehrt.ss Wolf surmizes with Muneker'* that there were many refer- ^Bces to Rowe in the correspondence of Elopstock with Meta, ^hich he destroyed soon after the latter 's death. At all events ^e find Meta soon after her marriage showing an enthusiasm ^ great as Klopstock's for Elizabeth Rowe, and expressing it '^ an English letter addrest to Richardson.'* After the manner '^ Elizabeth Rowe, Meta wrote (1756) Brief e der Verstorbenen ^ die Lebendigen, which Klopstock edited and publisht in 1759, year after her death." Wolf adds: **Nach ihrem Tode wird ^ta ihrem Gatten ganz im Sinne der Rowe zum Schutzgeist, ^d noch im Jahre 1762 lassen sich Spuren solcher Mystik in to ^^cr Dichtung nachweisen. Auch die Schutzgeister in den 'eii und im Messias sind auf den Einflusz der Rowe zuriick- fiihren.''" The works of Elizabeth Rowe came to Wieland's attention ^^ing his pietistic years. Ermatinger surmizes^® that Bodmer ^t made them known to him in 1751, but he overlooks, as Olf points out,'* Wieland *s own testimony that he and Sophie ^termann read Elizabeth Rowe's works together as early as 50. Wieland admits Rowe's influence in his MoraUsche ^^dklungen (1752) : MOp. cit., 1. 21ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 64. MWolf [304] 65; cf. Muncker [234] 318. MF. G. Klopstocks sdmtliche Werke etc. (Stuttgart 1839), I 244; quoted y Wolf [304] 65-66. M Hinterlassene Schriften van Margarethe Klopstock (Hamburg 1759). «7 Wolf [304] 66. ss Ermatinger [326] 80. 8» Wolf [304] 67. 248 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Die Erzahlungen zu schreiben, faszte ich den Entschlusz, als ich Ihre au8 Thomson iiberBetzte Erzahlungen las;^^ doch hatte mir schon vorher Pygmalion und Elisa*^ etwas dergleichen eingegeben. Die Briefe der aller- liebsten Rowe belebten diesen Voreatz noch mehr. Ihr gehoren die schonsten Gedanken und Bilder der ErzdhlungenA^ There are also allusions to passages in Rowe's private corres- pondence in certain of Wieland's odes of the same year, and in the Briefe von V erst orb cnen an hinterlassene Freunde (Ziirich 1753), while the Devout exercises ring thru Wieland's Empfiyi- dungen eines Christen (1755). The Sympathien (1755) show signs of the turning away from the pietistic tendency. There is much that reminds of Rowe in the earlier part, but at the con- clusion Wieland assumes a critical attitude toward his earlier inspircr. Thus Wieland was one of the first to be cured of the unhealthy tendency inherent in Elizabeth Bowe's poetry as well as in that of Young.*' Neither of these English poets bent German literature in a new direction, but the coming of their work to Germany provided a stimulus that brot out clearly the prevalent tendencies of the time in Germany. 40 Cf. Survey, p. 217, footnote 17. 41 Written by Bodmer in 1747. 42 Wieland, AusgewdMte Briefe (Zurich 1815), I 95. 48 Cf . Survey, p. 243. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 249 Chapter 9 MACPHEBSON'S OSSIAN James Macpherson of Badenoch, county of Inverness, was born in the year 1736. He studied at the universities of Aber- deen and Edinburgh, intending to enter the ministry, but left college without having attained his degree and became for a time a private tutor. At about the age of twenty he wrote his first poetry. His productions consisted of mediocre imitations of Robert Blair, author of The iomb, and of Thomson's Seasons. Macpherson 's mother spoke Gaelic and James commanded it well enuf to converse in it with the people of the countryside and understand their tales and ballads. In 1758, when serving as a tutor in the country, he became acquainted with John Home, who was interested in highland poetry. Macpherson showed him a poem called The death of Oscar, which he said was literally translated from a Gaelic original. In reality it was an original poem of Macpherson 's, the suggestion of which was derived from ancient Gaelic literature in oral tradition. Home showed the poem to Professor Blair of the University of Edinburgh, who urged Macpherson to publish more translations. Conse- quently there appeared in the year 1760 a volume entitled Fragments of ancient poetry collected in the highlands of Scot- land and trayislated from the Gaelic or Erse language, Blair wrote the introduction to this volume and began later to use the poems as a basis for lectures at the university. A sum of money was collected wherewith to send Macpherson into the highlands to discover the ancient Gaelic epic, of whose existence Blair was convinced. Even David Hume contributed to the sum, saying that the authenticity of the poems of Macpherson was beyond all question. Macpherson accepted the money with- out scruple, made the journey, and returning publisht in 1762 Fingal, an ancient epic poem in six books, and in 1763 a similar 250 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 epic called Temora. With Temora he reprinted the Gaelic orig- inal of the seventh book to meet the objections of skeptics. The ** original' ' was, however, a falsification by his own hand. Hume now became suspicious and urged Blair to institute a thoro in- vestigation, but Blair had already committed himself too far, and the investigation he made was a mere formality with fore- gone conclusions. The publication of the poems helpt Macpherson to political advancement at the hands of Scotsmen who were at the head of affairs in London. Macpherson received an appointment to Florida just as things were becoming uncomfortable for him at home. On his return he was compelled to defend the authen- ticity of his originals against such critics as David Hume and Samuel Johnson. The latter had gone so far as to deny the existence of an Ossianic literature. He declared that Macpher- son owed to the past only the name Ossian, the rest, he said, was pure invention. Macpherson was equally uncompromising. When confronted with fragments differing from the ones he had rendered he stoutly maintained that his alone were authentic. When the originals were demanded of him he offered to publish them if the funds were provided. To his great dismay some enthusiasts in 1784 brot together a thousand pounds for this purpose. He was now driven to the extremity of re-translating his English poems into Gaelic.^ It was a painful task for he had forgotten much of his Gaelic, which was never too good. Macpherson never showed his originals to Gaelic scholars but he showed them to disinterested men of note, for example to Helferich Peter Sturz on his journey to England in 1768, who was readily convinced of the genuineness of the documents.^ Macpherson died in 1796 with his task unfinisht after twelve years of labor. His friend Mackenzie continued the work and publish t it in 1807 under the auspices of the Highland society of London, but in an uncompleted form, for of twenty-two poems 1 Stern, ZVL VIII (1895) 62, but cf. Cross, MPh XVI (1918) 447. 2 Sturz, Schriften (Leipzig 1789) 6; cf. Deutsches Museum (1777) I 214-215. See also Koch [138] 120, note 13. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 261 of Macpherson only eleven are represented. Meanwhile a com- mittee of the Highland society of Edinburgh had publisht a report (1805) of an investigation which, however, went no farther than to show that ballads really existed of the type that Macpherson profest to have used. The controversy, which had flared up several times in the eighteenth century,* reacht no more decisive phase in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth. Men continued to assume positions determined by national or political prejudices, to talk at cross purposes and in disregard of the evidences, but Celtic scholars of the last fifty years have arrived at decisive conclu- sions and we now know precisely how much basis there was for Macpherson 's poetry. Of the ten or fifteen thousand verses in his ** originals '* of 1807 all are forged by Macpherson and his helpers except one. Thei-e never were any Gaelic epics either in Scotland or Ireland. There existed Gaelic ballads and these gave Macpherson his starting point, but no poem is a faithful reproduction of a Gaelic original. A few sentences here and there correspond to passages in the Gaelic literature. About four-fifths of the material is, however, without Gaelic connexion and is purely Macpherson 's invention. The style corresponds in some rare instances to that of the genuine Gaelic ballads known to-day but more frequently is reminiscent of Homer, the Hebrew prophets, Milton, and certain more recent poets. It was this fact that occasioned suspicions from the outset. 8 The above summary of facts regarding the authenticity of Macpher- son's Ossian may not seem entirely germane to the present investigation but is included because it is by no means easy to find explicit statements in English works of reference. The following works treat of the question in a reliable form and are in substantial agreement one with another: . J. S. Smart, James Macpherson (London 1905) ; 224 pp. L. C. Stern, Die Ossianischen HeldenUeder ZVL VIII (1895) 51-86 and 143-174. H. R. D. Anders, Ossian PrJ CXXXI (1908) 1-36. Based largely on Stern. Van Tieghem, Ossian en France (Paris 1917) ; 2 vols. The introduction pp. 7-99 includes a useful r6sum6 of the entire controversy. It is unfortunate that Tombo [243] did not include in his monograph a r48um6 similar to Van Tieghem 's for it would be desirable to know to what extent the German protagonists and opponents of Macpherson were dependent on certain definite English authorities. Tomboys bibliography, pp. 3-63, however, notes Oerman comment upon English controversial articles and translations thereof. 252 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 In spite of doubts at home Maepherson's Ossian was received with great favor abroad and was translated into German, Italian, French, Spanish, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Polish, Russian, and modem Greek, in fact into more languages than any other Eng- lish work except Robinson Crusoe, It constitutes, therefore, a fairly accurate measure of the taste of the time and it is worth while for this reason to analyze the quality of this poetry. The content is characterized by hasty confused action. Nu- merous characters and numerous actions are referred to with- out further detail. As van Tieghem says: **Les personnages et les lieux, nommes pour la plupart plutot que caracterises, defilent devant le lecteur avec une rapidite cinematographique et fatigante.''* Another characteristic of the poems was monotony, due to an absence of local color and to a frequent repetition of the same adventures. Tlie dispute between Ossian and St. Pat- rick, which might have lent local color, was omitted by Mac- pherson, as well as all references to the manner of life of his heroes. Love and war, the chief stock in trade of epic writing, are abundant in the poems, but the warriors fight to no particular purpose and one pair of lovers resembles another, the same epi- sodes and adventures being repeated in a fashion that rarely varies. The lyric element appealed no doubt to the time; the admonitions of the spirits of dead heroes to their successors in arms, the mournful laments over the flight of time, the weakness of man, and the passage of the better days of the past, all in a setting of hazy moonlit atmosphere, of falling autumn leaves and mournful, beating sea- waves. Such was the poetry of **poor moaning, monotonous Macpherson," as Carlyle called him. Finally the new form of the poems made a strong appeal. Mac- pherson himself would have preferred a versification but his advisers persuaded him against it. The rithmic prose that was finally decided upon enabled him to avoid all the mechanical subterfuges of poetry and subordinate everything to the eflfective rendering of the thot ; it had a melancholy charm of its own and was adapted to its theme. * Van Tieghem, Ossian en France, p. 44. The phrases following the quotation are also borrowed largely from Van Tieghem. 1920] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Survey 253 The response in Germany to the Ossianie poetry was almost immediate. The Fragments of 1760 were translated in part in ll^Fingal (1761) was translated in part in 1763 and in its entirety in 1764. Denis began his complete translation into hexameters in 1768.*' Other translations were those of E. von Harold (1775), Peterson (1782), Rhode (1800), Friedrich Leo- pold Graf zu Stolberg (1806), Ahlwardt (1807), Jung (1808), Schubart (1808), de la Periere (1817-19), Forster (1826),. Bott- ger (1847), and Bnickmeier (1883).° Needless to say there were also translations of individual poems, too numerous to mention. Among the translators were Goethe, Herder, BUrger, and Lenz. The extraordinary vogue of Ossian, in Germany in particular, • w not diflScult to account for. The chief reason for his popu- ^ity lay in the state of literary development at the time. It ^as near the dawn of the era of originality and genius. Herder treated of Ossian, the Volkslieder, and Shakespeare in succession ^ his Von deutscher Art und Kunst (1773). ** Imitate the an- dents'' and ** return to nature'* were the two watchwords of the .line. The latter precept was gaining ground on the former. The ^^>uvell€ Heloise (1759) and the Ossian fragments (1760) ap- '^^rtng at about the same time indicated the trend, not toward *® genuinely primitive, but toward a certain civilized and re- ^^cl ** nature." Young's ideas in regard to originality were ^^g root. They seemed to give sanction to Ossian, who even ^^e than Shakespeare was an original, for he had no models ^^tever before him. But Ossian not only caught the imagina- ^^ of the new or genius-admiring age but also of the senti- ^^tal age that was just at its zenith. The moonlight, loneli- '^^, and pathos of the Ossianie verses found a well developt taste deceive them. Finally the simple style of Ossian permitted of ^»irly wide acquaintance with him in Germany in the original. ^ie constructions were not difficult. The sentences were short ^d the repetitions were frequent. This endeared him to the ^ginner in English. ♦• Cf . infra p. 260. 6 For further bibliographical data see Tombo [243] 1-63. 254 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 The controversy in regard to the genuineness of the poems was also followed closely in Germany. Such journals as the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, the Bibliothek der schonen Wis- senschaftenf and Dcr neue teutsche Merkur reviewed the leading English works on the subject and the opinions of Blair, Johnson, Laing, and others were well known in Germany, the more im- portant contributions being translated in their entirety. Most German critics believed fervently in the genuineness of Mac- pherson's Ossinn. Bodmer, it is true, had his doubts, and Ger- stenberg never believed but was silent at times out of prudence. The favorable comments set in early. An anonymous writer in the Bibliothek dcr schonen Wisscnschaften in 1762 was fol- lowed by Raspe in 1763.* Raspe admired the poems on account of their originality and naturalness. The first translations into book form were of the Fragments by Engelbrecht and of Fingal by Wittenberg, both in 1764 and both in rithmic prose ;^ neither of them was particularly successful. In the same year appeared in Paris an essay questioning the authenticity of the Ossianic poems. This suspicion was rejected positively by a writer in the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen (1765) who commended Ossian as being less loquacious than Homer, and the Gaelic people as superior in character to the Homeric heroes. ** Ossian 's soul felt infinitely more,'' he added, *'than Homer, his code of morals was better, he knew the human heart in its more delicate emo- tions." The reviewer characterized Macpherson's prose as a mixture made up of the holy scriptures, of Homer, and of the speeches of the Iroquois, yet nevertheless possessing something of its own. The anonymous author of this review appears to have been none other than Albrecht von Haller.^ Such com- parisons to Homer's disadvantage soon became frequent. Vosz said explicitly: **Der Schotte Ossian ist ein groszerer Dichter als der lonier Homer;"* and Klopstock boldly confest: **Ich ^ Hannoverischea Magazin I (1763-1764) 1457ff. Cf. Tombo [243] 4. 7 See Tombo [243] 3-4. 8GGA (1765) I 129-131; cf. Tombo [243] 5 and 78. 0 Quoted by Flindt [79] 13. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 255 liebe Ossian so sehr, dasz ich seine Werke iiber einige griechische der besten Zeit setze/'" Another early ardent defender of Ossian was Christian Felix Weisze, who wrote in the Neue Bib- liothek der schonen Wissenschaften (1766) particularly con- demning Cesarotti's translation into verse." Prose, he held, was the only proper renderinpr. This was a mild premonition of the storm that was to come when Denis in 1768** translated Macpherson's Ossiari into hexameters and yet there was hardly a single imitation of Ossian in Germany before this translation appeared. Ossian exerted his greatest influence in Germany not in a direct fashion but indirectly thru Klopstock. Ossian fell in with Klopstock 's desires and feelings; he was national and patriotic, and his dominant note was one of melancholy, which accorded well with Klopstock 's mood after the death of his Meta. The Ossianic melancholy was a fit sequel to Young's; and the Ossianic pictures were, like Ellopstock's own in the Messias, heroic, grand, and hazy. Klopstock arbitrarily combined facts in such a way as to permeate the Germanic past with the Ossianic atmosphere. In Germania III Tacitus told of the **barditus,'' the singing of heroic songs before the battle, whereby the Germani inspired themselves for combat. Klopstock falsely understood the word to refer to the songs themselves and fancifully connected it with the Celtic loan word **Barde,'' assuming that bards had been the writers of such songs. He regretted that none of the battle songs of the Germani were preserved, but the songs of Ossian compensated him in some degree, for according to common be- lief of the time there was no great distinction between Celt and Teuton. To quote Klopstock 's words in a letter to Gleim, June 31, 1769: ** Ossian war deutscher Abkunft, weil er ein Kale- donier war.*'** He exprest the same belief in verse: 11 Retzer, Denis Literarischer Nachlass (Wien 1801-1802), II 116; quoted by Tombo [243] 91. 12 Op. oit. I. 387; cf. Tombo [243] 6 and 79. 18 Cf. infra p. 260. 1* Klopstock ujid seine Freunde (Halberstadt 1810), II 214. 256 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Sie, deren Enkel jetzt auf Schottlands Bergen wohnen, Die von den Romern nicht provinzten Kaledonen, Sind deutschen Stamms. Daher gehort auch uns mit an Der Bard und Krieger Ossian, Und mehr noch als den Engellandern an.^s Klopstock further complicated the past of northern Europe by causing all its heroes, Celtic and Germanic alike, to adopt the Norse mythology as transmitted in the Edda. This adjust- ment was accepted without protest by his contemporaries. Kloj)- stock next felt called upon to revise his own poems, substituting the Norse mythology for the classic. This process he completed about 1767. His numerous adherents followed him in adopting this measure. Still later Klopstock seemed to feel that he had indulged too much in Ossianic decoration and in later revisions of his work did away with some of it.^* Tombo dates Ellopstock's enthusiasm for Ossian about from the year 1762 to 1764. An earlier investigator, Julius Koster, had held that it could not have begun before 1770: '^ Ossian hat erst Ende der sechziger Jahre auf Klopstock wirken konnen, weil er in Deutschland erst um jene Zeit durch die t^bersetzung von Denis bekannt wurde.''^^ But Tombo 's bibliography shows that notices of Ossian were frequent before that date and that earlier translations also existed, particularly in North Germany. Moreover Klopstock had by 1762 enuf proficiency to be able to read the simple thots of Ossian in Macpherson's English. In most cases it is not easy to isolate Macpherson's influence on Klopstock, for the Bible, Homer, Milton and certain Latin poets form to a large extent the basis of the style of both ; but certain specifically Ossianic traits can be first distinguisht in the odes written in 1764, 1765, and 1767 and in the first **Bardiet,'' Die Herman nsschlacht. The influence is less obvious in the later odes and Bardlet e?^ Tombo thinks that a close examination of 15 Epigram 183 in Bamhurgische Neue Zeitung 1771. Reprinted in Ist edition of Gelehrtenrepublik (Hamburg 1874); omitted in 2nd edition. 16 Tombo [243] 102. 17 Koster, t^ber Klopstocks Gleichnisse (Program, Iscrholm 1878); quoted by Tombo [243] 92. 18 Tombo [243] 94. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 257 the latter part of the Messias might also bring reminiscences of Ossian to light but he says : Elopstock's unbounded admiration for Ossian really did not last much over a decade (i.e. 1765-1775), and the old bard's influence gradually difflbisht, just as Klopstock's fondness for Norse mythology grew less ind less pronounced. By the time he began to turn his attention to the Preneh Bevolution both Ossian and the Norse divinities appeared like a memory of the days of old.is As criteria of the Ossianic influence on Klopstock Tombo mentions the external use of the Ossianic machinery and decor- ation.*® The **dark, dim, distant, far, misty, silent" atmosphere ot Ossian begins to pervade Klopstock 's poetry ,^^ the prophetic dement appears, and spirits of the dead are conjured up.^^ fflopstock's characterization of the songs of the bards, 11. 30-40 ^^i U. 77-84 of the ode Der Uilgel und der Hain, is based largely ^pon his knowledge of the poems of Ossian.^' Another Ossianic trick*' which Klopstock adopted was that of permitting several ^'s" and **so'8'* to follow one another in his comparisons. "his habit became pronounced among the Ossianic imitators. ^ Was first noted by Koster that Klopstock 's numerous compari- ^^^ to the oak are all found in his dramas (1769ff.), none in ^ Messias}^ Klopstock also borrowed the name of the royal ^^dence of Fingal and applied it to his lovers, using Selma ' "^he feminine form and Selmar as the masculine, neither of ^^ot appeared in Germany before the middle of the eighteenth ^tviry. Selma became a popular name in Germany along with ^Anne and Oskar. iTie bards play an important role in the Hermannsschlacht ^ in Hermann und die Fiirsten. They admonish the warriors : iiret Taten der vorigen Zeit," and they relate the deeds of ft 1 1 •^Cf. ode Hermann "Steine der altemden Moose'*: "the moss of \** that covers most of Ossian 's stones. Tombo [243] 95. ^"* Tombo [243] 95. Tombo compares Wingolf's "wallenden Opfer- "^^^l" with the * * schweigende Dammerung" in the new version. .^= Klopstock, Thuiskan (1764), Hiigel und Hain (1767), Bothschilds "CEfccy (1766). *' Tombo [243] 97. ** Quoted by Tombo [243] 97. 258 University of California Publicatiotis in Modem Philology ancient heroes in Ossianic manner. Ossianic similes ai quently encountered. Wind and breeze, blast and gale large part in these works, and warrior hosts are likened t< ing streams pouring down the hills, or to a ridge of mist. B[lopstock's ideas in regard to Ossian and the bard provoke a smile to-day, but he certainly searcht for ac information about the old Germanic bards even to the < his days. He communicated with Macpherson by letter inq about the meter of the Ossianic originals. The informati ceived was unsatisfactory. He wrote to Denis, July 22, ** Macpherson (mit dem ich correspondiere) versteht em Ossians Quantitat oder das Sylbenmasz iiberhaupt nic nug."^' Direct efforts having proved unavailing, Klopstoc! to discover what he wisht to know thru Angelika Kaufl who was herself an enthusiast about Ossian. While she Scotland (1770) Klopstock wrote to her from Copenl **Konnten Sie nicht in Edingburgh, oder auch weiter gegen Norden, durch Hiilfe Ihrer Freunde, einen Musiki treiben, der mir die Melodien solcher Stellen in Ossia vorziiglich lyrisch sind, in unsere Noten setztet"*' Klop curiosity in regard to the versification of the poems was satisfied. He did not even live to have the doubtful satisi of reading Ahlwardt's much heralded translation (1811) so-called originals.-^ Tho his enthusiasm for Ossian flaggec 1775, his historical interest remained keen and as late a we find him writing to Bottger: **Wissen Sie schon etw der Ausgabe von Ossian 's (Jesangen, die jetzt in seiner S; gemacht wird t 1st die Cbersezung getreu t Sind Anmerk iiber das Zeltische dabeyt''^* It is apparent from his j correspondence in his final years that he lost faith in the ge ness of the Ossianic poems.^* -•' Lappoiiberg, Brief e von u, an Klopstock (Braunschweig 1867), quoted by Tombo [243] 90. Cf. also Lappenberg ibid., p. 218. 2«Ibid., p. 226-227; quoted by Tombo [243] 90. 27 Ahlwardt, Die Gedichte Ossians. Aus dem Gaelischen im Sylbt des Originals (Leipzig 1811), 3 volumes. 2« Quoted by Tombo [243] 101 from AL III (1784) 398. 29 See two letters quoted by Tombo [243] 102. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 259 Herder espoused the cause of Ossian as early as 1769. In that year he reviewed the first volume of Denis's hexametric translation of Ossian.'® In 1773 he reviewed the third volume which contained Blair's Critical dissertation^^ He also reviewed Die Lieder Sineds des Barden in 1773,'^ but his most noteworthy contribution to the subject was his Auszug aus einem Brief- wechsel uber Ossian und die Lieder alter Volker publisht in Von deutscher Art und Kunst in the same year.'* The letters are addrest to an unnamed person, presumably Qerstenberg, who ob- stinately denies the genuineness of the Ossianic poetry but thinks Denis's version is a good rendering of Macpherson's poetry. Herder takes issue with him on both points. He declares in regard to the first: *'So etwas kann Macpherson unmoglich gedichtet haben ! So was laszt sich in unserem Jahrhundert nicht dichten."'* In his Volkslieder (1779) he included translations of Ossian, some of them by himself, and he based his theories of popular poetry upon them to a large extent.'* Qerstenberg, on the other hand, was from the outset skeptical regarding the Ossianic poems. In a letter written soon after reading them for the first time he says : Dasz entweder Hr. Macpherson seinen Text auszerordentlich ver- ^Ischt, Oder auch das untergeschobene Werk einer neuern Hand allzu- leichtglaubig fur ein genuines angenommen hatte, glaubten wir gleich aus den mancherley Spuren des Modernen sowol als aus den verschledenen kleinen hints, die der Dichter sich aus dem Homer etc. gemerkt zu haben schien, wahrzunehmen.s<) 80 In AUgemeine deutsche Bibliothek X (1769) 63-69. See Herder, WerJce IV 320-325. 91 AUgemeine deutsche Bibliothek XVII (1772) 437-477; cf. Tombo [243] 8. 82 In Frankfurter gelehrte Ameigen (1773) 447-481; cf. Goethe, Werke I 37, 242-246. The review is, however, not by Goethe but by Herder. See Tombo [243] 11. 33DLD XL (1892) 3-50, 76-80; Herder, Werke V 159-207. 84DLD XL (1892) 6. 35Her«lcr, Werke XI 297-300; XVI 323-333; XXV 423-430 and 549- 551; cf. XXrV 301-311 and Waag [271]. 38 Gerstenberg, Brief e uber Merkwiirdigkeiten der Literatur (1766), DLD XXIX (1890) 57. 260 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Gerstenberg was one of the few German critics who held "to this view. The contrary opinion of Herder and others mskj have influenced him slightly, for in the geographical and h torical footnotes to his Minona (1795) he speaks of Ossian an authority **dessen historische Data wenigstens itzt keinen Eii»- wand mehr leiden, wenn gleich die Achtheit seiner gegenwil^' tigen epischen und dramatischen Gestalt noch etwas zweideati^ seyn mochte;"'^ but these notes are omitted in Gerstenberg'i final edition of his works (1815-1816), a fact which would to indicate returning doubts. Gerstenberg no doubt followed^ closely the results of investigations in Britain, which were mak- ing men of critical judgment more and more skeptical. Gerstenberg adopted the northern mythology in his poetry. The specialist alone is able to distinguish with certainty this decoration from the Ossianic, but Pfau [246] and Tombo [243] find some specifically Ossianic elements in Gerstenberg 's Skalde (1766). In Ariadne auf Naxos (1765) there are but occasional reminiscences of Ossian, and while UgoUno (1767) owes its chief literary inspiration to Shakespeare, Ossianic traits are noticeable here also, as Tombo, following Jacobs, points out. They are much more numerous than in the earlier works. Jacobs publisht as an appendix to his trcatize on Ugolino [502] a fragment written by Gerstenberg, Der WaldjiingUng (1770). Rousseau's idea is fundamental here. The home of the primitive man de- scribed is Scandinavia, but the scenery is reminiscent of the Scottish Highlands and the characters still more so of Ossian 's. Similarly there are Scandinavian elements in the background, history, and allusions of Minona (1785), whose scene is laid in Britain. In this work Gerstenberg *s imitation of Ossian reaches its height. There are several faithful reproductions of Ossianic scenes and the names are also Ossianic. Michael Denis (1729-1800) became more exclusively associ- ated with Ossian than either Klopstock or Gerstenberg. Denis was a Jesuit, born in Bavaria and living in Vienna. His admir- al Quoted by Tombo [243] 119. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 261 ation for Klopstock's Messias led him to study English in order to read Paradise lost. He first read Ossian in an Italian trans- lation by Cesarotti in 1763 and compared him in his mind with Virgil and Homer. Then he heard of Klopstock's approval of Ossian. **Wie froh war ich!" he exclaimed. **Ich fing zu iiber- setzen an.'' He was still sufficiently under the spell of Klop- stock's Messiah to translate Ossian into hexameters. The judg- ment of contemporaries coincides with that of later times: the translation was regarded as excellent, but the hexametric form was condemned. Herder in the AUgemeine deutsche Bibliothek gave the most authoritative expression to this view.'® Denis's translation (1768) is nevertheless to be esteemed as the best complete rendering of Ossian 's works. The discussion regarding the ill-chosen meter only succeeded in calling the attention of more readers to the work. Denis's translation became the foun- dation of the whole bardic movement. Denis himself joined the imitators with his Die Lieder Sineds des Barden (1772),'" the anagram Sined being his new bardic name. Similarly Klop- stock's bardic pseudonym was **Werdomar," Gerstenberg's **Thorlang," Kretschmann's ' * Rhingulph, " Dusch's '*Ryno," etc. These poets and others laid aside the lyre and took up the harp of the bards ; the laurel wreath was discarded for the crown of oak leaves, and the much ridiculed *'Bardengebrull," **Bar- dengeschrei, " or **Bardengeheul" broke forth. Tombo's treatize ends with a discussion of the minor bards, of whom Karl Friedrich Kretschmann*" (1738-1809) was one of the most notable. Kretschmann's bardic phase begins in 1768 with Der Gcsang Rhingulphs des Barden als Varus geschUigen war, which was followed by Rhingulphs Klage (1771). Ossianic influence is also noticeable in some of the shorter poems of the same period. Kretschmann in his Oedicht eines Skalden ex- presses thanks to Grerstenberg for the original impulse, but the influence of Klopstock is equally obvious. His bardic period 88 Herder is quoted by Tombo [243] 122-123; cf. supra p. 259. so For a comparison of parallel passages see Tombo [243] 126-*138. «oSee also Bibliographt [249] and [250]. 262 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 ends a few years later, after the movement had made itself ridic- ulous and unpopular. In his later works nothing remains but the bard, the grove, and the oak, which had become permanent stage settings of German lyric poetry. With the study of Kretschmann and the bards Tomboys work ends. The further course of the Ossianic influence in Germany is merely indicated in Tombo's general survey: Goethe, inspired by Herder, took a passing but deep interest in the literary curiosity, which left its impress upon a portion of his work.-*i Schiller's earliest dramas show traces of Ossian's influence.^^ The "Storm and Stress'' writers found nourishment in the writings of a genius who observed no rules. Merck edited an English edition of the poems. Lenz translated Fingal. The poets of the Gottinger Bund — Biirger, Holty, Vosz, Friedrich Stolberg, Cramer — have all left testimony of their admiration for the Gaelic Homer. Then there were Claudius and Matthison and Kosegarten, all influenced by Ossian. Even Geszner shows his indebtedness in some of his later idylls. . . . Jacob Grimm was ex- tremely anxious to appear as their champion. The melancholy of Novalis sought consolation in the Ossianic * ' joy of grief. ' ' Tieck produced several imitations in his youth. Holderlin also read the poems with ardor. Freiligrath wrote a ballad Ossian, Schubert and Brahms, Zumsteeg and Dittersdorf , Seckendorff and Lowe, and other German composers have set portions of the poems to music.^s *i Tombo suggests in a footnote, p. 67, that the picture of Ossian and Malvina finds a reflexion in that of the harper and Mignon in Wilhelm Meister, *2 See Fielitz [251] who refers also to the influence on Schiller's Rduber II, 2. Schiller's relation to Ossian seems not yet to have been' comprehensively defined. The rhetorical element in Ossian doubtless ap- - pealed to Schiller very strongly. Schiller says, Werke XII ' 184, that he . first became well acquainted with Homer's epics in his maturer years. Fielitz assumes that Schiller knew little of Homer at first hand at the time of writing Hektors Ahschied, that the theme was derived from a general knowledge of the story, but that the phraseology is Ossianic. Fielitz then compares Hektors Ahschied with a translation of Ossian 'h Karrik Thura^ written by Hoven, which appeared in the first number of Der Zustand der Wissenschaften und Kiinste in Schwabenf April 15, 1781. He points out striking resemblances in meter, diction, and motifs, and he adds (p. 542): **Dasz Schiller friih Ossian las und verehrte, wiirden wir als sicher annehmen miissen, auch wenn er nicht selbst es spater an Lotte aussprache. In seinem Kreise war Ossian an der Tagesordnung. Lernen wir doeh Hoven als tJbersetzer einer Ossian-Stelle bestimmt kennen. Gab doch Peterson (1782) die Gedichte Ossians neu verteutscht bei Heerbrandt in Tiibingen heraus. " 48 Tombo [243] 67. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 263 Tombo unfortunately was never able to trace these connexions in detail, but it does not seem likely that the impressions he has left regarding Ossianic influence would have been in any im- portant respect altered by the additional corroborative evidence. Ossian was accepted with fervor in Germany because he was the poet the generation was looking for. He was the unschooled singer of genius, who sang from an overflowing heart. The literary influence exerted itself chiefly upon the lesser poets and it soon degenerated into tawdry imitation and borrowing of his decoration. The healthy side of his influence consisted in the added impulse it lent to the new interest in the history of the race, an amateurish interest at first, but one which later developt into a sounder scientific knowledge. Of the greater poets Goethe alone requires further discussion in this connexion. It might be inferred from the summary of Tombo quoted above that Herder first inspired Goethe with an admiration for Ossian, but that is not the case; Goethe's knowl- edge of Ossian as well as of Shakespeare dated from the Leipzig period.*** In Straszburg, however, his interest was intensified. He translated some passages from Ossian and later he joined with Merck (1773) in publishing a reprint of the English text of Ossian 's songs, for the title page of which he drew a design.** The. work itself was never finisht. About the same time that Goethe sent to Herder specimens of Alsatian folksong he sent him also translations of Ossian, in the preparation of which Goethe had painfully consulted the Gaelic original. Heuer has shown that these are the poems Fillians Erscheinung und Fingals Schildklang and Erinnerung des Gesanges der Vorzeit, which Herder included in his Volkslieder with the observation that the translations were not his own. He had amplified the poems and given them metrical form before publishing them, however. Heuer reproduces the earlier version of the lines as written by Goethe.*^ ♦5 See letter to Friederike Oeser, Feb. 13, 1769. Goethe, Werke TV 1 198. 4«Ulrich [246a]. 47 Heuer [247] 269-270. 264 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol -9 Goethe's enthusiasm for Ossian soon spent itself. It is knomm that he translated the Sofigs of Selma in Straszburg and gave & copy to Priederike Brion and that he embodied a similar tram^^^ lation in Werther; but as he recovered from the morbid frant^-® of mind that had given rise to Werther he seemed to have h at the same time his interest in Ossian, to judge from a conveff sation of 1829 reported by Henry Crabb Robinson : Something led him to speak of Ossian with contempt. I remarked. '^The taste for Ossian is to be ascribed to vou in a great measure, was Werther that set the fashion.*' He smiled and said: ** That's partly"^ true; but it was never perceived by the critics that Werther praised Homer while he retained his senses and Ossian when he was going mad. But reviewers do not notice such things." I reminded Goethe that Napoleon loved Ossian. ''It was the contrast with his own nature/' Goethe replied; "he loved soft and melancholy music. Werther was among his books at St. Helena. "^^ Heuer calls attention to a similarly ironical comment of Goethe of a much earlier date. Goethe was planning with the help of Beichardt to write an opera with an Ossianic background : '^schon habe ich in G^dancken Fingaln, Ossianen, Schwanen und einigen nordischen Heldinnen und Zauberinnen die Opem-Stelzen untergebunden und lasse sie vor mir auf und abspazirn. Um so etwas zu machen musz man alles poetische Gewissen, alle poe- tische Scham nach dem edeln Beyspiel der Italianer ablegen."** More seriously Goethe made reference to Ossian in a review of Volkslieder der Serben. Here he distinguisht the genuine folk- poetry of the Serbs from the artificial poetry of Macpherson's Ossian: ^'Es ist nieht wie mit dem nordwestlichen Ossianischen Wolkengebilde, das als gestaltlos epidemisch und kontagios in ein schwaches Jahrhundert sich herein senkte und sich mehr als billigen Anteil erwarb. ''**** These words of Goethe characterize, as well as any sentence could, the nature of the Ossianic fever. Ossian 's history in (Jer- 48 In Diary, reminiscences and correspondence of Henry Crahh Bobimon ed. Thomas Sadler (N. Y. 1877), II 106, under date of Aug. 2, 1829. *» Letter to J. P. Beichardt, Nov. 8, 1790. Goethe, WerJce IV 18, 41; cf. letter to Beichardt, Dec. 10, 1789, Werke^ IV 9, 165. BO Quoted by Heuer [247] 273, without reference. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 265 many is a chapter of paradoxes. The Ossianie style, arbitrarily compounded out of **the styles of Homer, the Bible and the Iroquois," was seized upon as a classic example of spontaneity and naturalness. To doubt the genuineness of the poetry was to display one's lack of poetic feeling. Sentimental as the content of the poetry was, it gained for its supposed author a place beside that of Homer. The furor died down in time, but not without contradictory after-effects. It had helpt arouse an in- terest in primitive man. The first effect of this was an indis- criminate jumbling of the Norse, Celtic, and Teutonic past, but this in time gave way to more accurate information. Thus after all German literature was not permanently impaired, perhaps it was even benefited, by the enigmatic influence of the shade from the north. 266 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vo Chapter 10 PERCY AND THE GERMAN FOLK-SONG Since the time his Reliques appeared Percy's name has bee connected with the revival of interest in popular poetry in 6e many as well as in England. His services were indeed grea but claims so extreme have been made in his behalf that certai reservations are called for as preliminaries to further discussioi It is necessary first to recall the fact that there had alwa3ns bee an active interest in the folk-song in England, and that the ma esteemed men of letters of the various periods had exprest thei admiration for these songs. It will be in order then in tli second place to show that, while it is true that in Germany fc a time the folk-song had fallen into a certain disrepute, thei were, toward the middle of the eighteenth century, certain tei dencies at work which would certainly have brot the ** Volkslied into prominence, even without the instrumentality of tl Reliqxics, That the Percy collection provided a powerful ii pulse from without is not to be denied; but after the abo reservations have been made, the task of this brief summary rather a quantitative one, namely to estimate the weight of t force from without as compared with those from within. Bishop Percy was a man of unusual talent, who during t course of his life displayed his gifts in various ways. He trai lated from a Portuguese manuscript a Chinese novel, he trai lated several poems from the Norse, The song of songs from t Hebrew, and the Edda, In 1770 he translated Mallet's Inti duction a Vhistoire de Dannemarc and in his preface to t translation made, as no scholar had done before him, a distincti< between the Germanic and the Celtic race. He has past I name down to posterity, however, as the collector of the Reliqu of ancient poetry. According to Percy's own account^ he reflcu( 1 Percy, Reliques of ancient English poetry, ed. H. B. Wheatley (Lond< 1910), I Ixxxii. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 267 from the hands of a serving maid, who was about to use it to kindle a fire, a folio manuscript containing a collection of folk- songs; to those songs he added others from the Pepys collection at Cambridge, friends of note contributed still others, and he was thus enabled to publish a large body of verse in 1765, five years after the way had been paved for its reception by the appearance of Macpherson 's Ossian, Bishop Percy prefaced his collection with apologies which seem hardly called for in view of the sanction which such songs had usually enjoyed in the British Isles. In England Sir Philip Sidney was one of the first defenders of folk poetry. In his Apologie for poetry (1580) he said, as later Herder did, that the poetic feeling was universal and was to be found even among Turks and Indians. He said he never heard the old song Percy and Douglas {Chevy Chaise), no matter how badly rendered by **some blinde crouder" without finding his heart **mooved more then with a trumpet,''^' but he erred, as did Addison later, in using the classics as a standard of judgment and holding that the ballad would be still more powerful in a Pindaric measure. The Elizabethan age did not scorn popular poetry. Wandering singers told before Queen Elizabeth the tales of Robin Hood and Adam Bell, and Shakespeare met the taste of his time in preserv- ing and creating so many folk-songs. The revolution and the restoration brot the folk-song into disrepute for a short time, but Addison opened up a new period of interest with his Spectator, He mentions Chevy Chase^^ as a fine example of such poetry aijd says that Lord Dorset and Dryden both shared his view in regard to popular poetry.^' He also made the assertion that the ballad Percy and Douglas is not inferior to the poetry of Homer, Virgil, and Milton in majesty and simplicity.^* Dr. !■ Spectator^ no. 70, the Chevy Chase which Addison quotes was not, however, the one which so deeply moved Sidney, but a greatly modified one of a much more recent date. Cf. Percy Eeliques etc., ed. Wheatley, I 23 and I 252; re date of Spencer's Apologie see Purvey, p. 127. i'»Ibid., no. 70. i'^ Ibid., no. 85. i^Ibid., no. 74. 268 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Wagstaffe^' ridiculed this statement by the counter assertion that there was much of the Virgilian spirit in Tom Thumb. In spite of such taunts some men agreed with Addison. Prior and other friends of Addison began to imitate the old ballads. In 1723 a collection of ballads appeared in London citing Addison's words as an apology for its existence, and in 1724 Ramsay produced his collection of old Scottish songs. In view of the appearance of this successful work it is remarkable that Bishop Percy should have assumed such an air of reluctance in regard to the publi- cation of his Reliques so many years later. In the preface he says he would not have made the venture but for the encourage- ment of certain friends whose opinion he esteemed ; among these friends he mentioned Addison, William Shenstone, Samuel John- son, and others.^ In Germany also an interest in folk poetry began to manifest itself before the middle of the eighteenth century. In the earliest days the perpetuation of folk-songs was dependent entirely upon oral tradition. But from the fifteenth century on there were written collections and these became more numerous with the general introduction of printing;' they were also taken up by literary and scholarly circles, whose interest in the history of Germanic peoples had been first aroused by the discovery of Tacitus *s Germania (1460). About a hundred years after this a similar interest developt in the Scandinavian countries, which led to the discovery of the elder Edda in 1643. Among the most popular of the writers on Scandinavian folklore was the before- mentioned Mallet, Professor at Kopenhagen, who in the year 1755 publisht his Introductian a Vhistoire de Dannemarc and, as an appendix to this, in the following year Monuments de la mythologie et de la poesie des Celtes et particulierement des ancicns Scandinaves. Translated into German in 1766 and into English by Percy in 1770 this work extended to wider circles the interest in northern antiquities. Mallet, like Klopstock, con- !• Re WagstaflPe see H. S. Hughes in JEGPh XVIII (1919) 465. 2 Percy Reliques etc. (1910) 8, 12, and 14. »Cf Kircher t258xj X 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 269 fused races and made no distinction between the Cymbrian, Caledonian, Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, and ancient German races. Gerstenberg had approacht the subject of the folk-song from a scholar's point of departure. His Old Norse studies had toucht upon this theme before 1765 when he began his Brief e uber die Merkwiirdigkeiten der Literature He first mentions Ossian in the eighth Liter at urbrief in 1766.*' In this letter he gives specimens of Danish songs, which Herder later included in his collection. Herder's own interest in the folk-songs was doubtless first kindled by Hamann, who had heard the songs of the peasants of Kurland and Livonia and applied his observations to the study of the Homeric measure.* Herder had learned from Hamann : **Poesie ist die Muttersprache des menschlichen Geschlechtes;" and even without the example of Percy''* Herder would doubt- less ultimately have supported this thesis with a collection of folk-songs. Indeed his collection seems to have been begun before 1765,' but the appearance of the ReUqnes stirred him to activity. The Reliqn.es were sent to him by Raspe on August 4, 1771, and in the same month he wrote the first draft of his essay Vber Ossian und die Lieder alter Volker,^ which, however, was not publisht until 1773. Thru this essay the concept **Volkslied" became to a certain extent standardized. Hitherto it had been used in the most divergent senses as Kircher [258x] has shown; but Herder's own idea of the **Volkslied" was by no means *8ee Pfau [246] 162ff. and Forster Bemuhungen um das Volkslied vor Herder (Program, Marburg 1913-1914), p. 21-23 for Gerstenberg 's schol- arly predecessors. *' Quoted in Survey, p. 259. » Forster, Bemuhungen etc., p. 19. »»FUndt [79] 15, however, says: **Jeder weisz, dasz Herders Liebe zur Volksdichtung durch die Schriften der Englander erweckt und durch ihre Proben zu hellen Flammen angefacht worden ist.'' The latter asser- tion is tenable. « In 1764 there appeared in the Konigsherg 'sche gelehrte und politische Zeitung, Bin esthnisches Lied als Beitrag zu unhekannten anakreontischen Gesdngen noch roher Leute. Herder's authorship of this is disputed. See Lohre [258] 9; cf. ZDPh III (1871) 466, Anm. 3, and Herder, Werke XXV 545. 7 Kircher [258x] 21. 270 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 derived from Percy alone. In his essay the term is applied to the songs of barbaric peoples, to the songs of uncultivated peo- ple of his own day, to every poem that can be readily sung, and only occasionally to songs of antiquarian, historical, and nation- alistic interest, which Percy had almost solely in view. Burger forms the crux of the discussion regarding the Percy influence in Germany. Previous to the year 1773 Burger seems to have agreed with most of his contemporaries that the ballad was the product of the **Bankelsanger," its theme usually some ''Mordgeschichte" and its chief charm its groteskness. When Biirger had written ballads he had attempted to imitate these ruder qualities ; but Lenore marks a turn to another style. The change generally has been attributed to the influence of Percy. To quote but one of the critics, Wagener [257] : Die erste Frucht dieser . . . Beschaftigung mit Percy (war) die Lenore, . . . Im ganzen Charakter und in der Anlage, aber auch in einzelnen Xusserungen ist Percys Einflusz unverkennbar. Wir brauchen nur die 1770 entstandene noch vollkommen im Ton der burlesken Romanze ge- haltene Ballade Prinzessin Europa dagegen zu halten, um den ungeheueren Fortschritt zu erkennen, den Biirger unter Percys und Herders Einflusz gemacht hat, wenn auch hier dieser oder jener Ausdruck an die alte Manier lebhaft erinnert.''*' Flindt expresses a view in accord with Wagener *s when he says: Auszerordeatlich wirkungsvoll ist auch der Einflusz gewesen, den das Volkslied auf Biirgers Balladendichtung ausgeiibt hat. Schon 1769-708 ist nach Angabe seines Biographen Althof Percys Sammlung sein Hand- buch gewesen, und eine Reihe seiner Balladen sind in der Tat t^bertra- gungen englischer Dichtungen. Doch scheint es, als ob das englische Vorbild allein fiir unsern Dichter nicht geniigte, denn erst nachdem er das Urteil Herders (in t)b€r Ossian usw,) iiber die bisherige deutsche Balladenpoesie und dessen Yorschliige zur Hebung derselben kennen ge- lernt, wurden ihm die Augen geoffnet. Die Wirkung war gewaltig. Wahrend Burger in seinen bisherigen Balladen durch Ziigellosigkeit, ja Roheit des Ausdrucks den rechten Volkston zu treffen vermeint, weist die erste Frucht seiner gereiften Erkenntnis, die Lenore, sogleich die hochsten Vorzuge auf, deren seine Muse iiberhaupt fahig ist.^ 7* Wagener [257] 28. 8 The incorrectness of this date will be shown presently. 9FUndt [79] 15. 1920] Price: English^ German lAierary Influences — Survey 271 Thus Wagener and Flindt bring together for us here the two prevailing misconceptions regarding Biirger: first, that Percy's collection was his *'Handbuch" from 1769 on; and second, that Lenare is the fruit of an inspiration derived from Percy. Prior to 1905 all the leading critics proceeded upon this hypothesis.*' Beyer [266] examines critically the evidence upon which such assertions are based and clearly shows wherein his predecessors were in error. Since the time of Althof (1798), he says, the impression has been given that Biirger owes his entire inclination toward folk poetry to the Percy collection. Althof® derived this impression from Boie, who wrote to him Nov. 2, 17M: "Mein Handbuch waren damals Percys Relicks, und sie '^nrden auch das seinige, ohne noch auf seinen Geist zu wirken, ^e sie nachher gethan haben.'* As the context shows the *damals'* of the above quotation refers to the year 1771 not the y^r 1769-70; but even at that Boie's memory was at fault for ^tU 1773 he himself did not possess a copy of Percy, as his ^^ter to Merck, Jan. 26 of that year, indicates : * * Ich besitze ®^^ auch das Tea table miscellany und erwarte mit nachster ^legenheit die Reliques aus England.''" Por further evidence of Biirger 's relation to Percy we have ^^ often quoted confession of Biirger himself: **Sie (i.e. ^^ Reliques) sind meine Morgen- und Abendandacht. ' ' This ^^sage has been past from writer to writer usually with no date ^t.acht," the implication always being, however, that it describes iirger's relation to Percy in the first period in Gottingen. In -ality the passage appears in a letter written to Boie in the ^ar 1777. The circumstances under which this letter was written ^ significant.^^ At the end of the year 1776 Biirger was passing bru a period of discouragement. His relations with *' Molly'* ••See BiBLiooRAPHY [262]-[265]. !« Althof was Burger 's earliest biographer. Einige Nachrichten von den omehmsteti Lebensumstdnden G. A, Burgers nebst einem Beiirage zur Cka- ikteristik desselben (Gottingen 1773). 11 Quoted by Beyer [266] 3-4. 12 Compare, however, Flindt [79] 15, quoted above. 18 According to Beyer [266] 12. 272 University of California Puhlications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 disturbed his peace of mind, he was beginning to doubt his dramatic talent, he had given up his Homer plans, and the plan of writing a national epic. Even for the ballad he found no strong impulse. In this frame of mind he visited Boie for a few weeks in Hannover at the end of February 1777, returning at the beginning of April. During this visit Boie called his attention quite particularly to the Reliqties and Burger thankt him for it on his return. It was now that Percy became his * * Morgen- und Abendandacht. ' ' A little later Boie mailed to him his copy of the Reliques. On the 10th of June, 1777, Burger wrote to Boie: **Deinen Brief mit den Old ballads habe ich erhalten und bin dariiber hergefallen wie die Pliege auf die Milch. . . . Seit ich die Reliques lese, ist ein gewaltiges Chaos balladischer Ideen in mir entstanden. ' ' Previous to the year 1777 Burger nowhere displays a greater familiarity with the collection than that which might have been obtained from Her- der's essay and the extracts in the Gottingischc gelehrte An- zeigen. After his return from Hannover in 1777, on the other hand, he is active in giving German versions of English ballads, the first one being Bruder Graurock, May 1777. The many ballads that Biirger had written before this period, Lenore included, Beyer would attribute chiefly to Gterman im- pulses, English models being only secondary thereto. He says: Die Neugeburt der deutschen Ballade ist in erster Linie eine von Burgers eigener Individualitat geforderte, dichterische Verernstigung der ironisierenden Romanze, eine Verernstigung sowohl in der allgemeinen poetischen Auffassung wie in der Auffassung des Volkstiimlichen. Die Moglichkeit zu einer solchen Wendung war bei ihm durch seine von Kind auf vorhandene Vertrautheit mit dem popularen Kirchenlied vor- bereitet; bei der ersten engeren Bekanntschaft mit dem deutschen Volks- lied muszte sic zum Austrag kommen. Beyer concedes, however, **dasz das Bewusztsein der Existenz der englischen Balladen in etwas mitgewirkt hat.'*^* It is important to examine a little more closely the theory of Biirger 's inspiration from Percy as applied to Lenore. Erich !♦ Beyer [266] 33-34. 1920] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Survey 273 Schmidt begins his discussion of the origin of Lenore with the before-mentioned customary confusion of chronology: '*In der ersten Gottinger Zeit studirte Burger mit Boie den Percy und nannte ihn sein *Handbuch,' ohne sogleich praktischen Nutzen far eigene Produktion aus diesen Balladen zu ziehen, die ihm Morgen- und Abendandacht waren."^'' Lenore was not the fruit of any momentary inspiration. It was begun in April 1773, por- tions were sent from time to time to Boie for criticism, and the &8t draft was completed on the 12th of August. In the midst of its creation two works had appeared, both of which, according to Schmidt, affected its development : Herder's essay "Oher Ossian und die Lieder alter V biker and Goethe's Gotz von Berlichingen}^ After the completion of the first draft Biirger polisht and altered stanzas and verses with the help of Boie and Cramer ; then he declaimed the ballad in its fijial form before a gathering of the country aristocracy in September 1773, It was first publisht ui Boie's Gottinger Musenalmanach at about the same time. The l^allad was immediately popular in Germany and in a short time ^as made known in England. **Der Boden war vorbereitet, " says Brandl, **durch die weitverzweigte Tradition verwandter ^aJladen wie Sweet William's ghost, durch moderne Balladen mit ®Pukhaften Motiven, auch durch die ossianische Stimmung."" ^^^ earliest translators of Lenore into English were William '^^yhv of Norwich, J. T. Stanley, Walter Scott, J. H. Pye, then poet laureate, and W. B. Spencer." The basis of Lenore was, ^^''ding to Erich Schmidt, **ein mit plattdeutschen Versen ^•^^ilnischtes Marchen."'* Schmidt adds the suggestion that ^ Hero in Biirger 's ballad derives his name from the William '*'' Schmidt [268] 204. ^* Ibid., p. 215. ^^^^ Ibid., p. 244; as an appendix to Schmidt's essay Brandl (pp. 244- ^ ^ves the bibliographical data regarding Lenore in England. ^ The translations of aU of these appeared in 1796. ^^ Schmidt [268] 218. The important fact is Schmidt's assertion (with .^'v^r it is also a certainty) that the theme of Lenore is derived from local -^^ition, not from Percy. Wlisocki [267] takes a similar position in td to the theme of Biirger 's Kaiser und Abt. 274 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 in Sweet WUUam's ghosi}^ Beyer rejects this belief, saying that Burger had named him Wilhelm even before Herder's essay appeared which contained the translation of Sweet WiUiam^s ghost. That Biirger then adopted certain notes from Herder's translation will scarcely be denied. Beyer's investigations tend to show that the **Gdttinger Bund" constituted a far less active group of Percy admirers than has been usually assumed. Boie was the first to possess Percy* in the original. This was not before the year 1773, according to the passage in one of his letters already quoted.^^ He could not have been deeply stirred at the outset, since he did not kindle Biirger 's enthusiasm until four years later. It is true that a selection of the Percy songs, eleven in number, had appeared in Gottingen.^^ Bonet-Maury [265] assumed that Biirger 's first knowledge of Percy was derived from this collection. Holz- hausen [264], Wagener [257], and Lohre [258] find no reason to agree with this. Finally, there was a copy of the Reliques in the Gottingen library. The investigators have been able to secure from the library authorities the interesting information that Holty borrowed the work from the library Nov. 23, 1770, returning it on the 8th of December, and that Johann Martin Miller lookt at the work at the library.^' There is no evidence that it made an impression on either of them. Holty indeed never laid much stress upon the Percy ballads.^* The suggestion for his Adelstan und Roschen might have been received from several sources other than Percy .^'^ Miller shows Percy's influ- ence only to the extent of selecting The passionate shepherd to his love, one of the least natural and least popular of the Percy 20 Schmidt [268] calls attention to the echoes of ''she stretched out her lily white hands'* and of ''is there any room at your feet, Willie . . . wherein that I may creep.'* The phrase "den Hagedom durchsaust der Wind," on the other hand, he traces back to the heath scene in King Lear. 21 See Survey, p. 271. 22 Ancient and modem songs and ballads printed for Victorinus Bossiegel (Gottingen 1765). 23 See Beyer [266] 4-5. 24 Bhoades also affirms this [122] 22 and 25. 28 See Beyer [266] 4 and Rhoades [122] 26. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 275 poems, for translation (1773). Vosz's first translation from the Percy collection did not appear until twenty-five years later. **So sind wir in keiner Weise berechtigt/' says Beyer, **mit Lohre den Gottinger Dichterbund als Wornehmste Pflegestatte eines warm betriebenen Studiums' (sc. of the Reliques) hinzu- stellen.^'^e It is clear that in the light of Beyer's findings a large amount of the previous literature regarding Percy in (Jermany must be revised. Schlegel, Wagener, Lohre, Bonet-Maury, and Boyd all proceed on the false assumption that the Percy collection was known in Qottingen almost from the first. Wagener 's dis- sertation [257] is nevertheless a valuable and useful work. Wagener has collected and listed in an annalistic form the (Jer- man translations of the Percy ballads that appeared in remote and now nearly inaccessible magazines and has paid due regard to the critical opinions exprest at the time. For many purposes the chronological arrangement is the most useful one. If Wage- ner's views regarding Percy's influence have been proven false by Beyer, the evidence of general interest in Percy's ballads is nevertheless of significance. The same remark applies to Lohre 's work [258] . It is divided into two parts: (1) **Die Aufnahme der Reliques in Deutsch- land," and (2) **Die Wiedergeburt des deutschen Volksliedes." The false hypothesis is detrimental only to the first part. The work admirably supplements Wagener 's, for while the latter is the best authority regarding individual renderings of Percy's ballads, Lohre gives the best information regarding the collec- tions and also regarding the period between Herder's Volkslieder and the Wunderhorn. The facts he gives will be summarized presently. Bonet-Maury 's monograph is devoted to the task of drawing the necessary conclusions from the false hypothesis con- cerning Burger and proving that the German literary ballad owes its origin to the direct influence of the English popular ballad. It has only an incidental value today. Boyd's article [259] is interesting in that it shows the extreme views prevalent 2« Beyer [266] 5; cf. Lohre [258] 2. 276 . University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 at the time of writing. Boyd professes merely to summarize the results of earlier investigators, adding only a few facts of his own, but he does not always correctly reproduce the opinions of his predecessors; for example, he quotes Schmidt [269] as saying Lenare loudly re-echoes, if it does not reproduce, Sweet William's ghost. Schmidt's opinion has already been quoted above to a different effect.^^ At the close of his article Boyd has a carefully arranged outline listing nearly a hundred Percy ballads and songs and showing which Qerman authors have made use of them in one way or another. This portion of the work is most useful for ready reference. Having accepted Beyer's demonstration that certain state- ments regarding the influence of Percy were exaggerated, it is now proper to emphasize the fact that the Percy collection was none the less an important factor in the German literary develop- ment. Granted that the love of the folk-song had a spontaneous origin, the Percy collection lent a strong sanction for the indulg- ence of the new taste and was, moreover, a model more or less consciously before the minds of the German collectors. In the earliest review of the Reliques in Germany, written by Raspe in the Neue Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften (1765), the de- sire is exprest for a German Percy. Boie planned a collection of English songs but did not desire to compete with Herder; whereupon Herder, in a private letter of June 3rd, 1776, gave him a free hand in respect to Percy. Under the name of Daniel Wunderlich, Biirger called for a (Jerman Percy in 1776; in his Herzen^ausgusz iiher Volkspoesie he hopes for a German col- lection in no respect inferior to the English.^^ In his Ossian essay (1773) Herder had said: **Glauben Sie nur, dasz, wenn wir in unseren Provinzialliedern, jeder in seiner Provinz nach- suchten, wir vielleicht noch Stiicke zusammenbrachten, vielleicht die Halfte der Dodslei 'schen Sammlung von Reliques, aber die 27 See Survey, p. 273. 2*« Beyer is aware of these expressions of Burger but believes that they do not necessarily show a first-hand knowledge of Percy. Knowledge derived from Herder's essay could be an inadequate basis for the remarks. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 277 derselben beinahe an Werth gleich kame/'-®' In the same year Vosz was urging his friends to collect old songs such as he be- lieved he had heard in Mecklenburg, and in 1775 he oflfered himself to the Margrave of Baden as a **Landdichter." The impulse to most of these efforts went out apparently from Herder, and the influence of Percy was at least indirectly active. The history of the Wiedergeburt des deutschen Volksliedes as related by Lohre shows that the advance of the folk-song in Germany was not uncontested even after the appearance of Herder's essay and that the sanction of Percy's example often proved a support in the next following years. One of the first to express opposition to the growing par- tiality for folk-song was Nicolai-® with his Feyner kleyner Alma- nack vol schonerr echterr Uhlicherr Volckslieder, liistigerr Reyen unndt kleglicherr Mardgeschichte (1777~1778). Unintentionally Nicolai performed a service to the collectors by calling attention to new sources. Nicolai 's collection was intended as a thrust especially at Biirger with his Herzensausgusz and against Herder with his Ossian essay. It deterred the collectors in no wise. In the same year an enthusiastic amateur collector, Ursinus, produced a volume of no great merit, entitled Balladen und Lieder altenglischer und altschottischer Dichtart (1777). Only two of the poems Lord Thomas and Fair EUinor and King Leir were especially translated for this collection; the others were reprints. As an introduction to the collection Eschenburg had translated Percy's essay on the ancient minstrels in England, which had appeared simultaneously with the Reliques, The romantic ideas here exprest had already been supplanted by morie accurate ones in England. This moderately good work of Ursinus was received with great favor by the public and by critics like Boie and Biirger. 2h» Her^ Dranger," who on the other hand shared with Richardson ^^ reformatory tendency. In Lenz's Soldaten and Hofmeister ^"^ in Wagner's Die Kindermbrderin middle-class representative usually girls, become the unprotected victims of the aristocra and military classes. Richardson wrote his first novel Pamela in 1740, when was fifty-one years of age. The work shows his style in a y undevelopt stage. He was at the height of his powers in 174^ when he wrote his Clarissa, while his Grandisan (1753) already shows his waning strength. There were features in his noveb^ which especially challenged the parodists. The tearfulness o0 his narratives, however, which is to-day so frequently commented, upon, seems not to have imprest that more effusive age as a fault or even as an outstanding characteristic. The enduring distinction of Richardson is his ability, by intense analysis, to reveal the subtlest thots and motives of his heroines. This virtue Goethe commented upon in a quite inci- dental way in Dichtung ti7id Wakrheit, yet a better appreciation of Richardson will scarcely be found even in the writings of those who consciously seek to do him honor. Goethe relates that at the time his sister died he planned to write a novel in which her personality should be sympathetically portrayed. Da ieh dieses geliebto, unbegreifliche Wesen nur zu bald verlor, fuhlte ich genugsanien Anlasz, mir ihren Werth zu vergegenwartigen, und so 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 285 entstand bei mir der Begriff eines dichterischen Ganzen, in welchem es moglich gewesen ware, ihre Individualitat darzustellen : allein es liesz sich (lazu keine andere Form denken als die der Richardson 'sehen Romane. Nur durch das genaueste Detail, durch unendliche Einzelnheiten, die lebendig alle den Charakter des Ganzen tragen und, indem sie aus einer wundersamen Tiefe hervorspringen, eine Ahnung von dieser Tiefe geben; nur auf solche Weise hatte es einigermaszen gelingen konnen, eine Vor- stellung dieser merkwiirdigen Personlichkeit mitzutheilen: denn die Quelle kann nur gedacht werden, in sofern sie flieszt. Aber von diesem schonen und frommen Vorsatz zog mich, wie von so vielen anderen, der Tumult der Welt zuriick.5 Goethe seems to have admired Richardson the most uncriti- cally in the Leipzig period. He wrote to his sister twice from there specifically ** permitting" hef to read Richardson's novels,'' and in his poem An die Unschuld (ca. 1770 )*** he can think of no more virtuous names than Byron and Pamela, but in the thirteenth book of Dichtung und Wdhrheit he mentions the popu- larity, in the early seventies, of Richardson's novels along with Lessing's Miss Sara Sampson, Lillo's Kaufmann von London and Diderot's Hausvater and similar works as a sign of the **Verweichlichung" of the public taste.** Two years after the publication of Pamela, Fielding entered the lists against it with his Joseph Andrews. In the introduction and in the first chapter of the third book he takes issue with Richardson, while the novel as a whole is an indirect criticism, a parody, of Richardson's work; as the virtuous Pamela resists the intrigues of her vicious master, so Joseph Andrews resists the guile of his employer Lady Bawdy. In the introduction Fielding says that affectation is the sole source of the comic for him. Introduction and novel together exhibit the main cause of Fielding's antipathy to Richardson, namely the perfect char- acters of the latter 's novels. Shaftesbury had already protested in theory against such characters ; Fielding supported him with effective examples. In his later works, especially in Tom Jones, he showed how developing characters were to be substituted for perfect ones. » Goethe, Werke T 27. 23. ^.b jbid., T 1, 52. 5Mbid., IV 1, 20 and 27. scjbid., I 28, 193ff. 286 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 In England Fielding easily triumpht over his opponents, and a group of humorous novelists followed him, but in Germany it was otherwise ; with the sanction of Shaftesbury and other Eng- lish authorities Fielding won over most of the leading critics to his principles, but in practice he never succeeded in making school. This disparity between theory and practice is one of the outstanding features of the Richardson-Fielding contest in Ger- many. Before treating of this in detail, however, it may be of service to indicate the order of appearance in England of the chief novels in question together with the dates of their first translations into German :• Richardson's Pflmda 1740 1740 Fielding *8 Joseph Andrews 1742 1746' Richardson's Clarissa 1748 1748ff.T* Smollett's Roderick Bandom 1748 1754 Fielding's Tom Jones 1749 1750 Smollett's Peregrine Pickle 1751 1756 Fielding's Amelia 1752 1753* Richardson's Grandison 1753 1754 Sterne's Tristram Shandy 1759ff. 1763ff.» Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield 1766 1767" Sterne's Sentimental journey 1768 1768" « The dates are according to Heine [89] except where otherwise indicated. 7 Wood [187] 20 gives 1745 as the date. Cflarke [194] 2 gives 1746 co-inciding with Heine. The translation was from a French version. In the year 1765 appeared Fieldings komischer Roman in vicr Thcileii (Berlin) ; 472 pp. This was a version of Joseph Andrews with new names for the characters as well as for the work as a whole. These names and the character of the footnotes indicate that this German version goes back directly or indirectly to a French source. Cf. Kurrelmeyer [188a]. This might be the third translation of Joseph Andrews referred to by the Allgemeine deutschc Bihliothek LXIX 2, 404, which Clarke [194] 2 could not identify. 7" The translator of this work was John David Michaelis. It appeared in Gottingen under the sponsorship of Haller, who preferred it to Pamela. He said: **Doch konnen wir nicht laugnen, dasz wir der jiingeren Sch wester einen Vorzug vor der alteren geben. Sie ist noch viel witziger, sie verfallt nicht in ernsthafte und trockene Regeln, sie hat insbesondere sich keiue solche Fehler wieder die Schaamhaftigkeit vorzuwerfen, als wohl die Pamela bey ihrer sonst guten Absicht sich zur Last hat legen lassen miissen. " Gottingische gelehrte Zeitung (1748) 274; quoted by Beam [86] 28. 8 Wood [187] 22 gives 1752 as the date. 0 According to Thayer [336] 14; Heine [89] 22 gives 1759-1767. loSollas [200] 9. 11 According to Thayer [336] 35. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 287 While other critics were quick to array themselves on the side of Richardson or his opponents, Lessing and Herder re- mained non-partizan. Lessing 's theoretic defence of the middle- class drama is known ;^^ his levying of contributions on Rich- ardson for motifs in Miss Sara Sampscytv is equally well known." Of Richardson he wrote in 1757 : Wer wird sich auch einkommen lassen, etwas fur mittelmaszig z\i halten, wobey der unsterbliche Verfasser der PameUif der Clarissaf des Grandisons die Hand anlegtf Denn wer kann es besser wissen, was zur Bildung der Herzen, zur Einfloszung der Menschenliebe, zur Beforderung jeder Tugcnd, das zutraglichste ist, als erf Oder wer kann es besser wissen, als er, wic viel die Wahrheit iiber menschliche Gemiither vermag, wenn sie sich, die bezaubemden Reize einer gefaUigen Erdichtung zu borgen, herablasztfi^ But of Fielding he had written in still higher terms three years before. **Dieser Schriftsteller scheint an Erfindungen, an Schilderungen und Einfallen unerschopflich zu seyn. Immer in einer Sphare und dennoch immer neue zu bleiben, ist nur das Vorrecht eines sehr groszen Qenies.'/^' A passage in the Ham- hurgische Dra/maiurgie referring to Partridge as a critic of Garrick and Quin quotes at length from the fifth chapter of the sixteenth book of Tom Jones}^* There is but one passage appar- ently, and that a somewhat incidental one, in which Lessing directly compares Richardson and Fielding. On a loose sheet found after his death under the title * * Delicatesse, ' ' he defends the use of the word **Hure" in Minna van Bamhelm: '*So ist es mit Fildingen (sic) und Richardson gegangen," he writes. 12 Lessing, Schriften VI 6-53. la-Cf. Kettner [300]. 1* Lessing, Schriften VII 75. IB Review of Miss Elizabeth Thoughtless, a work falsely attributed to Fielding. See Lessing, Schriften V 431. Clarke [194] 13 comments: ^'Freilich will das hier gespendete Lob nicht viel sagen, wenn man be- denkt, dasz Lessing die echten und unechten Werke Fieldings nicht von einander zu unterscheiden vermochte. " The misuse of Fielding's name in this fashion serves- to emphasize his popularity. See list of imputed works in Wood [187] 18f. The author of Miss Elizabeth Thoughtless was Mrs. Eliza Haywood. i5* Lessing, Schriften IX 212. 288 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.?» **die groben plumpen Ausdriicke in des erstern Andrews iind Tom Jones sind so sehr gemiszbilliget worden, da die obsconen Gcdanken, welche in der Clarissa nicht selten vorkommen, ai*- inanden geargert baben. So urtheilen Englander selbst/'** Tlx^ observation serves at least to demonstrate Lessing's familiari'C:^ with the English criticism of Richardson and Fielding. That so successful a borrower as Lessing should have able to adopt some motifs from Fielding seems quite natui Clarke [191] is able to draw a close comparison between thi tavern scenes of Minna von Bamhelm and the scenes in bool^^ ten, chapters two to seven, of Tom Jones}^* Minna and Pran- ssiska have their counterparts in Sophie and Honour ; their atti- tude toward the innkeeper is much the same, and they have the same diflSculty with the servants of their lovers. Just and Part- ridge form another pair; both conceive an unflattering opinion of the women who ask for their masters, and fidelity is the out- standing characteristic of both. Clarke even finds, in chapter twelve of the seventh book, a counterpart of Biccault de la Mar- liniere. He compares the tavern scenes in Miss Sara Sampson also with these same scenes in Tom Jones, without taking into account other possible English models here; but the fact that the chambermaid in both works is called Betty may not be entirely without significance. Lady Bellaston is represented as the counterpart of Marwood ; her disparaging comments in regard to her rival are verbally much like Marwood 's. Clarke makes no mention of Lillo's Milwood in this connexion. It would seem, on the whole, that this was another of the several cases wherein Lessing had combined numerous old plots to make a new one. Yet the connexions, so far as asserted, are of a rather external nature and do not necessarily in themselves imply any consid- erable influence of Fielding on Lessing. Herder seems likewise to have been able to reconcile his ad- miration for Fielding with that for Richardson. ^'Richardsons i«lbid., XV 62; Lessing quotes the Monthly leview XX 132 in support of his statement. !•• Clarke [191] 97f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 289 drei R(»nane haben in Deutschland ihre goldne Zeit erlebt;"^^ "Youngs Nachigedankeny Tom Jones, Der Landpriester haben in Deatschland Sekten gestiftet;"** **Der poetische Himmel Bri- tamdens hat mich erscbreckt ; wo sind unsere Shakespeare, unsere Swifts, Addisons, Pieldings, Sterne?"^* The names are used somewhat at random, and no conclusions are to be drawn from the omission of Richardson from the latter list, especially in view of the fact that Herder never became the advocate of the English novelists to the same degree as he did of Shakespear^nd Ossian ; but his praise of Fielding could, at any rate, serve as sanction to the * * Stiirmer und Dranger . ' ' The majority of the other critics of the time seem to have been unqualified adherents of Fielding. Among these Lichten- bcrg is perhaps best known with his assertion : * * Sterne steht auf einer sehr hohen Staffel, nicht auf dem edelsten Wege. Field- ^ steht nicht ganz so hoch auf einem weit edleren Wege, den derjenige betreten wird, der einmal der groszte Schriftsteller der ^dt wird; und sein FindUng {Tom Jones) ist gewisz eines der "^8teii Werke, die je geschrieben worden sind."^® Lichtenberg's P'^jected but never completed satirical and realistic novel has "^■^^y been referred to.**' Because of this novel, and because of his steadfast advocacy of Fielding, Lichtenberg has sometimes ^^ called the (Jerman Fielding. He himself, not once but *^^eral times,** past the compliment on to a contemporary, *'^*^iUi Gottwerth MiiUer (Miiller von Itzehoe, 1743-1828), the *^thoi» of Siegfried von lAndenberg (1779), who opposed both ^ **Genie8'' and the sentimentalists of the Richardson-Sterne ^^^^- Mfiller made clear his indebtedness to Fielding. He had ^'^ilnined, he said, '*treulich auszumalen, was die Mutter Natur ^R^zeichnet hatte,"** and so had developt the method: ** Herder, Werke XVIII 208. ^* Ibid., XVm 110. Ci *^ Lichtenberg, Ausgewahlte Schnften (Stuttgart 1893), 73; quoted by ^^'ke [194] 14. ^^* See SuBVBY, p. 163f . ^^ Lichtenberg, Brief e (Leipzig 1901-1904), I 364, II 167, III 123-125. ^^ Mailer, Siegfried van Lindenberg (Hamburg 1779), p. 263. 290 University of California Publications in Modem Philology **Studiere den Tom Jones und schreib nicht eher, bis di beurteilen und nahe an ihn dich emporschwingen kannst ist eine Schande fiir einen Bomandichter, nur mittelmaazi^ wenig mehr zu sein, seitdera dieses Meisterstiick existier Liehtenberg even read the tedious continuation of Mi novel-* and wrote as late as 1799 : **t)ber die Unerschopfli Ihres Genies, teuerster Preund, musz ich in Wahrheit erst* Sie tragen in dem kleinen Itzehoe ein ganzes London in '. Kopf."" # Another theoretical defender of Fielding was less suce in avoiding the reef of sentimentality. This was Priedric Blankenburg (1744-1796), who wrote in 1774 his Versuch den Roman. This essay was in reality an expansion of tb critical pages of Fielding in his novels, well supported by i tions from Shaftesbury and other writers on esthetics, si as by excellent arguments. For Blankenburg Agathon supreme novel, while Tom Jones comes next to it. Richan novels and the novel of Gtellert serve as examples of all t incorrect in novel writing. Blankenburg says : Noch ehe ich daran dachte, diesen Versuch zu schreiben, las i Wielandschen und Fielding^chen Bomane, den Agathon und den Tom zu meinem Unterricht und meinem Yergniigen, sah bey jedem fi der darinn geschieht, zuruck auf die menschliche Natur und fai ihnen das, was Pope von Homer sagt: "Nature and they were the f Und Ton den andem in dieser Gattung erschienenen Werken habe ieh die wichtigsten, und iiberhaupt so viele davon gelesen, als notig ge um die Yortrefflichkeit jener einzusehen. Es ist nicht etwan mei; satz, indem ich diese beyde mit einander nenne, sie einander zu stellen und fiir einerley zu erklaren; unstreitig hat Wieland Schritt zur Yollkommenheit voraus; aber Fielding verdient nachi gestellt zu wreden.20 Blankenburg seizes on the points of genuine strength i chosen models. He emphasizes the importance of real chan " Cf. Brand [192] 45f. 2* Liehtenberg, Briefe II 168; quoted by Kleineibst [131] 48. 25 Liehtenberg, Briefe III 125. =•» Blankenburg [IMa] in * * Yorbericht, ' * a 4. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 291 as against perfect characters, and insists above all that the author, however difficult the task, must show how the character came to be as it is: Freilich mag die Aufsuchung, die Aufklarung dieses Wie, die Ent- wicklung einer Begebenheit auf diese Art ein schwerer Geschaft sein, als die blosze Erzahlung derselben. Es erfordert einen aufmerksamen Beobachter der menschlichen Natur, einen Kenner des menschlichen Herzens. Aber diese Art von Behandlung einer Begebenheit ist es auch, die die Lessinge, Wielande, Fieldinge, Sterne und einige andere mehr so sehr iiber die gewohnlichen erhebet.2«* Of further interest in Blankenburg's Versuch is the great caution with which he criticizes Richardson: *'Ich fiirchte die Verwunderung vieler meiner Leser iiber meine Kiihnheit, den Richardson zu tadeln;" but the criticism of Richardson in Eng- land gives him courage: **In England hat er unter dem wich- tigsten Theil seines Volkes nie den Beyfall gehabt, den man ihm in Deutschland gegeben. Sie haben ihm den Fielding von jeher vorgezogen. . . . Dies habe ich von mehr als einem Englander gehort. . . . Ich habe es in Deutschland namlich von ihnen gehort. ' '^^ This statement can be counterbalanced by the opinion of Gerstenberg: **Man kann kein schlimmeres Merkmaal von Mangel an Qenie und an Herz geben, als wenn man Richardsons bewundernswiirdige Meisterstiicke tadelt oder gar kaltsinnig lobt.''" If, however, we turn from the critics to the novelists, we find that Richardson had a goodly following of imitators, while Field- ing's school developt but little strength. Gellert was the first notable imitator of Richardson in (Jermany.^*' Robertson's article [290] and Erich Schmidt's monograph [295] both contain sum- maries of Gellert 's remarkable novel, Das Leben der schwedischen Grdfin von O, Gellert 's novel appeared in 1747, at least one 2«« Ibid., p. 272f. 27 Ibid., p. 351. -'« Quoted by von Weilen [501] Ixxxi. 28« As the earliest of the less notable imitations Clarke [194] 22 notes the anonymously publisht Geschichte des Herm von Hohenburg und des Frauletns Sophie von Blumenherg nach dem Geschmack des Herm Fielding (Langensalza 1758). 292 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol . 9 year too soon to permit him to profit by the example of Clari^^4g in addition to the earlier Pamela,^^ The Ordfin is not a **Brie:£- roman" of the pure type, altho there are many letters therein.** Gellert regarded Richardson as a preacher in the guise of a novelist. He sang of him later : Dies ist der schopferische Geist, Der uns durch lehrende Godichte Den Reiz der Tugend fuhlen heiszt, Der durch den Grandison selbst einem Bosewichte Den ersten Wunsch, auch fromm zu sein, entreiszt. Die Werke, die er schuf, wird keine Zeit verwusten, Sie sind Natur, Geschmack, Religion. Unstcrblich ist Homer, unsterblicher bei Christen Der Britte Richardson.si Gellert was the leading authority on good taste and morality in Germany. From his chair at Leipzig he had endeavored to standardize both these virtues and had personally conducted ex- tensive correspondence courses on the same general topics. He thus seemed destined to become the German Richardson. But he fell far short of this distinction. In the first place the force of tradition was too great. His Grdfin von O, was essentially a seventeenth-century adventure novel, with a large amount of moralizing grafted upon it. The action of the novel almost belies its moral intent. The marital careers of Gellert 's characters are as checkered as in the trashiest nineteenth-century novel. As indicative of this Erich Schmidt records the following anecdote which he attributes to Varnhagen: ^'Jemand erlaubt sich den Spasz, in einer Berliner Gesellschaft unseren Roman mit Ver- schweigung des Autors und des Titels, einiges auslassend oder 20 A peculiar error has crept into Seidensticker^s excellent essay [77] 66, which asserts that Gellert had originally intended to translate Grandison (publisht in 1753!) but changed his mind and wrote an original novel instead. 3"E. Schmidt's statement [295] 71: "Wahrend hier (Le. in Pamela) alle Briefe von einer Person geschrieben und an eine Addresse gerichtet sind,'' is inaccurate. SI Sinngedicht iiber Richardsons Bildnij(z ; quoted by Schmidt [295] 19. Gellert says elsewhere: ''Teh habe ehedem iiber den siebenten Theil der Claruisa und den fiinften des Grandison mit einer Art von siiszer Wehmut eine der merkwurdigsten Stunden fUr mein Leben verweinet; dafiir danke ich Dir noch jetzt, Richardson;" quoted by Flindt [79] 10. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 293 andernd, vorzulesen, und die Horer hielten das Werk fiir cines der unsittlichsten Producte des jun^n Deutschlands. "*^ Robertson accounts for the imperfect blend in Gellert's novel by referring to the deficiency of moral weeklies in Ger- many. Germany had no Taller or Spectator to pave the way for the Bichardsonian novel. Translations and mutilations did their best to supply the deficiency, yet not with the same success. In fact the English journalistic literature was only beginning to be assimilated on the continent when Pamela appeared.'" Robertson evidently estimates the force of the **Wochenschrift-Richtung" lower than the German critics whose opinions have already been quoted."* Robertson says: *' Richardson was the sole founder of the modern German novel, and Gellert was his prophet."" It is not remarkable, then, that the earliest followers of Richardson, like Gellert, looked upon him as a moralist and imitated him with a total disregard of his excellences as a novelist. The earliest notable successor of Richardson and Gellert was the pastor Hermes with his Miss Fanny Wilkes (1766)."" Regarding the progress of Richardson in Germany between 1747 and 1766 we are nowhere well informed. Hermes *s indebtedness to his two predecessors was undisguised. Professor Arnold of Konigsberg first put Richardson's Grandison into Hermes 's hand and ad- vized him to cloak his moralizings with a pleasing gown, and thus to become a German Richardson. In his endeavor to gain the ear of the public Hermes was unscrupulous. His plan was to write something that would gain popularity; then he could write a second novel according to his own wishes. Even the name of his first novel, Oeschichte der Miss Fanny Wilkes, ^"^ was chosen accordingly, a Wilkes 32 Schmidt [295] 32. 33 Robertson [290] 185. 34 See SuBVEY, p. 189f. 35 Robertson [290] 185. 3« Pfoil 's Oeschichte des Graf en von P. (1755) is referred to by Schmidt [295] 42 and by Robertson [290] 187. 37 Re this work see Schmidt [295] 35ff., Wood [187] 42ff., and Bibli- ography [296]flf. 294 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. | being an English political agitator well known at the time. Beneath the title was written **so gut als axis dem Englischen iibersetzt/' the words ''so gut als" being printed so small as readily to escape attention. Knowing that Richardson and Gel- lert did not please every taste, Hermes was willing to intermingle a little of Fielding's humor;'* but the attempt was rather tix^' successful. He left Fanny Wilkes uncompleted and proceeded to the realization of his desire, the writing of the second nav®*- Sophiens Reise von Memcl nach Sachsen (1769-1773) is \ong^^' more important, and more to the author's own taste. Blank^^' burg commended it in that it took place at least on Qerman soi V- ' and it seems to-day to give a good picture of middle-class life ^ its time. The object of Sophiens Reise was still a moral oi **Manche Miitter und zwar die verehrungswiirdigsten, mane Prediger haben mir zugerufen: 'Will denn kein Christ etw; schreiben, was so ausseh wie ein Roman und so meine Kind^^ fessele?' Das jammerte mich und ich schrieb."*® Hermes wroC^ with an ostentatious deference to his two masters in ethics an^^ literature. When he approaches a climax he is wont to exclaim **What a situation! What could not Richardson or Qellert dC^ with this!" But Hermes is compelled to leave the possibiliti undevelopt. Clarke does Hermes more than justice when he says: **Er steht noch auf halbem Wege zwischen Richardson und Field- ing;"*^ but Buchholz's more detailed study [297] at least shows that he developt toward Fielding. Handsom in Fanny Wilkes was an almost exact copy of Grandison. There is a Orandison in Sophiens Reise, and a pastor Karl Oros, whose name is remin- iscent of Charles Orandison, and for whom Hermes developt a g^eat attachment;*^ but Hermes, as an orthodox protestant erkenntnislose, glaubenslose Romerin." s^ Fanny Wilkes^ (Leipzig 1781) II 2; quoted by Wood [187] 44. 80 Blankenburg [194a] 238. *o Quoted by Schmidt [295] 39 without reference. 41 Clarke [124] 22. «2 Buchholz [297] 28f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey ■ 295 theologian, feels compelled to protest against Clementina von Poretta*s fidelity to her faith and calls her **ein Unding, eine The later works of Hermes are still less Bichardsonian than the Reise, The grudging imitation of Fielding's manner in his Fanny Wilkes may have been a good schooling for Hermes ; for, as Schmidt, Wood, and Buchholz point out, his eyes are grad- ually opened to Richardson's shortcomings. He makes a feeble attempt at the reproduction of Fielding's humor. He adopts his style of chapter headings and his confidential talks to the reader, and what is more important, he denies the existence of perfect characters. He announced his intention of writing a novel in which a character should develop toward approximate perfection. Blankenburg speaks hopefully of this projected novel in his Versuch iiber den Roman;*^ but the plan failed like Blan- kenburg's own similar one.** Hermes is admittedly only a third-class novelist, yet he de- serves the attention that has been bestowed upon him, first, because he is representative of a large class of imitators of Rich- ardson, and second, because of his popularity. His 4000-page novel Sophiens Reise past into a second edition in 1778, two years after its appearance, and thus competed well with its contem- porary, Goethe's Werther, which Hermes decried as immoral.*' To the student of to-day it would seem that Hermes might most readily have reconciled his moral and artistic ideals by following in the footsteps of Goldsmith; but Buchholz 's dissertation, the most thoro study available, mentions in addition to Richardson and Fielding only Young and Sterne as guiding stars to Hermes. Hermes must stand here as representative of a large class of imitators. Heine [89] has listed all the German novel titles ap- pearing between the years 1774 and 1778, 283 in number. Of these about fifty bear the title **Ge8chichte der" or **Qeschichte des," and may be classified without hesitation as Richardson imitations. Others are Richardson imitations somewhat dis- « Blankenburg [194a] in **Vorberichf a 5. ** See Survey, p. 296. "Buchholz [297] 2. 296 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.* guised. Heine estimates that about one-third of the 283 nov^l* were written primarily under Richardson's influence;** tix^^ dramatizations of Richardson 's themes were no doubt numeroc^ as well. Two instances of the latter may be mentioned : WielaiB-^ dramatized an episode in Sir Charles Orandison*^* and Ka^^' (Jotthelf Lessing's Die Mdtresse (1780) is based largely on situ^ ' tions derived from Pamela and Clarissa,*^^ The spirit of opposition to Richardson did not make itse! felt until twenty years after his entry into Germany, and even then no German Fielding arose.*^ Musaus was an opponent of Richardson both in theory and in practice. In his criticisms in the Allgptneitw deutsche Bihliothek he constantly held up Tom Jaties to the public as the standard according to which con- temporary German novels were to be judged. His chief an- tipathy was the novel which preacht, and this antipathy he shared w4th Fielding. Musaus was the author of Grandison der Zweite (1759), revised in 1781-1782 and re-named Der deutsche Orandison. As Fielding had parodied Pamela in 1740 with his Joseph A7idrews, so Musaus parodied Orandison, Fielding, how- ever, found himself soon creating an independent work. With Musaus this was not the case. Fielding's satire is indirect, while Musaus sometimes falls out of his role and makes a direct attack upon Richardson, or more precisely on his over-zealous admirers in Germany. He found but little support among his fellow- novelists in Germany. Lichtenberg's admiration for the novels of Miiller von Itzehoe was far from justified. Blankenburg, it is true, in his Versuch of 1774 [194a] indicated his intention of *« Heine [89] 33. *«• See Survey, p. 302. *«»»K. G. LesBing, Die Mdtresse, ed. Wolff in DLD XXVIII (1887). Leasing received the first suggestion for certain other characters from Isaac Rickerstaff's comic opera The maid of the mill (1765); see Wolff's comment, p. xi. *f For the influence in Germany Wood [187] should be consulted. His work is badly printed, badly punctuated, full of errors, some of them even in regard to dates (e.g. 1890 for 1780 as the date of Schmidt's translation of Tom Jones), but the collection of material is rich. Large and valuable portions have been relegated to the footnotes. A promist supplementary pamphlet regarding Fielding and Goethe has apparently never seen the light. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 297 writing a novel of the Fielding type, which he so much admired, but his Beytrdge zxir Geschichte teutschen Retches und teutscher sate, ein Roman, which appeared the following year, proved to be a poor imitation of Tristram Shandy, Nicolai's novel Sehaldus Nothanker exhibits at many points the conflicting novelistic tendencies of the time. It was planned at the outset as a literary criticism of Klotz and his coterie, but when religious conflicts began to overshadow the literary ones he changed it into a religious satire. He wrote to Lessing about this time : * * Ich briite seit einiger Zeit auch iiber einen Bonian, der zwar kein Buncle werden wird, aber in Absicht auf die heterodoxen Satze auch nichts besser."** Nicolai's novel began to appear in 1773, seven years after Wieland's Agathan, with which it was at the time favorably compared. Schwinger says : "Die gesunde Empfindung war vielfach der Unnatur Richard- sons, seiner in Gefiihl und Tugend schwelgenden Helden und Heldinnen iiberdriiszig geworden und hatte sich den unge- schminkten Lebensschilderungen Fieldings zugewendet. Dessen Einflusz ist aber im Nothanker eben so gut zu spiiren als im Agathon.''*^' Contemporary readers and reviewers of Nicolai's novel com- pared it either favorably or unfavorably with the works of the English humorists. Prince Friedrich of Waldeck wrote to Nicolai, May 10, 1773: **Les Fielding et les Sterne Vous ont prete leurs crayons. * '** Blankenburg regretted that Sebaldus was so unplausibly drawn and wisht that the author had profited more by the example of Fielding, Sterne, and Ooldsmith ;^^ while an anonymous critic in 1776 placed Sehaldus lower than *8 Letter of March 8, 1771, publisht in Lessing, Schriften XX 24. The reference is to a novel by Thomas Amory, John Buncle (1756). This novel was well known to Nicolai, Lessing, Mendelssohn, Wieland, Uz, and Kastner. See Schwinger [133a] 162, 165, 213, 265. Lessing planned to write a translation of John Buncle in the summer of 1771. See Lessing, Schriften XV 491. He soon gave up the plan and Nicolai later engaged Pistorius to prepare a translation, which appeared in 1778. *8« Schwinger [133a] 257. *» Quoted by Schwinger [133a] 190. 50 Neue Bihliothck der schonen Wissenschaften tind der freyen Kiinste XVII, 2 (1775), 257ff.; quoted by Schwinger [133a] 201. 298 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Humphry Clinker.^^ This view is also exprest in a quip in the Halberstadter Dichterbuch : Thorn Jones, Don Quixot und Peregrine Pickel Sahn sich nach ihres Gleichen um. Nothanker kam; " wie dumm, wie dumm! " Sprach Jones zu dem langen Nikkei, ' * Das traurige Geschopf in weichem Loschpapier, Ware ein Geschopf wie wirt*'52 Besewitz had a simple explanation for the lack of a German Fielding : Einen deutschen Fielding wiinschten Sie einmahl zu sehenf der die Sitten der Deutschen eben so genau zeichnete, als jener die Sitten der Engellander gezeichnet hatf Ja, wenn unsre Schriftsteller nur erst die Sitten der Deutschen kenneten; wenn sie nur wiiszten, worinn sie uber- haubt den Charakter ihrer Nation suchen sollten. £s ist noch einem Genie vorbehalten die charakteristischen Zuge wodurch sich unsre Nation von anderen unterscheidet, nach dem Leben zu schildern, und die mannig- faltigen Schattirungen, darinn sie sich in den verschiedenen Provinzen dieses groszen Reichs abiindern, treffend darzustellen. Dann und dann erst werden wir Fieldingrs haben. Sie diirfen sich also gar nicht wundem, dasz unsere allezeit fertige Nachahmerzunft von Schriftstellern sich noch nicht gewagt hat, weder Fielding's Romane selbst, noch einmal seiner haufigen englischen Nachahmer ihre nachzustiimpern. Es fehlt ihnen an Stoflf dazu. Ohne Kenntnisz der Welt, und ohne Kenntnisz ihrer Nation, oft kaum mit ihrer kleinen Geburtsstadt recht bekannt, befinden sie sich gleich in einer diirren Wiiste, sobald sie auch nur die Anlage zur Geschichte eines Romans machen sollen. Der Herr Schriftsteller hat auszer seines Vaters Hause eine Universitat gesehen, ein paar Schulfreunde gekannt, ein paar Professoren in ihrer akademischen Wiirde von Feme erblickt; und nun will er Sitten mahlen, und Charaktere schildern. Wo soil er sie hernehmenf Die Franzosen und Engellander bestehlenf Recht gut; wenn man nur eine Geschichte dazu hatte, wo man sie anbringen konnte. Ver- zweifelt, dasz keine aufzutreiben istl's Imitation of the English authors other than Fielding, Bese- witz goes on to say, was easier : Ich ergotze mich oft mit dem Gedanken, dasz viele unsrer Empfindung- und Nachtgedanken-schreiber bei dem ersten Anfalle ihrer Schreibesucht SI Bevision der teutschen Literatur (1776) II 229ff. and III 204ff.; quoted by Schwinger [133a] 203. s2 Extracts from the manuscript contributions to the Halberstadter Dichterbuch were publisht by H. Prohle in AL IV (1875) 323-371. The passage above appears on p. 344 and in Schwinger [133a] 211. 53 Resewitz in the S94. Literaturbrief (1764) ; cf. Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek I 2, 228; quoted by Wood [187] 15. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 299 zuerst eine Lusternheit zum Roman schreiben gehabt haben. Ein Roman geht gut ab; der Verleger nimmt ihn gem; solch ein Thomas Jones ist doch ein drolliges Ding, das sich bei miiszigen Stunden bald hinschreiben laszt. Die Feder wird angeeetzt; das kleine Schulleben, auf dessen Schwanke man noch mit so vielem Wohlwollen zui'iickblickt, wird be- schrieben; der Held geht auf die Universitat, verliebt sich, der Himmel weisz in wen, und nun — ^ja nun, gerath die Arbeit ins Stocken ! Der arme Schriftsteller martert sich. Was sollen nun fiir Begebenheiten folgenf In welche Situationen soil er seinen Helden setzen, die die Geschichte verwickeln und den Leser interessieren. Er 'martert sich vergebens, end- lich wirft er aus Verzweiflung die Feder bin, ergreift, mit zerknirschtem Geiste iiber die miszlungene Arbeit, Youngs Nachtgedanken, wird weh- muthig, vermuthlich iiber den fehlgebohrnen Rolnanf Nicht doch; es sind moralische Empfindungen, hohe Begeisterungen ! Sie durchwiihlen Kopf und Herz; der Mann musz sich Luft schaffen. Die Feder wird ergriffen und die miszgebohmen Wesen, die den Kopf verwirrten und das Herz abdriicken wollten, flieszen stromweise in die Feder. Der liebe Mann! Nun ist ihm der Kopf ganz leichte; das Herz mit einmal leer. Was hat er denn zur Welt gebrachtf Empfindungen! Was sonst. **Ich habe es recht iiberlegt, mein lieber Herr Verleger. Einen Roman zu schreiben ist eine eigene. Sache. Die Welt ist bose im Urtheilen; Sie wissen wohl. Hier habe ich aber etwaa, das meinem Charakter anstan- diger und der Welt nutzlicher ist." '*Was dennt Empfindungen f Gut, gut, Herr Autor, geben Sie nur her; solche Sachen gehen auch. " Und so kommen denn Empfindungen zur Welt, und niemand laszt es sich traumen, dasz es Nachgeburten von einem fehlgebohrnen Roman sind.s^ This testimony is the best explanation for the fact that so many authors approved of Fielding in theory and so few fol- lowed him in practice. It was not alone lack of genius that brot about this paradox. The conditions of German life were not conducive to a Fielding. If Fielding *s example was ineffectual as far as the Oerman novel was concerned it may have been fruitful in other branches of German literature. Such is the opinion of Clarke [194], who seeks to establish a close connexion between the literary theories of Fielding and those of the ** Sturm und Drang" critics. He supports his parallels, to a certain extent, by a comparison of motifs, which is not always convincing. Thus the theme of mesalliance is common to Fielding, Schiller (Kdbale und Liehe 1784), Lenz (Hofmeister 1774 and Soldaten 1776), and Wagner B^Resewitz, ibid.; quoted by Wood [187] 17. 300 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 (Kindemwrderin 1776) ; but admittedly Richardson was altt influential in several of these instances. Much the same might be said of the duel as a dramatic episode. More peculiar to Fielding appears to be the encounter of the cultured man with the humane gypsy (Tom Jones, Bk. XII, chap. 12) which WM imitated by Goethe in Ootz von Berlichingen, The theme of th< hostile brothers, with which Fielding dealt in Tom Jones, wa also popular with the **Stiirmer und Dranger.** Its treatmci by Leisewitz in Julius van Tarent (1776) and by Klinger Die Zmillinge (1776) might be regarded as a mere coincident but in the case of Schiller's Die Rduher (1781) an indirect ^ fluence is demonstrable and has been pointed out by Clarke : Die Hauptquelle von den Rduhernf Schubarts Erzahlnng im Schv hiitchen Magazin vom Jahre 1775, steht in directer Beziehung znm Tt Jones, Schon der Titel Zur Geschichte des menschlichen Herzens Bchei dem Neben titel der ersten tybersetzung des Tom Jones von 1750 entnoi men zu sein. Am Schlusz der Erzahlung weist Schubart selbst aaf d Fielding 'schen Roman hin: ''Die Geschichte, die aus glaubwiirdigen Zee nissen zusammengeschlossen, beweist, dasz es auch deutsche Jones u: deutsche Blifil gebe.8B Clarke's comparison of Fielding's poetic theories with those the **Stiirmer und Dranger" is interesting but inconcluslYe ; f while he shows many parallels he establishes no causal relatio Thus Lenz in his Anmerkungen iiber dds Theater^^ and Herd in his Shakespeare speak of ' ' Mannigf altigkeit der Chara tere" in much the same terms as Fielding in the opening chapt of Tom Jones. Yet it will scarcely be contended that it w; Fielding who first called the attention of the Oerman critics this essential characteristic of the Shakespearean drama. Othi critical parallels suggested by Clarke are as follows: Fieldii was scornful of the dramatic unities ; so were the * * Stiirmer ub Dranger.'* Fielding wanted to retain Punch and Judy, t Goethe and Moser would have retained Hanswurst. Fieh B5 Clarke [194] 91. Schubart 's Erzahlung is reprinted in DNL GX iv-vii. Clarke shows that the parallel between Schiller's and Fielding hostile brothers may be carried out in much detail both in respect 1 character and action. ft7 Lenz, Schriften I 244. 1920] Price: English"^ German Literary Influences — Survey 301 ing was at one with the ** Sturm und Drang" dramatists in his contempt for book-learning as a source for novels, holding ob- servation of real life to be the foundation of all true character representation. His characters are contrasted by Lenz with Richardson's: **Was ist Grandison, der abstrahirte, getraumte, gegen einen Rebhuhn, der dasteht ! "'^'^ Fielding was further- more an individualist in his art. **I am the founder of a new province in writing," he says, **80 I am at liberty to make what laws I please therein."®** Herder likewise asserts the inapplica- bility of ancient rules to modem works in his Shakespeare (1773). The ideal state of Fielding and of the ** Sturm und Drang" is neither a republic nor a constitutional monarchy, but an enlightened despotism in which the ruler is guided not so much by reason as by the dictates of a great and sympathetic heart. This leads to Clarke's last caption, **Betonung der Emp- findung im Gegensatz zum Verstand." Under this head he is able to match an abundance of English quotations with German ones and thus make Fielding's works appear a nearly contem- porary counterpart to the German ** Sturm und Drang," but positive influence is not demonstrated thereby. Most of the eighteenth century German critics quoted up to this point have revealed one-sided and imperfect estimates of the English novelists in question. There came at length, however, two German men of letters who were not only able justly to appraise the virtues and failings of Richardson and Fielding, but also to assimilate the best qualities of both and turn them to account in original works of their own. These writers were Wieland and Goethe. The Richardson-Fielding contest is re-enacted in miniature in Wieland 's person. Wieland learned French by reading Pamela in a French translation in Klosterbergen, 1747-1749. In 1754 he read Grandison. In 1757 he wrote to a friend that he was re-reading Clarissa and was endeavoring not to let Lovelace influence his Araspes und Panthea too greatly. '^ In 1759 he r-nlbid., I 235. «*> Tom JoneSf book II, chapter 2. «i Letter quoted by Schmidt [295] 46. 302 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 planned Brief e von Karl Orandison an seine PupUle Emilia Jervois,^^ and in 1760 he completed his tragedy Clementina von Porretta, There was a fragment of real experience in this drama. The friend of his youth, Sophie Gutermann, later Sophie La Roche, was engaged to a Catholic, Bianconi; but because an agreement could not be reacht regarding the religion of the future children the engagement was broken off by her father, thus bringing about a situation comparable to that between Grandison and Clementina. Wieland's drama, based on this unpromising th^me, proved a failure. Erich' Schmidt comments on Wieland's inconsistency in deal- ing with perfect characters, since he w^as already an admirer of Shaftesbury, who condemned such characters absolutely.**' Wood holds, however,'^ that Wieland did not turn from Rich- ardson to Fielding until the year 1761.'* His Agathon (1766- 1767), begun 1761, is consequently **auf einem Richardson- BMndament ein Fielding 'scher Bau.""° Don Sylvia, tho publisht before Agathon, was begun after it and is consequently thoroly anti-Richardsonian in tone. Wieland announced his Don Sylvio (1764) as an imitation of Don Quixote,^^ just as Fielding had announced his Joseph Andrews as an imitation of Pamela. How- ever, as Wood points out,'^ Wieland knew Don Quixote long before he knew Fielding. Musaus said of Don Sylvio: **E8 herrscht hier freilich keine Originalmanier, die Stellung ist von Cervantes und die Farbenmischung ist von" Fielding. ' '®* Wood *8 criticism is similar : * * Ein deutsches Buch, dessen Form spanisch «2 Schmidt [295] 47. e2« Ibid., p. 48. 63 Wood [187] 132. «* Elson [327] 17 says: ** Wieland 's study of Shaftesbury is especially prominent between 1755 and 1756, which is precisely the time when the change (sc. in his view of life) begins.** The earliest reference of Wieland to Shaftesbury is in 1755 according to Elson, p. 6. 65 Wood [187] 32. «e Teutscher Merkur VI-VII (1774) 344; quoted by Wood [187] 33. «7Wood [187] 33. ^» AUgemeine deutsche Bibliothek I 97 and XIX 258; quoted by Wood [187] 33. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 303 und dessen Stx>ff englisch ist, kann schwerlich ein Eunstwerk sein." His further assertion: **Der Stil wurde auch nicht gerade verbessert durch die haufigen Nachahmungen Stemes/' is, however, unjustified, as Wieland apparently did not know Sterne's works at that time.** Wood shows in detail what characteristics of Fielding are obvious in Do7i Sylvio and Agathon. Wieland, like Fielding, frequently breaks the course of his narration in order to address the reader directly. Both assert that they are telling history, not inventing stories, and must not improve upon the truth; that they are painting human character as it is, with its mixture of virtues and vices and its inconsistencies; that they do not want to create those monstrosities, perfect characters; and in truth their characters perform apparently laudable acts from base motives and apparently reprehensible ones from good motives. That Fielding opened Wieland *s eyes to this incon- sistency in human conduct, is suggested by the latter 's review of Hermes 's Sophiens Reise von Memel nach Sachsen: ** Fielding lehrt uns, dasz nicht alles Gold ist, was gleiszt, dasz man um einzelner Handlungen willen niemand ganz verdammen miisse."'® Passing over an abundance of evidence presented by Wood and Clarke, it may be sufficient to bear in mind here that Agaihan is to a large extent Wieland himself. Wieland, like Agathon, grew up in an atmosphere of austere virtue, suffered a change of heart, learned the attractions of a sensual existence, and was destined later, like Agathon, to strike the balance between these extremes. Tho he laid the scene in Greece, the conflict of ideas was the same as that between the Puritans and their opponents in England, and the adherents of Richardson and Fielding in Germany. Wieland himself admitted his indebtedness to Field- ing in the introduction to his Agathon, He concedes, **dasz unser Held sich in einera sehr wesentlichen Stlicke von dem Xenophontischen ebensoweit entfernt als er dem Fieldingischen «o See Survey, p. 319. 70 Teutftcher Merkur II Stuck 2, p. 8; quoted by Clarke [194] 33-^4. 304 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 naher kommt.''^^ References to Fielding are also to be found in the text of Agathon. Low [303], without reference to earlier critics, expresses a view contrary to theirs. She holds that it was Richardson who really showed character development. Fielding tried to do so in Tom Jones, but was only partially successful. With these pre-suppositions it is natural that her treatment of the theme ** Richardson and Wieland'' should be different from that oi the other critics. Low gives sufficient evidence to show tbat Wieland thruout his life regarded the pointing of a moral ^ the main object of a novel. He indicated this in the supp^^' mentary title of Don Sylvio von Rosalva, ''Der Sifg der Nat'^^ iiber die Schwdrmerei" and by the motto before Agathon, '^q't^^ virtus et quid sapientia possit, utile proposuit nobis exemplunm and tho he privately protested against Sophie La Roche's peri characters, as indicated below, nevertheless in the preface whi he reluctantly consented to write for her, he spoke in high tei of the moralizing novels of the Richardson type. Furthermore* she says, it was not until 1770 that Wieland, in a letter to quoted presently, called Richardson's characters too peri The weight of evidence is against Low on the question of Wic^ land's attitude toward perfect characters; but regarding hi^ belief in the moralizing purpose of novels she seems to be ir^ the right, and her denial that Richardson believed in perfect characters is not entirely isolated, a similar view having been early exprest by Gerstenberg.^^' At all events Wieland had yet to pay a penalty for his early enthusiasm for Richardson. In the year 1769 the platonic friend of his youthful days, Sophie La Roche, let him know that she was about to write a novel, a Richardsonian novel, and askt Wieland to introduce it to the public. Wieland undertodc the task, but with no good grace. He wrote in a letter to her March 20, 1770: **Je ne vous ai jamais cache que je ne pense 71 Wieland, Werke (Leipzig and Wien 1902), III 17. T I* Brief e iiber Merkwurdigkeiten der Literatur 12; in DLD XXIX (1890) 88. 1920] Price: English"^ German Literary Influences — Survey 305 pas tout a fait comme vous sur bien des choses relatives a la partie morale de notre etre; p. e. que je n'aime pas les Clarisses, les Charles Grandison, les Henriettes Byron pour la seule raison, qu'ils sont trop parfaits pour moi."^^ Wood very properly compares this with Wieland's statement in Agathon: Vielleieht ist kein unfehlbareres Mittel, mit dem wenigsten Aufwand von Genie, Wissenschaft und Erfahrenheit ein gepriesener Schrifsieller zu werden, a]s wenn man sich damit abgiebt, Menschen (denn Menschen sollen es doch sein) ohne Leidenschaften, ohne Schwachheit, ohne alien Mangel und Gebrechen, durch etliche Bande voll wunderreicher Abenteuer, in der einformigsten Gleichheit mit sich selbst herumzufuhrenjs Clearly enuf both of these assertions are to be associated with Shaftesbury's opinion: **In a poem (whether epic or dramatic) a compleat and perfect character is the greatest monster. ' '^*' A summary of the content of Sophie La Roche's Frdulein von Sternheim (1771) and a comparison thereof with Richardson's novels, especially with Clarissa, is to be found in Schmidt ;'* a detailed analysis of Rosaliens Brief e an vhre Freundin Marianne von St. (1779-1781), together with a passing mention of La Roche's other works, is in RidderhoflP's work [299]. It is gen- erally agreed that Sophie La Roche was primarily a pupil of Richardson. So far as Goethe's influence was operative it tended only to direct her toward Rousseau rather than toward Rich- ardson. Wieland was not able to influence her at all. As late as 1789 he wrote to her: **Nur wiinsche ich, dasz Sie wenigstens . . . aus Ihrer ideal istischen Vorstellungart von Menschen und menschlichen Dingen herauskommen und beyde mochten sehen konnen, wie sie sind, nicht wie Sie sich nun einmal zur anderen Natur gemacht haben, sie sehn zu wollen."^' And Sophie La Roche finally was able to see her fundamental error, when it was too late. ** Ach, was hatte ich nicht alles aufzeichnen konnen ! — 72 Quoted from Schmidt [295] 49 and Wood [187] 33-34. 73 Wieland, Werke (1902), III 159; in Agathon V 6 i. 73- Quoted by Schmidt [295] 48, without reference. 74 Schmidt [295] 50-57; of. Bidderhoflf [299] 14-28. T"* Hassenkamp, Brief e an Sophie La Boche (Stuttgart 1824), p. 279; quoted by Ridderhoff [299] 108. I 306 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Aber ich sammelte nur die Ziige und Auftritte, welche mir naeh meinem Charakter die liebsten waren, und gewisz habe ieh dariiber vieles versaumt, das andem niitzlich und angenehm gewesen ware.*'"' Robertson and Bidderhoff are far apart in their estimates of the value of the Bichardson-Bousseau mixture. Eobertson regards Frdulein von Stemheim as the most satisfactory result of Biehardson's immediate influence on German literature. He quotes the praise of Goethe that it was * * not a book but a humai soul, ' ' and of Herder that it stood above and far above Clarissa / but he says it **was a striking example of the fatal facility wit which the French sentimentalism could be grafted upon tl Bichardsonian novel.'' He asserts that by forswearing pietifi in Don Sylvia von Rosalva (1764) and Agathon (1767) Wiela^ hindered this tendency ; Wieland placed an effective barrier between the Bichardao^' tendencies of the fifties and sixties and the Rousseauism which ^ asserted itself in the next deca4e. There was so strong an affinity tween these two foreign movements — for, after all, Rousseauism "* but a further development of what Richardson had initiated in England that, had they been able to join forces in Germany the effect on 1 national literature would have been little short of disastrous.?? Bidderhoff on the other hand says of Sophie La Boche : * * Eu viel groszere Wirkung noch hatte sie ausiiben konnen, wenn 8 es vermocht hatte, sich von Bichardson loszureissen, von Bou seau mehr anzunehmen als den Natur- und Humanitatskultus. ' In Schmidt's monograph there is one passage that is suseep ible of misconstruction. He says: ^^Unterscheidend (sc. fro Bichardson) ist, dasz die Handlung nicht in den mittleren, soi dern in vomehmen, ja in den hochsten Kreisen spielt. Nicl ohne Kuhnheit halt hier eine Frau den verderbten Hoflinge und dem Piirsten selbst das Ideal reiner Tugend entgegen. 9r 76* La Roche, Brief e iiher Mannheim (Mannheim 1791), p. 356; quote by Ridderhoff [299] 108. 7« Robertson [290] 188; cf. Schmidt [295] 63. "Robertson [290] 189. 78 Ridderhoff [299] 108. 7» Schmidt [295] 57. 1920] Trice: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 307 But here Sophie La Roche displayed precisely the same kind of boldness that Richardson had shown. Both authors have the same opinion in regard to the existing state of society ; both stand on the side of the middle and lower classes as against the corrupt upper classes ; the only difference is that La Roche is able to give a more intimate picture of the nobility. It will always be a cause for regret that the author of Rich- ardson, Rousseau und Ooethe did not also write a ** Fielding, Wieland und Qoethe. ' ' The two triangles would not have been dissimilar. Apparently it was Jacob Minor [190] who first called attention to the latter inter-relations, tho Qoethe himself acknowledged his indebtedness to the humorous novel of the English in a letter to Zelter, December 25, 1829 : Es ware nicht nachzukommen, was Goldsmith und Sterne gerade im Hauptpunkt der Entwicklung auf mich gewirkt haben. Diese hohe wohl- wollende Ironie, diese Billigkeit bei aller t^ebersicht, die Gleichheit bei allem Wechsel, und wie alle verwandte Tugenden heiszen mogen, erzog^en mich aufs loblichste, und am Ende sind es doch diese Gesinnungen, die uns von alien Irrschritten des Lebens wieder zuriickf uhren.T»* Not too much stress is to be placed on the accidental omission of Fielding's name from a group to which he belongs. The important fact is that Goethe designates the acquisition of this benevolent irony as a turning point in his development, as a return from a mistaken path, and expresses his indebtedness to the English humorous novel for the healthful change.'® In his autobiographical Werther Goethe is bound up in sympathy for his hero. Wilhelm Meister is his first autobio- graphical hero to be treated with a fine irony. There is no need to summarize here the intimate relations between Richardson and Werther, They have become accepted facts of literary his- tory. It is the transition from the Richardsonian tendency to its 79« Goethe, Werke IV 46, 193f. »o Elsewhere Goethe did associate Fielding with the others. Goethe inspired Jung-Stilling with enthusiasm for Ossian, Shakespeare, Fielding, and Sterne in 1771; of. Stilling's Wanderschaft (Frankfurt and Leipzig 1780), p. 149. On Dec. 3, 1824 Goethe said to Eckermann: "Unsere Romane, unsere Traucrspiele, woher haben wir sie denn, als von Gohl- smith, Fielding und Shakespeare f Eckermann, Gesprdchef p. 101. 308 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol -9 opposite in (Joethe that has hitherto been neglected. Goethe'* contemporaries, great and mediocre, were struggling with gaoh a development. Should Goethe remain unaffected! He, it ^ true, did not reproduce all the essentials of Richardson. ^^ would never have occurred to him to attempt to represent perfe< characters, but he reproduced the best in Richardson's novel namely the pictures of the inner struggles of the heart. Unlil^ Richardson, Goethe lived himself into his novel and then ou again. After he had written Werther he was freed from i1 burden and could look upon himself and his hero with a certaii^^ wholesome sense of humor. Thus he was prepared for the Field- ^ ing view of the world. Jacob Minor says on this point: Der Werther gilt als der Abschlusz einer ganzen Richtung des enro* paischen Romans, welche mit den verstiegenen Tugendhelden Richardsoni und den Rousseau 'schen Martyrem einer uberstarken Empfindung beginnt: Der Wilhelm Meister ist aus der entgegengesetzten, einer feindlichen Stromung hervorgegangen. Sie folgte den Richardson 'schen Romanen auf dem Fusze nach und schlug den uberspannten Idealen gegeniiber sofort den parodirenden Ton an, welchen wir kunstvoller and veredelt in Wilhelm Meister wiederfinden. . . . Auf dem Wege von Fielding zu Goethe liegen die Wielandschen Romane in der Mitte. Hatte Richardson Helden ohne Schwachheiten und Mangel, Tugendpuppen von staunens* werther Kaltbliitigkeit geschildert, so laszt Wieland reizbare, empfind- liche, bildungsfahige Jiinglinge auf einer Reihe von Proben and Versu- chungen mit ihren iiberspannten Idealen Schiffbruoh leiden, durch die Erfahrungen kalter werden und den Bedingungen des wirklichen Lebens sich fiigen.Ai This same inter-relation of Fielding, Wieland, and Goethe is summed up by Kurt Jahn : **Scheint also die Abstammung (TTit- hrhn Mcistcrs) vaterlicherseits vom Bildungsroman gesichert {Agathan has just been specified), so mochte ich den Stamm- baum miitterlicherseits- vorlegen, der ins Ausland fiihrt.'*" Minor had already indicated a large number of characteristics which the novels of the three authors had in common, but Jahn*8 article has the added advantage of having been written after 81 Minor [190] 173. «2Jahn [112] 225. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 309 the publication of the Theatralische Sendung. For as the author remarks: ^'Es ist sehr bezeichnend, dasz die spatere Dureh- forstung des Werkes gerade in diesen Szenen englischer Her- kunft Holz gemacht hat.'*" Jahn enumerates a convincing number of similarities in plot and character, but adds : ^ ^ Doch beruht die Anschauung von der Abhangigheit der TheatraUschen Sendung von dem englischen Roman weit weniger in dera Nach- weis der Verwendung einzelner Motive, als in der gesamten Anlage . . . und auf der Stellung des Schriftstellers zu dem flelden der Erzahlung, auf jener iiberlegen ironischen Haltung, die die Bomantiker entziickte und Spielhagen betriibte."*' The title of the German Fielding belongs to Wieland rather than to ^usaus or Lichtenberg, but to no one does it belong with so i^ood a right as to Qoethe. «» Ibid., p. 232. 310 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. ^ Chapter 12 GOLDSMITH AND STERNE Fielding and Richardson were followed in England by Gteld- smith and Sterne. The two latter painted their pictures and produced their effects with a finer, defter stroke than did their predecessors ; both of them combined, to some degree, the senti- mentalism of Richardson with the humor of Fielding. That the humor of Goldsmith was, after all, fundamentally different from that of Sterne, was better recognized in (Jermany after nearly a century of imitation of both. At the outset Goldsmith and Sterne were not rivals for favor in Germany ; each made a place for himself without crowding the other. Goldsmith was more popular with the reading public, as the large sale of his Vicar of Wakefield and of the subsequent German **Pfarr- romane'* show; while the flood of **empfindsame Reisen'' in (Jermany attests rather to Sterne's popularity with the author class. Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield appeared in London on the 27th of March, 1766. It found favor with the public but was entirely past over by the critics. Its experience in Germany was similar. Gellius's translation was publisht the following year^ and promptly past into a second edition. Nine years later a translation appeared under Bode's name, which crowded out its predecessor,^ and before 1871 there were at least twelve further translations.*' As early as 1769 there appeared in Germany a reprint in English of the Vicar intended for those 1 Der Landprediger von Wakefield, ein Mdrchen, das er selbst soil geschrie- hen hdben. Aus dem Englischen (Leipzig 1767). 2 Der Dorfpfarrer von Wakefield, eine Geschichte, die er selbst geschrieben haben soil (Leipzig 1776). 2' According to Dobson in his edition of The vicar of Wakefield (London 1885), pp. xxxvi-xxXViii. For the Ramc period Dobson lists 16 French, 2 Danish, 2 Dutch, 2 Hungarian, 2 Polish, 2 Spanish, 1 Bohemian, 1 Finnish, 1 Greek, 1 Italian, 1 Rumanian, and one Russian translation. 1920] Price: English'^ German LitBrary Influences — Survey 311 who were learning the English language. It might have been a copy of this edition that Goethe sent to Frau von Stein in 1776 with the admonition: ''Lassen Sie sich's reeht wohl mit seyn und lemen reeht viel engliseh.'*^** Sollas summarizes as follows the German reviews of the Vicar which she found : £iiiige Hauptverdienste GoldBmiths sind in diesen Bezensionen hervor- ^oben; der Humor, die Gharakterzeichnung, der Dialog und die Kunst, ^ Alltagliche interessant zu machen ; zwei Punkte aber . . . sind ent- weder nur fluchtig oder gar nicht erwahnt: die Anmut und Leichtigkeit ^tt Stils . . . und die Neuheit des StoffeSy die so viel zu seiner Popularitat "» l>eutwhland beitrug.« Sollas's review of the criticism of Goldsmith in German jour- '^ is disappointingly meagre, and indeed its very inclusion ^^^'xiB to have been an afterthot. No doubt reviews were rare, ^^^ additional matter in the way of incidental references might ^^^ been found. For example Schwinger is able to refer to a ^viev of Nicolai's Sebaldus Nothanker by Blankenburg.* ^'^'Winger says: "^lles in allem vermiazt der Becensent im Charakter des Helden die ^ ^^endige Virahrscheinlichkeit und t^bereinstimmung. Er weist aiif ^ ^^^g, Sterne und Goldsmith als Muster bin und meint, bei der an ^l^^inalen so reichen Nation der Englander ware vielleicht noch eher ein -^^^^mtes Urbild zu einem solchen Gbarakter zu fin den gewesen, als in ^^^=^^«chland.4* Any lack of appreciation on the part of critics, however, more than offset by the ready sympathy the Vicar found .ong the German people. The most original and valuable *^^^Ttion of Sollas 's study is her investigation of a large number 2* Goethe Werke IV 3, 113. ^ 8 Sollas [200] 44; the reviews are: (a) GGA no. 82, July 11, 1767. ^^) Attgemeine deutsche Bibliothek 1768; page not given, (c) 1769; journal ^cid page not given, (d) Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen ^Unste 1768; page not given, (e) Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek Bd. ^XV; page not given. (/) Frankfurter gelehrte Ameigen 1775; page not ^ven. Omissions and inaccuracies in respect to references are unfortu- i^ately characteristic of Sollas 's monograph. * Neue Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen KUnste XVII, 2 (1775) 275ff. «*Sce Schwinger [133a] 201. 312 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.* of **Pfarromane" that followed in the wake of Gk)ldamiii'» novel. Her list includes the following:' La Roche, Geschichte des Frduleins von Siernheimf Karlsruhe 1770. Nicolai, Sebaldus Nothanker, Berlin and Stettin 1776.< Lenz, Der Landprediger, 1777.»* Decker, Geschichte eine^ Landpredigers in Westfalen, Berlin 1780. Lafontaine, St, Julicn, Berlin 1798. Lafontaine, Das Lehen eines armen Landpredigers, Berlin 1801.^ Lafontaine, Der arme Pfarrerssohn, ein SeitenstOck eum Lehen armen Landpredigers, Erfurt 1804. Anon, Das Pfarrhaus zu Bemsdorf oder der hohe Lohn der Geduld, wahre Geschichte von M., Hamburg 1807. Lafontaine, Die Pfarre an der See, Halle 1816. Zschokke, Blatter aus dem Tagebuch eines armen Pfarr-Vikars -^^^ Wiltshire, Aarau 1819.8 Kunze, Der Landpfarrer von Schonberg, Quedlinburg and Leipzig 15 -^ Laun, Des Pastors Liebesgeschichte, Berlin 1820.8* Jordens, Der Adjunktus des Pfarrers stu Friedau, ein Gemdlde naeh d^^ Leben, Leipzig 1825. It will be noted that the less slavish imitations by the betted known writers fall within the first decade of imitation. Lafcof B Sollas also analyses a dramatization of the Vicar, J. B. Jester 's De^ Landprediger zu Wakefield (no place given, 1792). The dramatizatioi^ completely excludes the essential spirit and atmosphere of Ch>ld8mith'9 novel, tho reproducing the characters and general situation. Fr. Eckardt^ wrote, in 1778, a one act play Der Landprediger, ein NachspieL «Cf. Schwinger [133a]. 8* Sollas gives the date as 1778 but Blei states that the work was first publisht in Deutsches Museum in 1777 I 289f. Lenz, Schriften V 391. 7 This was translated into English and publisht by D. Longworth, N. Y. 1810; cf. Goodnight [4] no. 181. 8 First publisht in Erheiterungen IX (1819); translated into English by S(arah) A(ustin) in the Southern literary messenger IX (1843) 618ff., according to Goodnight [4] no. 1615. This work is based not on the Vicar of Wakefield, as has been asserted by Ziegert [199], but on a sketch appearing anonymously in the British Magazine in 1766. That Goldsmith himself was the author of this sketch has been shown, however, by Ames [216J. See Sollas [200] 27; cf. R. Furst in JbL IX (1898) IV 3, 255. »• Laun was the pen name of Fr. Aug. Schulze (1770-1849). 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 313 taine monopolizes the period 1798 to 1807. Sollas does not at- tempt to account for the revival of interest about 1819, nor indeed does she indicate any chronological grouping whatsoever.' The troubled career of the pastor is the central point in all these novels. As Sollas says: **In diesen Pfarromanen gibt es selten einen Pfarrer, dessen Haus nicht abbrennt."*^ In Nicolai's Sebaldus Nothanker the family is not burned out, but is driven out by the bigotry of the orthodox. The pastor endures his calamity with the same submission as does Goldsmith 's. The general atmosphere of the story and the attitude of the pastor to family and community is the same in both novels at the out- set, but Nicolai's work becomes more and more a **Tendenz- roman.'' Lenz's Landprediger is characterized as an imitation of Nicolai's novel rather than of Goldsmith's. Sollas makes it clear that the Vicar as well as Clarissa is one of the models for the Frdulein van Sternkeim of Sophie La Roche. She is able to point out one rather questionable verbal parallel as well as several parallel situations. Of his four works Lafontaine's Si. Julien imitates Goldsmith most closely in method of depicting character ; his Das Leben eines armen Predigers follows its model slavishly in respect to motifs, situations, and even phraseology; but Die Pfarre an der See does not really belong to the group at all, its name merely serving as a decoy to the reader. Sollas accounts for the especial popularity of Goldsmith in Germany by three considerations. First, Goldsmith appeared upon the scene at a time when critics and public were divided into two rival camps, made up of the adherents of the virtuous Richardson on the one hand and the realistic Fielding on the other. Goldsmith, she says, avoided both extremes; the senti- mental and the realistic elements are so well balanced in his novel that neither literary party could claim him as exclusively its own. Secondly, the Vicar of Wakefield idealized the country pastor, who was a favorite figure in German life. Thirdly, <♦ Sollas mentions also without giving date Anon., Die Pfarrfamilie von Kiinsadcndorf, eine sehr verwickelte dock naturliche Geschichte, 10 Sollas [200] 24. 314 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [\o\. 9 * * die idyllische Stimmung, die ruhige, rein subjektive, doch von aller Sehwarmerei freie Liebe zur Natur, und die einfache all- gemein verstandliche Lebensweisheit des Werkes konnten eine Nation wie die deutsche, welehe von jeher zu nihiger Betrach- tung neigte, nur sympathisch beruhren.'*^**' Appreciation of Goldsmith was not confined to the masses of the reading public, however ; it was Herder who brot the cIbbb*^ German literature into contact with Goldsmith. He first ref*^^ to Goldsmith in a letter to Caroline, Nov. 1770; he calls *^* Vicar **eins der schonsten BUcher, die in irgend einer Spra^*^^ existieren. "" In his next letter he says: **Als Roman hat ^ viel Fehlerhaftes, als ein Buch menschlicher Gesichter, Laun^^' Charaktere und was am Schonsten ist, menschlicher Herzen uJ*^ Herzensspriiche, will ich fiir jede Seite so viel geben, als Buch kostet.''" He translated two songs from the Vicar o^ Wakefield, Olivia's song" and the elegy," as well as The traveller and The deserted village.^^ He mentions Sterne and Gk>ldsmitli among the many authors who have played an important role in German literary history: Von den Englandern selbst (sind) ihre treflichsten Schriftssteller kaum mit so reger treuer Warme aufgenommen worden, als von oni Shakespeare, Milton, Addison, Swift, Thomson, Sterne, Hume, Bobertson. Gibbon, aufgenommen sind. Bichardson 's drei Bomane haben in Deutsch* land ihre goldne Zeit erlebet; Young's Nachtgedanken, Tom Jones, Der Landpriesterf haben in Deutschland Sekten gestiftet.^* Goethe's first acquaintance with Goldsmith thru Herder and his later retrospective idealization of the Brion family in terms of the Vicar's" are matters of common infomfation. Goethe's io«Ibid., p. 16. iiHorder, Herders Lebensbild (Erlangen 1846), III 1, 276. 12 Ibid., p. 280. "Ibid., p. 364; cf. Ein Liedchen zur Laute in Wandsbecker Bote 1771, no. 168. i« Ibid., p. 364., cf. Der gute Mann und der tolle Hund, eine rUhrende Elegie aus dem Landpriesier von Wakefield, Wandsbecker Bote 1771, no. 173 and Almanack der deutschen Musen 1773, p. 113. ^^ According to Sollas [200] 31 who does not indicate the place in Herder 's works. i« Herder, Werke XVIII 208. 17 Goethe, Werke I 27, 353. 1920] Trice: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 315 enthusiasm for Qoldsmith proved lasting. He exprest himself to Eckermann at least three times in regard to the importance of Goldsmith's influence. On December 3, 1824, he said: **Suchen Sie in der Literatur einer so tiichtigen Nation wie die Eng- lander einen Halt. Zudem ist unsere eigene Literatur groszten- teils aus der ihrigen hergekommen. Unsere Bomane, unsere Trauerspiele, woher haben wir sie, als von Goldsmith, Fielding, und Shakespeare!"" On March 11, 1828, he said: Wir haben in der Literatur Poeten, die fiir sehr produktiv gehalten werden, weil von ihnen ein Band Gedichte nach dem andern erschienen ist. Nach meinem Begriffe aber sind diese Leute durchaus unproduktiv zu nennen, denn was sie machten ist ohne Leben und Dauer. Goldsmith dagegen hat so wenig Gedichte gemacht, dasz ihre Zahl nicht der Rede werth, allein dennoch musz ich ihn als Poeten produktiv erklaren, und zwar eben deswegen, weil das Wenige, was er machte, ein inwohnendes hat, das sich zu erhalten weisz.io And on December 26th of the same year: **Ich bin Shake- speare, Sterne und Goldsmith Unendliches schuldig geworden.***® Goethe felt his relation to Goldsmith as a personal one. He wrote to Zelter in the last years of his life: **In diesen Tagen kam mir von Ungefahr der Landprediger van Wakefield zu Handen. Ich muszte das Werklein von Anfang bis zu Ende wieder durchlesen, nicht wenig geruhrt von der lebhaften Erin- nerung, wie viel ich dem Verfasser in den siebziger Jahreu schuldig geworden." Then follows the already cited confession regarding Goldsmith's influence and Sterne's: **Es ware nicht nachzukoramen, was Goldsmith und Sterne gerade im Haupt- punkt der Entwicklung auf mich gewirkt haben. "^^ One can readily imagine with what emotion Goethe re-read the Vicar in his last years, for it was inseparably connected with tlie fondest memories of his youth, with Friederike Brion, with Charlotte BuflP, with Lili Schonemann, with Frau von Stein. It is natural that we should hear at definite places in Goethe's life-confession echoes of the Vicar: Goldsmith's Traveller (1764) 18 Eckermann, Gesprdche, p. 101. 18 Ibid., p. 536. SoUas [200] 38 finds parallels in the Vicar of Wake- field to this remark. The parallels are not particularly striking. 20 Ibid., p. 238. 21 Gh>ethe, WerJce IV 46, 173; quoted in Suevby, p. 307. 316 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.* provided the theme of Goethe's Wanderer (1771) ; The deseriei village contributed something, as Goethe admits, to the tone o! Werther;^^ the Vicar was one of Lotte's favorite books; whW^ the Pfarrer von St — in Werther bears many traits of reset*^' blance to Goldsmith 's vicar. Goethe says : * * Die Oper Ermn u f^ und Elmire war aus Goldsmiths liebenswiirdiger, im Landpredi^^^ von Wakefield eingefiigter Bomanze entstanden, die una in d^^ besten Zeiten vergniigt hatte, wo wir nicht ahneten, dasz ui etwas ahnliches bevorstehe. "'^ **Uns" refers here, as the eoi nexion shows, to Lili Schonemann and Goethe;** Goldsmith Edwin and Angelina and Goethe's Erwin und Elmire both trea— of the fortunes of two lovers kept apart by the vanity of th^^ world, as Goethe and Lili were soon to find themselves separated The idyllic atmosphere of the Vicar of Wakefield is found^ again in Hermann und Dorothea, Goethe's **Prediger" is not - unlike the Vicar, and Goethe seems to have taken up some of the thots of Goldsmith. The homely moralizing in Hermann und Dorothea often runs parallel with that in the Ftcar.**' In the commendatory passages of Goethe quoted above, the name of Sterne is linkt with that of Goldsmith; but Goethe's opinion of Sterne was not always one of unqualified approval. It wavered, as did the opinion of his countrymen. It may be best to trace the general esteem in which Sterne was held in Germany, before discussing Goethe's opinion, which serves well as a conclusion; for Goethe was one of Sterne's most faithful and appreciative students in Germany, and his opinion past thru the successive phases of first enthusiasm, cooling ardor, and ripe conviction. Laurence Sterne, like Richardson, proved to be a larger factor in German literary history than in English. The beginnings of his career as a man of letters, it is true, did not seem to por- tend this outcome. His Tristram Shandy began to appear just 22 Tbid., I 28, 158. 23 Ibid., I 29, 160. 24 Cf. 8off6 [204]. 24* Sollas [200] li9 suggests some narallel passages. The beat collection of Goldsmith parallels and reminiscences is that of Levy [201]. 1920] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Survey 317 before the beginning of the year 1760. By March Sterne found himself lionized in London. Yet in spite of this he waited three years for a translator in Germany. Ziickert s translation (Berlin and Stralsund 1763ff.) was a slip-shod piece of work. Sterne was not mentioned as the author until the appearance of the seventh and eighth parts in 1765. A rendering of the spurious ninth part, which had meanwhile appeared in England, com- pleted the whole in 1767. The work as translated must have met with some favor, for a second edition was begun in 1769; yet there were no signs of enthusiasm on the part of the literary journals. German readers were handicapped by their unfamil- iarity with the background of English life, while the intermin- able digressions made the work diflScult enuf for anyone to read. There were a few who read and admired it, however, and com- mended it to their friends ; among these were Hamann,^*^ Herder, Wieland, and Lessing. Haym says that Sterne and Swift are mentioned oftener than any other foren authors in Herder's writings of the Riga period^* (1767-1769) ; Wieland commends Sterne in extravagant terms in a letter to Zimmermann, Nov. 13, 1767,^^ while Mendelssohn testifies to Lessing's early enthu- siasm for Sterne.^* The date of Wieland 's letter marks approxi- mately his first acquaintance with Tristra/m Shandy, for the preceding letters contain no reference to Sterne, the next fol- lowing ones many. Wieland intended (1771) to translate Tris- tram Shandy and expected **jeder Mann von Verstand werde alle seine anderen Bucher nebst Mantel und Kragen verkaufen, um diese tlbersetzung zu kaufen, und werde sie so aufmerksam lesen, dasz er bald ein neues Exemplar brauche;"^® but appar- ently he was glad to yield to Bode on learning of his intention.'® In spite of all this sanction, the Sterne cult would never have taken root in Germany had he not publisht in 1768, less than zsHamann, Schriften III 372; quoted by Thayer [336] 29. 26 Haym, Herder (Berlin 1880-1885), I 413. 2T See over footnote 43 of this chapter. 28 Mendelssohn, Schriften (Leipzig 1844), V 171; quoted by Thayer [336] 24. 2» Teutscher Merkur (1774) 345; quoted by Wood [187] 34. soBehmer [350] 18. 318 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 three weeks before his death, his Sentimental journey, which appealed so much more strongly to the Germans ; for, as Thayer says, ** Shandy is whimsicality toucht with sentiment, the Senti- mental jmimey is a record of sentimental experience guided by the caprice of a whimsical will."** The Sentimental journey found a translator almost immedi- ately in Bode (1768). His friends Lessing and Ebert encour- aged him in his work, and Lessing coined the new word **emp- findsam" as a translation for sentimental.*** Bode's Emp find- same Reise appeared in 1768 and pcust into the second edition the next year; at the same time Pastor Mittelstedt of Braun- schweig publisht a translation, which also went thru two editions almost immediately. In this way popular attention was again attracted to the neglected Tristram Shandy, Bode finisht a translation of this earlier work in 1774. At the same time the publishers of Ziickert's translation competed with a new edition. The list of subscribers to Bode's translation contained upwards of 650 names ; among them are Boie, Claudius, Gerstenberg, Gleim, Prl. von Gochhausen, Goethe, Hamann, Herder, Hippel, Jacobi, Klop- stock, Schummel, Wieland (5 copies), and Zimmerman.*- Bode's merit as a translator rests upon the rendering of these works of Sterne.** He has been justly accused of translating Tom Jones after the manner of Sterne rather than Fielding.** 81 Thayer [336] 33. 81* Leasing, Schriften XVII 256; in a letter to Bode written in the summer of 1765. 32 Thayer |336] 59. 33 Bode was apparently the moat prolific translator from the English of his time. His translations, according to Wihan [87], are: Moore's Gamester (1753) in 1754; Iloadly, The sunpicioiui hitsband (1747) in 1754; Colman, The jealous wife (1761) in 1762; Whitehead, The school for lovers (1762) in 1771; Cumberland, The West Indian (1771) in 1772; Congreve, The vay of the world (1700) in 1787; Sterne, Sentimental journey (1768) in 1769; Sterne (f) YoricJc's Sentimental journey, continued by Eugenius (1769), no date; Sterne, Life and opinions of Tristram Shandy Gent, (1759- 1767) in 1774; Sterne, Letters (1775ff.) in 1775; Smollett, Humphry Clinker (1771) in 1772; Goldsmith, Vicar of Wakefield (1766) in 1776; Fielding, Tom Jones (1749) in 1786-1788. s-* Hippel was one of the few critics who found fault with Bode's rendering of Sterne, justly holding that it did violence to the German language; cf. Czemy [346] 226. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 319 Herder, Wieland, and Lessing retained their admiration for Sterne in later years, in spite of the mass of trashy imitations that had sprung up everywhere, and in spite of the consequent critical reaction against the original. Lessing declared on hear- ing of Sterne's death that he would gladly have resigned to him five years of his own life, even tho he had but ten left, on con- dition that he keep on writing no matter what, life and opinions, or sermons, or journeys.^' Seven years later he exprest a similar sentiment.^*^' It has not been shown, however, that Lessing was fundamentally influenced in his writings by Sterne. Chronology precludes any *'Dosis Yorikscher Empfindsamkeit ' ' in Lessing 's Tellheim;'** but Thayer presents external evidence showing a connexion between Sterne's Tristram Shandy and the incidents relating to Just and the Wirt (**Er ist doch ein Grobian") in Minna von Barnhelm I, 2.^^ Regarding Wieland 's relation to Sterne the most complete information is to be found in Behmer's monograph [350],^* altho Bauer's essay [351] contains some interesting quotations not found in Behmer's work. According to Behmer, Wieland first read Sterne in 1767,^* which negatives Wood's supposition that Don Sylvio was influenced by Sterne.**' Behmer shows first how similar by nature were the taste and inclinations of the two authors. Having past from pietism to the. world of the flesh, Wieland never ridiculed religion and its professions, tho bigotry was distasteful to him; Sterne, rather more religious than Wieland, equally detested narrow-minded bigotry. Wie- ss Leasing is quoted to that effect by Bode in the introduction to his translation of the Sentimental journey; cf. Thayer [336] 40. See also Lessing, Schriften XVII 255. 35- GJ XIV (1893) 51-52. 86 As suggested by Schmidt [126]i I 174 and 465. The suggestion is withdrawn from the later editions. 37 Thayer [336] 27; cf. Survey, p. 346. 88 Behmer unfortunately accepts the Koran as a genuine work of Sterne. His statement that Sterne had a feeling for nature is also mis- leading, as Thayer [336] 96 has pointed out. 80 See also Bauer [351] vi and vii and Wieland 's letter to Zimmermaun quoted over footnote 43 of this chapter. 40 Wood [187] 34. 320 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 land lauded the **Evangelium Yoricks" as **lauter Natura- lismus, Deismus und Pelagianismus, ja puren verfeinerten Epi- kurismus, Philosophic der Grazien und, mit einem Wort, purci Heidentum. ' '" Both authors were controlled by warm and syia- pathetic hearts; both were imprest by the weakness of hmnaB nature, but neither was rendered pessimistic thereby ; both wet* piquant in their narrative and were aware of their fault ol carrying suggestiveness often beyond the point of propriety, onU making matters worse by their graceful apologies. When Wi^ land heard of Sterne 's death he wrote to Riedel : Was fur ein Verlust ist sein Tod! Ich kann ihn nicht verschmerzei^ Unter aUen vom Weibe Oebornen ist kein Autor, dessen 6ef uhl, Humo ^ und Art zu denken vollkommner mit dem meinigen sympathisiert, de ich besser verstehe, auch wo er andern dunkel ist; der mich mehr lehrt der dasjenige so gut ausdruckt, was ich tausendmal empfunden habe, ohii' es ausdriicken zu konnen oder zu wollen.^z In the preceding year he had written to Zimmermann : Ich gestehe Ibnen, mein Freund, dasz Sterne beynahe der einzige Antor in der Welt ist, den ich mit einer Art von ehrfurchtsvoller Bewundemng ansehe. Ich werde sein Buch studiren, so lange ich lebe, und es doch nicht genug studiert haben. Ich kenne keines, worin so viel achte So- cratische Weisheit, eine so tiefe Kenntnis des Menschen, ein so feines Gefiihl des Schonen und Guten, eine so grosze Menge neuer und feiner moralischer Bemerkungen, so viel gesunde Beurtheilung mit so viel Witz und Genie verbunden ware.'*s Behmer goes on to show how completely Wieland was under Sterne's influence in the years that followed (1768-1775). His Beytrdge zur geheimen Geschichie des menschlichen Verstandes und Herzens (1770) was a polemic against Kousseau. He had apparently determined upon the theme before reading Sterne, but the execution of the work shows the manner of Sterne. As Behmer says: ^'Er versaumt kein Mittelchen Sternes, seine Leser launig zu unterhalten und zu narren. Seine Nachahmung *^ Letter to Jacobi Nov. 15, 1770. Wieland, Ausgcwahlte Brief e (Ziirieh 1815), III 16. 42 Austcahl denJcwUrdiger Brief e ed. Ludwig Wieland (Wien 1818), I 231. 4s Ausgeudhlte Brief e, II 288. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 321 Sternes sucht er durchaus nicht zu verbergen. Ausdriicke wie ^wiirde der alte Herr Schandy ausrufen,' oder *mit Tristram zu reden' weisen geniigend auf sein Muster bin, mit dessen Stil er seine Sebreibweise geradezu vergleiebt. "** Tbe same might be said of the Dialogen des Diogenes von Sinope*^ regarding which Wieland wrote to Gleim, October 2, 1769: * * Vergangenen August den ganzen Monat hindurch hatte mich eine philoso- phische Laune angewandelt, welche mit der Yorickschen etwas ahnliches hat, ohne Nacbahmung zu seyn. Da schrieb ich einen ^(OKpaTT)^ fiaivdfievo^ oder Dialogen des Diogenes aus einer alien Handschrift,^^ Der neue Amadis (written about 1770) resembles Sterne especially in its erotic tendency. Der goldne Spiijgel oder die Konige von Scheschian (1772) imitates Sterne in style, in manner of characterizing, and in humor, while par- allel passages are readily found. Die Oeschichte des PhUosophen Danischmend, a continuation of Der goldne Spiegel (1776), has as its theme the bigotry of the orthodox clergy, a subject to which Sterne devoted his longest chapter in Tristram Shandy,*"^ Die Geschichte der Abderiten (1774), Behmer holds, may have been suggested by Sterne.*® The first part is written in a style mark- edly like Sterne's, but in the latter part the resemblance is less obvious. In a later Version (1778) many of the digressions k la Sterne are excluded or abbreviated, a fact which indicates the cooling off of Wieland 's enthusiasm. At this point Behmer concludes his comments for he finds, with one minor exception,*® no further parallels of content or style worth noting. He seems to have proved his thesis* '^dasz 44 Behmer [350] 31. Behmer lists several parallels between the Beytrage and Tristram Shandy, Bauer [351] x*xxii deals with this relation yet more intensively. 45 Mager [352]. Cf. Bauer [351j xxii-xxxi. 46 Wieland, Ausgewdhlte Brief e II 329. 47 Sterne, Works ed. W. L. Cross (London 1906), I 198-238. 48 Behmer [350] 52. 49 ' ' Oberon verdankt das Leitmotiv der schwergepriiften Liebe einer Episode Tristram ShandySf der ruhrenden Liebesgeschichte von Amandus und Amanda;" Behmer [350] 58. According to Behmer certain earlier works of Wieland were also influenced by Sterne: Chloe (1768-1770), Comhahus (1770), Gedanken iiher eine alte Aufschrift (1772). 322 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Wieland trotz seiner mehrfaehen Verwahrung dagegen dennoch in mehreren seiner Dichtungen sich jenem Schwann beigeseUt hat, der wie ein Kometenschweif sich in Deutsehland an Sterne ansehlosz. ' ^^^ But Wieland, he says, like Jean Paul, waa not permanently influenced by Sterne, and even at the crest of hii imitative period (1768-1775) he maintained his poetic individ- uality. This coincides approximately, it may be added, ¥rith the opinion of Lichtenberg : Sternen hat er vielleicht nachgeahmt, das ist, er hat in Dingen Stemcn gefolgt in welchen ein weit geringerer Geist als Wieland ihm auch hiitte folgen konnen; da wo er Sternische Bemerkungen iiber die Dinge macHt, da wollte ich nicht gerne sagen, dasz er ihm nachgeahmt habe; dieses CQ tun, musz allemal t^bereinstimmungen mit den ersten Grundkraften bei^^^ Seelen . . . sein.^o* It may have been the excesses of the minor imitators, or" * may have been the growing criticism of Sterne, that estrani Wieland from him. It would require a long list to include the most frequently mentioned imitators. Among the works question are:** 1768-1775 Wieland *8 works already mentioned. 1769 Jacob i, Sommerreise and Winterreise, 1770 Bock, Die Geschichte einea empfundenen Tages, 1771-1772 Schummel, Empfindsame Beisen durch Deutsehland. 1772 von Gochhausen, M . . . . B {^=Meine Beisen), 1773-1776 Nicolai, Leben und Meinungen des Herm Sebaldus NothanJcer. 1773-1776 Wezel, Lebensgeschichte Tobias Knauts des Weisen Stammler genannt. 1775 Blankenburg, Bey t rage zur Geschichte des teutschen Beiches un^ teutscher Sitten, 1775 Schwager, Leben und Schicksale des Martin Dickius, 1775-1778 Wegener, Baritdten, ein hinterlassenes Werk des Kusters vo Bummelsberg,^3 coBehmer [350] 62. 50* Lichtenberg, Schriften ed. Herzog (Jena 1907) I 194. SI The authority for the classsification is Thayer [336] except where otherwise indicated; page references to Thayer are superflnous as he has an index of author names. •2Gzerny [346] 19. Flindt [79] 11 classifies Nicolai 's F.reunden des jungen Werthers (1775) also as an imitation of Sterne. MVacano [995] 18. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 323 1778-1781 Hippel, Lehensldufe in aufateigender Linie,^* 1785-1786 Thummel, Seise in die mittdglichen Provimen von Frankreich, 1788 Kotzebue, Die Geschichte meines Voters, oder wie es zuging, dasz ich gebahren wurde, 1793 Goschen, Seise von Johann, 1794 Schink, Empfindsame Seisen durch Italien, die Schweiz und Frankreichfi^ 1793-1805 Richter, Unsichthare Loge, Hesperus, Titan etc.«5 1796 Hedemann, Empfindsame Seise von Oldenburg nach Bremen. 1801 Brentano, Godu-i.oT 1802-1803 Seume, Spaziergang nach Syrakus.^^ 1803 Hermes, Ferheimlichung und Eile oder Lot tokens und ihrer Nachbarn Geschichte,^^ 1824 Heine, HarzreiseM 1838-1839 Immermann, Munchhausen.^^ Georg Jacobi was called by his literary friends **Toby" on account of his enthusiasm for Sterne. He had been particularly toucht by the story of the snuflf-box of Father Lorenzo. The father had askt Yorick for some money and was rudely refused. He returned so gentle an answer that a reconciliation ensued, as a sign of which the two exchanged snuflf-boxes. The snuflf- box that remained in Yorick 's hands served as a constant re- minder to self-control in moments of anger. Jacobi carried just such a snuflf-box himself with the name of Lorenz upon it and gave similar ones to his friends with the admonition to proflfer them to their friends as a sign of reconciliation. Jacobi 's first mention of Sterne's Sentimental journey was in a letter of April 3, 1769. On the tenth he reports that he is 54 Czerny [346] 20-36. B5 Kawerau [347] 295. BO Czerny [346] 47-86. •"•7 Kerr [345]. 5« Kawerau [347] 151. 59 Buchholz [297] 55-57. Most of the authorities, guided apparently by the name alone, have classified Sophiens Seise von Memel nach Sachsen as an imitation of Sterne. Buchholz shows that Hermes '« Verheimlichung etc. is his first imitation. 0^ Vaoano [995] and Bansmeier [996]. Kawerau includes also Stol- berg^s Seise in Veutschland, der Schweiz, Italien und Sizilien (1794). Scherer's suggestion of Goethe's Brief e aus der Schweiz is disparaged by Thayer [336] 100. «i Bauer [997]. 324 University of California Puhlicaiiona in Modem Philology [Vo at work on a similar Jottniey,^^ The Winterreise was publi in Diisseldorf in June of the same year. The Sommem (Sept. 1769) was of less importance and was not included in later editions of Jacobi's works. Like its model the Winterr is a book of sentiment rather than of travel. It outdoes Stc on the sentimental side, but fails to equal him in whimsicality Among all the imitators Schummel seems to have attai the greatest notoriety. He wrote his Empfindsame Reisen yi a student at the University. He relates: **Als ich Yor Schriften eins, zwei, drei, viermal gelesen hatte und zum Gl Oder Ungliick grade um diese Zeit von meinem Verleger Einladung zur Autorschaft empfing, so iiberfiel mich der Schi enthusiasmus so heftig und ungestiim, dasz ich ihm allein n widerstehen konnte.''**^ A peculiarity of Schummel's wor that it was based on Pastor ^ittelstedt's translation rather 1 on Bode's.** At the conclusion Schummel says that his a: for Tristram has been cooled by the critics; he mentions I nenfels and Biedel. He apologizes for his shameless descrip of his parents which, he says, he wrote under Sterne's influc otherwise the faults of the book are his own. With the excep of a few passages which he mentions he holds his work t< beneath all criticism.*^ With equal severity Goethe had already reviewed Set mel's Reise in the Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen March 3, 1' AUes hat er dem guten Yorick geraubt, Speer, Helm und Lanze, Schade! Inwendig steckt der Herr Praceptor S. zu Magdeburg. . . . Y empfand, und dieser setzt sich hin zu empfinden. Yorick wird von si Laune ergriffen, und weinte und lachte in einer Minute und durcl Magie der Sympathie lachen und weinen wir mit: hier aber steht < und iiberlegt; wie lache und weine ich? was warden die Leute sagen^ i ich lache und weine f^^s <)8 Longo r^^^] ^^^ unable to ascertain positively the date of Jac* first acquaintance with Sterne. «5 Quoted by Kawerau [347] 153. «« Thayer [336] 115. The plan of Schummers work is to be fouE Thayer 116-124. 67 Ibid., p. 125. «8 In the Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen, Mar. 3, 1771; cf. Gk>ethe, H I 37, 214-215 and I 38, 317-319. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 325 The passage just quoted may serve as a specimen of the ever- increasing antipathy to the Sterne imitators especially notable during the years 1775-1788. In England the vogue of Sterne had been short-lived, and the opposition that set in supported, if it did not produce, an anti-Sterne movement in Germany. Its leaders were Lichtenberg and Sturz, both of whom visited England soon after Sterne's death; Lichtenberg from 1774 to 1775 and Sturz from May 1768 to January 1769. Lichtenberg may have had much in common with Sterne, as Julian Schmidt says,*® but he had more in common with Fielding, as already indicated.^" That Kichardson should disapprove of the free-thinking, un- dignified Sterne was natural. Smollett had condemned him in the Critical review and Goldsmith in the Citizen of the worldJ'^ Lichtenberg tried to disillusionize his countrymen in regard to him. Sterne's simplicity, his tender heart and his warm sym- pathy were feigned; in reality, he said, Yorick was a crawling parasite, a flatterer of the great, an unendurable burr on the clothing of those upon whom he had determined to sponge,'^* . . . **ein scandalum ecclesiae. "^^ Sturz, like Lichtenberg, be- came acquainted with Qarrick, who described Sterne to him as a lewd fellow and said that his moral nature declined under the ovations he received in London.^^* In some stanzas written in 1768 and printed in the Deutsches Museum (July 1777) Sturz also attacks the vogue of Sterne in Germany. Most of the German opponents of sentimentalism attackt the imitations of Sterne rather than Sterne himself. Opposition took the form either of direct criticism or of satire. Goethe's Der Triumph der EmpfindsamJceit might be mentioned as an «» J. Schmidt, Geschichte des geistigen Lehens in Deutschland (Leipzig 1862), II 585. 70 See Survey, p. 289. 71 F. Heinrich, Laurence Sterne und Edward BuJwer (Diss. Leipzig 1903) p. 14. 71* Lichtenberg, Vermischte Schriften (Gottingen 184411), I 184. 72 Ibid., in 112. 72- Quoted by Thayer [336] 161. 326 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 example of the latter, tho it was directed chiefly against the imitators of Werther, From 1775-1785 these satires of Sterne became so numerous as to prompt one critic to wish that they and their objects might rot together in a grave of oblivion.''* Among the novelists who satirized or attackt Sterne, Thayer mentions Karl Philipp Moritz with his Anton Reiser (1785- 1790), Christian Friedrich Thimme with his Der Empfindsame (1781-1783), Wezel with his Wilhdmine Amid oder die Oe- fahren der Empfindsamkcit (1782),^* and others of less promi- nence. Wezel had already written, in 1773, a novel, Tobias Knauth, after the manner of Tristram Shandy, but with a dis- tinct anti-sentimental tendency.^' It will be noted that there is a markt falling off in the number of imitations during this same period, 1775-1785. Hippel's Lebenslaufc in aufsteigendcr Linie occupies a somewhat isolated position during these years. It might be safe to hazard the guess that this successful work helpt tlie Sterne vogue to a new life at a moment when it seemed about to yield to the weight of adverse criticism. Hippel was, as Czerny shows, no mere imi- tator of Sterne, but was by nature susceptible to his influence. He was like Sterne but with a difference: Hippel ist ein ebenso feiner Menschenkenner wie Sterne un« the years 1754 and 1791 there were eight or more translat and variations. The tragedy was first played in Breslau Oci 1754, by Ackermann 's troupe. In 1756 it was played by Schi mann's troupe in Hamburg, with Ekhof as Beverley. It longed also to the repertoire of Koch's troupe. In fact it peared on every important stage in Germany, tho not in Bei it is true, until 1785. From 1768 on the German versions 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 341 influenced by a French version of Saurin, Beverlei, tragedie baurgeoise, which appeared in Paris under Diderot's inspiration, 1768. Saurin improved the piece in several instances by better motivations. In the next year Saurin, led by Diderot's criticism, decided to propose a happy ending to the play and this plan met with some favor in Germany. From now on it was played in Germany sometimes as a tragedy and sometimes as a **Riihr- stiick. ' ' The versions of the ensuing period Fritz shows to have been of the poorest sort. Die verddchtige Freundschaft (Miin- chen 1784) by an unkno\Mi writer, and J. G. Dyk's comedy Das Spielergliick (1773) are described. Maler Miiller has a gamester scene in his Fatists Leben (1778) . Klinger wrote a five- act comedy Die falschen Spieler (1780) and publisht it two years later. A. G. Meiszner wrote an inane one-act comedy Der Schachspieler (1782), and David Beil (1785) a five-act piece Die Spieler, later called Die Gauncr, Iffland raised the theme to a mediocre height with his Spieler (1796). It sank to its former level in Kotzebue's Bliiide Liebe (1806). To return to Brawe, in his third chapter Sauer treats of his Brutus (1758), recognizing as its chief literary models Lessing's dramatic fragment Kleonnis, Voltaire's Mahomet y Young's Revenge and Addison's Caio, Young's Revenge appears to have been of more influence than the others. In his fourth chapter Sauer seems to depart slightly from his theme in order to re- approach it from another direction. The chapter deals with *'Die litterarischen Wirkungen der Miss Sara Sampson/' Here we have conveniently groupt together descriptions of a large number of middle-class dramas all bearing quite similar traits inherited from Miss Sara Sampson, The dramas described are Rhynsolt und Sapphira by Martini (1755), Pfeil's Lucie Wood- vil (1756), Lieberklihn's Die Lissaboner (1758), Breithaupt's Der Renegat (1759), Wieland's Clementina von Poretta (1760), Dusch's Der Bankerot (1763), Steffens's Clarissa (1765), Baum- garten's Carl von Drontheim (1765), Brandes's Miss Fanny (1766), Amalia, a tragedy by an unknown writer (1766), Weisze's Amalia (1766), Sturz's Julie (1767), Miss Jenny by 342 Ufiiversity of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 an unknown writer (1771), Brandes's Olivie (1774), Weid- mann's Johann Faust (1775), an unknown writer's Eduard uni CecUie (1776), and Jeger's Eugenia und Amynt (1777). Of especial bearing on the present topic are Sauer's obse^' vations on the English names and localities predominating i^ these plays : Mit wenigen Ausnahroen miissen die Personen Eng^lander sein; mai" kann nicht genug englisch, um neue Namen zu erfinden, daher combinir^ man die vorhandenen in der wunderlichsten Weise; die beiden Namec^ Mar wood und Wait well veranlassen in der Woodvil die Namen Southwell und Woodvil; im Benegaten heiszt der Vertraute Welwood, und in Mis0f Fanny ist er blosz als Well zuriickgeblieben ; wahrend ein burgerliche^ Trauerspiel in einem Acte, das 1769 zu Gieszen erschien, den Titel Breilwell fiihrt. Granville im Freigeist, Grandlove im Benegaten und Greville in Miss Jenny konnen die Xhnlichkeit nicht verlaugnen; aus dem Granville im Freigeist scheinen auch die beiden Namen Grandfeld und Blackville im Drontheim entstanden. Clerdon im Freigeist klingt als Clarendon in Eduard und Cecilie wieder; Manley in Weiszes Amalia, ebenso in Eduard und Cecilie; der Stanley des letzteren Stiickes mag mit dem Steely in Miss Fanny zusammengestellt werden. Schlieszlich sei erwahnt, welche Rolle der Vorname Amalia spielt: Weiszes Drama und das zweite in demselben Jahrc erschienene tragen diesen Titel ; im Freigeist, in der Woodvill und Miss Jenny kehrt der Name wieder." Regarding the scene of most of the dramas Sauer says : Da das biirgerliche Trauerspiel von England nach Deutscbland heriiber* gekommen war, so verlegte man dahin auch die Handlung der Stiieke; und wenn England nicht selbst der Sohauplatz ist, sondern der Orient, wie im Benegaten, oder eine feme Insel, wie in Miss Fanny, so sind doch die Trager des Interesses Englander, aus der Heimat entfloben, durch SchifPbruch verungliickt; oder wenigstens musz der Intrigant aus Grosz- brittanien stammen, wie in den Lissahonem der Schottlander Sir CarL Auch der engere Schauplatz der Miss Sara wird in einigen dieser Stiieke beibehalten, so wenn in Weiszes Amalia und im Freigeist die Handlung in einer kleinen Stadt Englands und in einem Gasthofe vor sich geht.^^ Sauer then lists a large number of **verwandte Charaktere'* and **verwandte Situationen und Motive'* to be found in the group he has described. It would be of some interest to know whether in certain instances the source of inspiration of the (German plays was Miss Sara Sampson or some English model 11 Sauer [104] 92-93. 12 Ibid., p. 93. Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 343 or models. In two respects Lessing improves upon the Merchant of London. He does not let gold serve as a motive for crime, nor represent it as a means of bringing about well-being and he does not invoke the strong arm of the law to bring about poetic justice. It seems fairly certain that Lessing introduced this latter refinement under the influence of Richardson's Clarissa with the result that he produced a **Pamilientragodie'' rather than a "biirgerliche Tragodie." Most of his successors were blind to this virtue in Lessing 's tragedy and slavishly followed English dramatists, Lillo, Moore, or others, in all their crudities. Koch asserts that the influence of Richardson went beyond I'^asing. ** Motive aus diesem englisehen Drama (i.e. Barnwell) Jnehr noch aus Richardsons folgenden Romanen, Clarissa Har- ^e und Sir Charles Orandison (1753), kehren in den meisten bSrgperlichen Trauerspielen der nachsten Jahre in Deutschland '^ied.er.'*"' This appears to be an overstatement ; Koch mentions ^^y the obvious instance of Wieland's Clementina von Poretta (^^eO).""* Neither Sauer nor Eloesser takes up the question of Richardson motifs at all. The motif of **VerfUhrung" found ^ "VTagner's Kindermorderin, Lenz's Soldaten, and other plays ^^ t:he time could hardly be adduced as evidence since Miss Sara "^^"^psan contains it as well. The German comedy was also connected with the English by ^^Xiain strong ties. Gtoethe commended Schroder's versions of ^^glish comedies not only because of the technical skill they displayed but because they afforded a welcome relief from the I^>:^vailing sentimentality of the literature and drama of the time. Indem nun das deutsche Theater sieh vollig zur Verweichlichung ^inneigte, stand Schroder als Schriftsteller und Schauspieler auf, und bearbeitete, durch die Verbindung Hamburgs mit England veranlaszt, ^nglische Lustspiele. Er konnte dabei den StofF derselben nur im Allge- meinsten brauchen: denn die Originale sind meistens forrolos, und wenn 8ie auch gut und planmaazig anfangen, so verlieren sie sich doch zuletzt in's Weite. Es scheint ihren Verfassern nur darum zu thun, die wunder- lichsten Scenen anzubringen, und wer an ein gehaltenes Kunstwerk ge- wohnt ist, sieht sieh zuletzt ungern in's Granzenlose getrieben. Ueber* 12* Koch [76] 24; cf. Marx [144]. i2t»]n 1765 appeared also a three-act tragedy Clarissa by J. H. Steffens; ef. Sauer [104] 25. 344 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 diesz geht ein wildes und unsittlichefl, geroeinwiistes Wesen bis zum Unertraglichen so entschieden durch, dasz es schwer sein mochte, dem Plan und den Charaktern alle ihre Unarten zu benehmen. 8ie sind eine derbe und dabei gefahrliche Speise, die blosz einer groszen und halbver- dorbenen Volksmasse zu einer gewissen Zeit genieszbar und verdaulich gewesen sein mag. Schroder hat an diesen Dingen mehr gethan, als man gewohnlich weisz; er hat sie von Orund aus verandert, dem deutschen Sinne angeahnlicht, und sie moglichst gemildert. £s bleibt ihnen aber immer ein derber Kern, weil der Scherz gar oft auf Miszhandlung von Personen beruht, sie mogen es verdienen oder nicht. In diesen Dar- stellungen, welche sich gleichfalls auf dem Theater verbreiteten, lag also ein heimliehes Gegengewicht jener allzu zarten Sittlichkeit (i.e. of Rich- ardson 's novels and the plays of Lillo, Diderot, etc.) und die Wirkung beider Arten gegcn einander hinderte gliicklicherweise die Eintonigkeit, in die man sonst verf alien ware.i^ Hauffen [136] has treated more concretely the connexions of Schroder with English literature. He classifies certain plays of Schroder according to their degree of dependence upon an English original as follows: I. Plays closely dependent on the original: Der Arglistigey 1771. Double dealer, Congreve. Irrtum auf alien Ecken, 1784. She stoops to conquer. Goldsmith. Glilclc bessert Thorheit, 1782. Chapter of accidents. Miss Lees. Inl'le und Jariko (Oper), 1788. Inkle and Yarico (opera). Colman. IT. Plays abbreviated or concentrated: Wer ist sie? 1786. The foundling, Moore. Die ungliicklichc Heirat, 1784. Isabella or the fatal marriage. Southern. Die unmogliche Sache, 1773. Sir Courtly Nice or it cannot be. Crown. III. Scene transferred to Germany: Das Blatt hat sich gewendct. The brothers, Cumberland. 1775. Die Wankelmiitige oder der She would and she would not, Cibber. weibliche BetrUger, 1782. Die Eifersiichtigen oder keiner All in the wrong. Murphy. hat Recht, 1785. Beverley oder der Spieler ^ ^The Gamester, Moore. 1785. ')(BH'erlei. Saurin.) Stille Wasser sind tief, 1784. Rule a wife and have a wife, Beaumont and Fletcher. Fictorine oder Wohlthun tragi Evelyne. A novel by Miss Burney. Zinsen, 1784. 18 Goethe, Werke 1 28, 194-195. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 345 IV. Almost original: Der Bing, 1783. The constant couple, Farquhar. Die ungliicJcliche Ehe durch Sir Harry Wildair, Farquhar. Delikatesse, 1788. Das Portrdt der Mutter oder School for scandal, Sheridan. die Privatkomodie, 1786. As Eloesser does not overrate the English influence in the development of the German middle-class drama, it is safe to adopt his judgment. A summary of his work would read some- what as follows: Lillo and Moore gave a powerful impulse to the new drama, which became dynamic in Germany thru the instrumentality of Miss Sara Sampson. Side by side with the English influence, but less imposing, was the influence of the French **com6die larmoyante." Together these influences did away with the old French-Gottschedian prejudices in regard to tragedies and comedies, and thereafter playwrights like Schroder, Iffland, and Kotzebue, some of them frequently, some of them occasionally, came back to English sources for inspiration; but to a large extent, after the earliest days, the middle-class drama in Germany was self-quickening. There was a train of pa- thetic and military pieces in the wake of Minna von Bamhelm, Emilia Galotti led to a similar period of imitation, and some of the imitations of Gotz might be classified as middle-class dramas. Schiller experienced all these influences and re-acted to them in his youthful dramas. Eloesser follows the middle-class drama thru the early part of the nineteenth century, the plays of Char- lotte Birch-Pfeiffer, Bauemfeld, Benedix, and Gutzkow being mentioned. He very properly ends his discussion with Hebbel's Mana Magdalena, in which the middle-class opinions, once re- garded as representing the ne plus ultra of good sense and enlightenment, have become the bane of contemporary life. Before this time the influence of the English middle-class dramas had long ceast to be important, yet it is interesting to note that the very dramas which did most to free the German drama from foren influence have been recently drawn into a close asso- ciation with the works of Farquhar, Richardson, Lillo, and Moore. 346 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol -9 The reference here is respectively to Minna von Barnhelm, EmxE^ Oaloiti, Ootz von Berlichingen, and Die Rduber. In many respects Minna von Barnhelm may be classified wi*^^ Miss Sara Sampson as a middle-class play. Its parallelisms wit^ ^ Farquhar's The constant couple have been commented on V Erich Schmidt and others.^"' Robertson [186] holds that the simC^ larity between Minna and Farquhar's The beaux' stratagem i much more striking. The opening scene of Farquhar's play i also at an inn and the proprietor Boniface is a lover of gossip like Lessing's ** Wirt.'' He is filled with curiosity regarding his guests and he praises his ale with no less unction than the ** Wirt" his Danziger. ' '^'' In the second act Mrs. Sullen and Dorinda, if not counterparts of Minna and Franciska, have at any rate more grace than is usual in restoration dramas. There is also a Count Bellair in the play whose broken English corresponds to the ** Chevalier's" German. Robertson does not make of these correspondences a main issue but defends the parallelling of Farquhar and Lessing as dramatists. True, Farquhar was a restoration dramatist not of the type one usually associates with Lillo and Moore, but Far- quhar like Lessing broke with the tradition of his time and intro- duced reforms into the drama. His characters are more modem and refined than those of his contemporaries. Farquhar could draw gentlemen who were not rakes and women whose conver- sation was above reproach. His boors, innkeepers, refugees, and Irishmen were drawn from real life. He drew pictures of real soldiers instead of the traditional ** miles gloriosus." He made use of local color and local interest in his plays. It is by no means ill-considered to rank him as a predecessor of Lessing. Kettner has demonstrated [300] the close relation between Clarissa and Emilia Oalotti.^* We first hear of Lessing's "•Schmidt [126]2 I 465; cf. Bohtlingk [549] 103. i3»»See Survey, p. 319. 14 Block [301] brings nothing new, but incidentally overtums the chronology in the English development with his phrase (p. 230), ''bis unter dem Einflusz von Bichardsons Familienroman der Kaufmann von London entstand." The merchant of London appeared in 1731, Pamela in 1740. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 347 being at work on the theme of the Roman Virginius in October 1757.*' At this time he had already broken with the Gottsehed school and, two years before, had completed Miss Sara Sampson, the hero and heroines of which Kettner, like several other critics, holds to be mere reproductions of Lovelace and Clarissa : * * Erst ^eim man sich Lessings Verhaltnis zu Richardson in jenen Jahren, wo er die Dramatisiening der Virginiafabel begann, klar ^^rgegenwartigt, versteht man, weshalb er einen solchen Stoff ^iifgriff und wie daraus eine Emilia Oalotti wurde.''^® Kettner points out that the story of Virginius needs only a ^ttle of the eighteenth-century atmosphere in order to become a ^^T>ically Richardsonian narrative. He compares the characters ^' Uettore Gonzaga and of Lovelace, showing general and spe- cific* resemblances, and demonstrates similar parallels between ^A^irissa and Emilia. He lays especial stress upon the guilty ^^^sciousness of an admiration for the wanton heroes on the ^^^^ of Clarissa as well as of Emilia, and he shows that pure ^^^5dent plays a large part in Clarissa's undoing, even if it is quite so conspicuous as in Emilia Galotti 's. At the conclu- ►n of her tragic experience Clarissa has outlived every trace her former inclination toward Lovelace, while Emilia is still rare of the possibility of a guilty admiration on her part. ^^ence she can only preserve the purity of her heart by asking ^Or death at her father's hand. Kettner even discovers a vestige ^f Richardson's style in Emilia Oalotti despite the great progress t:liat Lessing had made in dramatic technik since 1755. **Wie tmdramatisch jene Richardsonsche Manier war, hatte Lessing an Beiner Miss Sara zur Geniige erkannt. Seitdem hatte er die Kunst des Schweigens gelernt . . . aber ... die gelegentlichen 15 Leasing '8 fragment Virginia in Schriften III 359-360 was, until 1889, considered an original work. It was, however, merely a translation of the opening of Crisp's drama of 1754. By means of patronage Samuel Crisp (1707-1783) succeeded in having his drama played in the Drury Lane Theatre, Feb. 25, 1754. Gar rick was applauded warmly for his interpretation of the Virginius rdle. Roethe [169] reproduces the original and the translation and discusses the extent to which Lessing was indebted to Crisp in Emilia Galotti, 16 Kettner [300] 445. 348 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.^ Auszerungen, in denen er seine Heldin (Emilia Galotti) il*^ Innenleben enthiillen laszt, sind offenbar der Abschlusz lang^^ verschwiegener Gedankengange/'**** The additional parallels of detail drawn by Kettner ar*** abundant and carry conviction by their weight; but they caiB-^ not be recapitulated here. They seem adequate to prove hij^ assertion : * * Lessings Drama wurzelt tief im Boden des Richard—^ sonschen Romans." He recognizes the potency of various other*" influences but says: **Neben Richardson treten sie weit zuriick. Er bestimmte den Grundcharakter des ganzen Werkes. Unter seiner Einwirkung wurde aus einer Virginia eine Emilia Oalotti.''^''^ Minor' ^ and Weiszenfels'^ have both pointed out that Goiz is not a purely historical drama, but that it has elements of the middle-class drama as well. Supporting himself on these asser- tions Walz [219] has drawn a close parallel between a portion of Odiz and Lillo's Merchant of London, Specifically he cwn- pares the Adelheid-Weiszlingen-Maria plot with its Millwood- Barn well-Maria counterpart in Lillo's drama. Walz marshals a surprisingly large number of parallel passages ; and the number would obviously be greater, as he points out, but for the fact that Goethe's superior technik enables him to express by the action or situation much that Lillo is compelled to let the char- acters say. In Dichtung und Wahrheit, Book III, Goethe relates that he and his father disputed regarding the moral value of the stage. The younger Goethe used Miss Sara Sampson and The merchant of London as his best arguments. Goethe saw the latter play apparently for the first time in Leipzig, for he wrote to hiis sister in 1765: **Dein Leibstiick den Kaufmann van London habe ich spielen sehen. Beym groszten Theil des Stiickes gegahnt, aber beym Ende geweint.''^" i«*Ibid., p. 449. i'** Ibid., p. 461. IT Minor, Schiller (Berlin 1890), 11 121. 1" Weiszenfels, Goethe im Sturm und Drang (Halle 1894), I p. 371. i» Goethe, Werke IV 1, 26. ^^ 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 349 It is generally agreed that Millwood was the original of the "Machtweib," who later became so familiar a figure especially in the "Sturm und Drang'' drama. The situation of the hero wavering between such a being and a good woman of unequal influence is common enuf . It would be easy to think, for ex- ample, that Goethe borrowed the situation from Miss Sara Samps(yn rather than from Barnwell; but in the course of his numerous quotations Walz indicates that such is not the case, that the Lillo influence is direct. Adelheid's death is an example ^ point. She might have committed suicide like Cleopatra, she ^ht have been permitted to depart unmolested like Marwood, b^t Goethe let her end her course in middle-class English fashion, ^^i a conviction before a court of justice. With Schiller's Bduber the case is similar. Wihan [240] Po^ts out first that this drama represents a mingling of two "^itict types. In some respects Karl Moor is a free individual ^^^Onsible only to his own conscience, like a Shakespearean hero ; "Ut xjj other respects he bows to society and law, and in so far as ^^ does so Schiller's Rduber is to be considered a **bUrgerliche Tra^odie." This gives justification to the comparison of Karl ^^H>r with Beverley, of Franz Moor with Stukely and of the P^^ve Amalia with Beverley's wife. Even some of the minor ^^^acters are drawn into the comparison, and parallel passages ^^e quoted. Wihan finds ako that Die Rduher has motifs in common with two other (Jerman middle-class dramas, Brawe's ^reygeist and Christian Felix Weisze's AmaUa, both of which, however, were in their turn dependent upon Moore's OameMer, Wihan agrees with Clarke [193] that Karl Moor has more in conunon with Fielding's Tom Jones than with Beverley; but he holds that Beverley owes many of his traits to Tom Jones. Wihan proposes to prove this assertion in a later treatize, which has not yet appeared.^® While evidence of English infiuence on the German middle- class plays of the eighteenth century is gradually increasing, the 20 Wihan [240] footnote to p. 96. 350 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vo\.9 influence of Lillo on the German middle-class fate plays of the early nineteenth century, once taken for granted, has recently been called into question. Fath [216] and Minor*' are exponents of divergent views regarding the origin of the German fate dramas. Fath takes exception at the beginning of his monogra^p^ to Minor's view that fatalistic ideas were derived first by t^^ learned classes from Greek literature and did not become pre^^^" lent among the people until about the year 1805, after a seri^* of wars, pestilences, and famines had brot about a general ci^' pression. Fath holds, on the contrary, that fatalistic concepticF^^ were always current in the Germanic race ; that they manifest^^'^ themselves in early literature, in the Nihelungenlied and :^-^ KudruUy and maintained themselves in the superstitions of tl people, and that they re-asserted themselves in full force whe rationalism had cleared the way by dispelling faith : Es bedurfte nur eines Anstoszes und die mit fatalistischen Ideec^^ erfiillten Gemiiter suchten sich dureh poetisehe Darstellungen zu befreien^^ Dieser kam von England her durch das Drama The fatal curiosity von Lillo, das als Ausgangspunkt fiir die deutsche Schicksalstragodie be- trachtet werden musz; denn seine t^bersetzung und Nachahmung war die Vorbereitung zu den deutschen Hauptwerken, nicht, wie Koberstein meint, Der Abschied und Karl von Pemack (sic) von Tieck.22 Lillo 's Fatal cunosity was first presented in England in 1736 under the title Guilt its own punishment. The following year it was revived under its now familiar name but found little favor and soon disappeared from the boards to remain in retirement until 1782.-^ During the time that Oeorge Barnwell was so pop>- ular in Germany The fatal curiosity seems to have been entirely unknown there. The drama was translated into German in 1778 and shortly after that similar fate tragedies began to appear in Germany. Fath maintains that these German fate tragedies owe their existence to the impulse given by Lillo. The line of develop- ment according to Fath (see diagram, p. 351) passed thru Bromel 21 Minor, Die Schiclcsalsidce in ihren Hauptvertretern (Frankfurt 1S83), 5; reviewed by Wendt in LblGBPh VII (1884) 270. 22 Fath [216] 9. 28 Minor [217] 34. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 351 and Moritz to Tieck, who wrote Der Abschied (1792) and Karl von Berneck (1795). From this point on Fath distinguishes two groups of fate tragedies in Germany: **Die urspriingliche Sehieksalsdiehtung gehort dem biirgerlichen Drama an, und die Hauptvertreter sind Lillo, Bromel, Moritz, Werner und zum Teil Tieck und Milliner. Eine zweite Gruppe bilden diejengen Dichter, welehe fatalistische Gedanken in das historisehe Drama aufnahmen. Tieck ist Bahnbrecher, ihm folgen Kind, Schiller, Houwald, Grillparzer. ' *** Fath's view of the development may accordingly be represented by the following scheme: Lillo Fatal curiosity (1736). Tieck Karl von BernecJc (1795) Schiller Braut von Messina (1803) Kind Schloss Aklam (1803) Mullner Schuld (1813) Grillparzer Ahnfrau (1817) Houwald Der LeuchHurm (1821) Bromel Stole und Vereweiflung (1780). Moritz Blunt (1781).2*« Tieck Abschied (1792).24»' Werner g4. Feb, (1809). UuUneT g9. Feb, (1812). Fath assumes that Schiller had read the fate tragedies of Lillo, Moritz, and Tieck, and holds that three influences deter- mined the Braut von Messina (1803): **Das antike Drama lieferte die formale Anlage, Sturm und Drang die Fabel und die moderne Schicksalstragodie die geistige Tendenz."^* That Wallensiein and Maria Stuart are * * Schicksalsdramen ' ' in any precise sense he does not concede. He believes that the influence of the Braut von Messina upon the German fate drama has been overestimated, and that the next following fate dramas, historical 24 Fath [216] 11. 24«Ibid., p. 11; but cf. Abrahamson [219ax] 217. 24>» See, however, Fath [216] 13, footnote 2. 25 Fath [216] 18. 352 • University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 and * ' biirgerlich " alike, derive their essential characteristics from Tieck's Karl von Berneck rather than from the Braut i^^>n Messina, Plausible as this genealogy may seem it will not bear scr'^i- tiny, and Minor [217] attacks it at nearly every point: T*^« German dramatists had no need to look to England for the sto^^ of the parents who unwittingly killed their own son. Chronicli and folk-books as far back as the seventeenth century told quently of such incidents, usually stating a definite time ani place. This theme was later taken up by the folk-song. Thei is an Italian tale and a Corsican folk-song having the sanu motif ; and Lillo, as is well known, based his drama on an Eng- " lish folk-song. Comparison shows that Moritz*s Blunt and Bromel's Stolz und Verzweiflung (1780) did not arise independently of each other but in reality it was Bromel's work that was inspired by Moritz's and not vice versa as has been claimed. In the preface to a later edition of his play Moritz claims to have written the tragedy quite independently : Ohne zu wissen, dasz Lillo den Stoff zu diesem Stiicke schon bear- beitet hat und ohne einmal die Ballade zu kennen, woraus dieselbe (sic) genommen ist, veranlaszte mieh eine dunkle Erinnerung aus den Jahren meiner Kindheit, wo ich diese Gesehichte hatte erzahlen horen, sie dramatisch zu bearbeiten. ' ' This statement is cited by Minor, who adds : * * Mit diesen Worten sinkt der Stammbaum unserer Schicksalstragodie zusammen."*' But there are weak points in the later portions of the gene- alogy as well. ''Schiller, der auf das Talent des Verfassers des Georg Barnwell groese Stiicke hielt, muszte sich von Crabb Robinson die Fabel dor verhdngnisvollen Neugierde erzahlen lassen, die er fiir einen guten Stoff erklarte, ohne des Moritzschen Blunt zu gedenken, der ihm also auch gewisz unbekannt war. Tieck obwohl personlich mit Moritz in Verbindung, hat den Blunt sieher nicht gekannt. . . . Kennt Tieck das Drama von Moritz nicht, so kann es nicht auf seinen Ahschied eingewirkt haben. ''2T 2« Minor [217] 37. 27 Ibid., p. 51; cf. Diary, reminiscences, and correspondence of Henry Crahh Bohinson ed. Sadler (N. Y. 1877) I 137. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 353 This does not exclude the possibility of a direct influence of Lillo on Tieck; but Minor clearly does not believe in this possi- bility either. Folk-book and folk-song might well have formed the basis of Tieck 's Karl van Berneck. In this drama the motifs of the fatal sword and the fatal day are first employed. Finally Minor shows that Werner's 24. Februar also origi- nated independently of all literary predecessors. In a social gathering at which Werner and Goethe were present a criminal novel was read aloud. Goethe and Werner undertook to make use of two different phases of this tale in competition with each other. Werner's drama was played in Weimar later and there were many comments upon it, but no one seems to have thot of Lillo 's tragedy in connexion with it, and no one mentioned Moritz. Minor's evidence is conclusive. The German fate drama owes little specifically to its English predecessor. The rationalistic, middle-class drama of the English, on the other hand, was quite as influential in Germany as the English moral essay, English ballad, and the English novel. All of them helpt break down old forms and substitute new ones. The English middle-class drama counteracted the strict theory of the unities and the aristocratic dramatic conventions of French origin, which were more firmly establisht in Germany than in France itself. In conjunction with the English moral weeklies the English moral dramas incidentally helpt pave the way for an appreciation of Shakespeare in Germany. For evidence of this we do not need to look farther than to the early works of Lessing, Goethe, and Schiller. 354 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. d PABT n SHAKESPEARE IN GERMANY Chapter 14 DRYDEN, LES8ING, AND THE RATIONALISTIC CRITICS Almost two hundred years ago the return of Voltaire England (1729) first brot to the continent a definite if incorredr impression of Shakespeare. Voltaire's views were soon known not only to the French but to the learned in Germany. About the year 1740 Shakespeare became a subject of dispute in Ger- many; by the year 1770 he was acknowledged as the supreme dramatic poet; thru the Schlegel translation (1797-1801) his dramas were incorporated into German literature. Not long after that his influence in Germany began to be lookt upon as an historical fact, and became a theme for essays and a subject for detailed investigation. The Shakespeare literature in Gter* many is so voluminous that it would be uncontrollable but for the efforts of the Deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, founded in 1865, which has publisht periodic bibliographies of the world's Shakespeare literature. Other attempts to render such account have been relatively unsuccessful.^ Naturally the larger number of investigations of Shake- speare 's influence concern special phases, but from time to time more comprehensive treatizes have appeared, such as those of Cohn, Creizenach, and Herz, already reviewed,^ and of Genee [427] and Dege [479], which lay stress upon the eighteenth century. In the work of Gundolf, Shakespeare und der dcutsche Oeisi [416], the theme has been treated so admirably that a similar work will not need to be attempted again until a new 1 See Northup's review of Jaggard [404]. 2 See Survey, chapter 2. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 355 age brings a new appreciation of Shakespeare. Gundolf 's work has as yet received little attention in America; in Germany it has been reviewed adequately on the esthetic side only by Walzel in the Shakespeare-Jahrhuch for 1912 and by Herrmann in the Zeitschrift fiir Aesthetik.^ It has other aspects as well : a philo- sophical, a philological, and an historical one. It is summarized in a separate chapter, number seventeen of this survey, where it serves as a much needed general view; for most of the special investigators whose works are here reviewed have held their eyes too close to their subject and have seen certain parts too large and the whole not at all. Gundolf 's book is a work of cultural history as surely as Scherer's or Francke's history of German literature. It lays no stress on the mere collection of parallel passages and discovery of similar motifs, but seeks to define more sharply the characteristics of successive periods of thot in Germany, by showing how variously they responded to the world that is revealed in Shakespeare 's works. It displays to the fullest degree the advantages of the comparative method in the study of literature. Despite the fact that ** Shakespeare in Germany'' is the oldest and most intensely studied topic within the field of English- German literary relations, misconception is precisely here most prevalent. Two fundamental misimpressions in particular tena- ciously hold their sway: the one that Lessing was the first to recognize Shakespeare's genius in Germany, and the other that English appreciation of Shakespeare followed tardily in the wake of German interpretation. Meisnest [547] has shown how Coler- idge, Furness, A. W. von Schlegel, Heine, Gervinus, Robertson, and with the notable exception of Erich Schmidt, the leading biographers of Lessing, namely Danzel, Guhrauer, Sime, Strodt- mann, Rolleston, Stahr, and Diintzer, have varied one or both of these assertions,* which the inquiries of recent years have modified, if not fully refuted. a See Bibliography under [416]. 4 Meisnest [547] 234-236. Riedel's article [472] is also representative of this long prevalent opinion. 356 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 ] It is natural then that Leasing, as the crux of the question, should recently have formed the chief subject of discussion. Bohtlingk [549] and Baumgartner [182] emphasize Lessing* dependence upon English criticism, especially the fact tl>^^ Dryden's Essay of dramatick porsie gave stimulus to the ^'' lAteraturbrief, while Richter [480] and Meisnest [547] hm^'^^ been led to conclude that Lessing did not lead but rather fC^*' lowed his friends Nicolai and Mendelssohn* and other contet:^^' porary critics in his appreciation of Shakespeare. The Ha^f^"^' burgische Dramaturgic is equally a subject of contention. Wil kowski [545] inquires why Lessing evades the impossible U of reconciling Shakespeare and Aristotle in his Hamburgisch Dramaturgie, Meisnest points out that the references to Shak< speare in the Hamburgische Dramaturgie are far from showing*** a comprehensive first-hand knowledge of Shakespeare on the part of Lessing, while the precise extent of Lessing 's first-hand ac- quaintance with Aristotle has recently been called into question by Robertson" as never before. These writers and others have recently shown, moreover, that the German criticism of Shakespeare before Lessing was largely influenced by Voltaire and Pope, and especially by the moral weeklies of Addison and Steele, while after Lessing the criticism of Gerstenberg and Herder is to no small extent inspired by Young's Co7iJ€ctures on original composition,'' In order to establish the primacy of the English criticism over the German during the period before Lessing it is necessary to review the . course of appreciation of Shakespeare from the time of his death up to the middle of the eighteenth century. When the Puritans gained control of the govormnent in England in 1642 they closed the theaters; but with the begin- ning of the restoration (1660) the theaters were re-opened, and from that time on Shakespeare's dramas have a continuous history on the English stage. Hamlet was played in 1662 by B But compare footnote 53 of this chapter. • Robertson, MLR XII (1917) 157-168, 319-339. ' See especially Kind [365]. Cf. Steinke [366] and Subviy, chapter 15. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 357 Betterton, who had his instruction at third hand from Shake- speare himself. The successor to Betterton was Barton Booth (ITOOca)/' and a pupil of his was Anthony Boehme, who gained renown by a new interpretation of the part of King Lear.® It is therefore vain to cling to the theory that Garrick revived the forgotten Shakespeare plays on account of their thankful roles. What Garrick actually did was to substitute for the traditional rendering of the parts an original interpretation that pleased the people. Shakespeare was appreciated, moreover, during the entire seventeenth century, not only as a playwright but as a poet. Partly to contradict the legend of the forgotten Shakespeare the work of Ingleby and Smith was compiled, A century of praise; allusions to Shakespeare 1592-1693,^ while the prevailing opinion of Shakespeare in the following century is reflected in Nichol Smith's Eighteenth century essays on Shakespeare (Glas- gow 1903). The latter work consists chiefly of the prefaces of the several editions of Shakespeare in the eighteenth century: Rowe's (1709), Pope's (1725), Theobald's (1733), Hanmer's (1744), Warburton's (1747), and Johnson's (1765). Of these Pope's edition played the largest role in German literary history, tho his criticism is outrivaled in importance by that of Addison, Dryden, and Young. Much of Pope's influence upon Germany was exerted indirectly thru Voltaire and other French critics. The problem of the classicists of England and elsewhere was to account for their admiration of Shakespeare and yet maintain their literary orthodoxy. In view of the difficulty of this task it must be admitted that they were, on the whole, remarkably liberal in the views they exprest. 7* Booth accompanied Betterton to London in 1705, and in 1708 he played the ghost to Wilks's Hamlet at the Haymarket Theater. 8 Tho items are taken from the article of Lily B. Campbell, Stage presentation in England in the eighteenth century PMLA XXXII (1917) 163-200. » Now included in Munro, The Shakespeare allusion hook, a collection of allusions to Shakespeare from 1591-1700 (new edition, 2 vols. London 1909) ; cf. review by Levin Schucking, ShJ XLVI (1910) 282-283. 358 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 The introduction of Dryden's Essay of dramatick poetie (1684) relates that four friends, Eugeniiis, Crites, Lisideius, and Neander, are driven from London by the plague, and in their retreat fall to talking about the drama. Eugenius and Crite* discuss the question whether the modern dramatists are the eqU*^ of the ancient dramatists, after which Neander contends agaix3^ Lisideius, and asserts that the English dramatists are in many f^ spects superior to the French. Neander obviously expresses the opinion held by Dryden ^ the time of writing. He bases his argument largely upon tf^ ^ theory that the English people are of a hardier and less refine race than the French and therefore demand for their entertaii^ ^ ment a more vigorous type of drama. This, by the way, was jus what Lessing later asserted of the Germans in the 17, Literature brief }^ Neander-Dryden begins with a weighing of virtueiP against faults in the typical manner of the classicistic critic : I acknowledge that the French contrive their plots more regularly, and observe the laws of comedy, and the decorum of the stage . . . with more exactness than the English; . . . yet, after all, I am of opinion that neither our faults nor their virtues are considerable enough to place them above us. For a lively imitation of nature being in the definition of a play, those which best fulfill that law ought to be esteemed superior to the others. 'Tis true, those beauties of the French poesie are such as will raise perfection higher where it is, but are not sufficient to give it where it is not: they are indeed the beauties of a statue, but not of a man, because not animated with the soul of poesie, which is imitation of humor and passions.^^ Neander then goes on to show the disadvantages that attend upon a strict adherence to the unities. The simple plot with a central important character is tedious. The English want to see strength pitted against strength, even in a physical fashion, and here he protests against the French decorum saying: ** Whether custom has so insinuated itself into our countrymen, or nature has so formed them to fierceness, I know not ; but they will scarcely suffer combats and other objects of horror to be 10 Lessing, Schriften VIII 42; letter of Feb. 16, 1759; quoted on p. 368 of Survey. 11 Dryden, An essay of dramatick poesie (London 1684) 26. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 359 '-■>; taken from them."" Lessing said much the same later of the it "^ * Germans. Grottsehed should have perceived, he wrote, **dasz ' «> !H- das Grosze, das Schreekliehe, das Melancholische, besser auf uns wirkt als das Artige, das Zartliche, das Verliebte. ' '^^ Thruout his discourse Neander bases his arguments chiefly on Beaumont and Fletcher, Jonson, and Shakespeare. Toward the conclusion he is askt to make distinction between the dra- matists he has mentioned. After a discriminating criticism of the merits of Jonson he says : * * If I would compare him with Shakespeare, I must acknowledge him the more correct poet, bnt Shakespeare the greater wit. Shakespeare was the Homer, or father of our dramatick poets; Jonson was the Virgil, the pattern of elaborate writing; I admire him, but I love Shake- *Ware.''" From this advanced position Dryden in his later y^B,TH receded, and his further connexion with Shakespeare con- ®®t^ in revising Shakespeare's plays according to the taste of "^^ classicists. In this manner he produced such versions as •^^oUus and Cressida or Truth found too late and Antony and ^ ^^^patra or All for love or the world well lost. The second important critic of Shakespeare was Nicholas ^^we. Rowe edited in 1709 the first complete collection of Shake - *X>eare's dramas. The dramas had been hitherto preserved in ^*Xe original quartos and folios. Rowe modernized the spelling ^^d the language, corrected the meter, and sot to improve the ^tscure passages. All this was done without comment. These Corrections were of doubtful service, but the sketch of Shake- speare which preceded the dramas was distinctly meritorious for it constitutes the earliest scientific account existing. Inci- dentally Rowe quotes some of the laudatory phrases of Dryden and defends Shakespeare against the too violent attacks of Thomas Rymer, a strict classicist.^* The work of editing the dramas of Shakespeare was not especially to Pope's taste. He later exprest regret over the "Ibid., p. 30. "Ibid., p. 35. ^* Bymer was the author of The tragedies of the last age, considered and examined hy the practice of the ancients and the common-sense of all ages (1678) and A short view of tragedy (1692). 360 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 **ten years to comment and translate/'^"* but Pope was a pro- fessional man of letters and the honorarium offered by the p^^ lishers was a suflBcient incentive. There is no especial indicatiw^ that Pope's study of Shakespeare ever influenced him as a writer. In his introduction he takes up: (1) the question of texti^ criticism, (2) the extent of Shakespeare's knowledge, (3) Shal^^ speare's relation to the classic authors and to the Aristoteli*^ rules as interpreted by the French, and (4) Shakespeare depictor of characters. In much of his criticism he merely Dryden, but on the whole he is less captivated by Shakespej than Dryden was when he wrote the Essay of dramaiick poei Pope reprints also Rowe's account of Shakespeare, but wii a significant omission, namely that of Howe's defence of Shak— ■ speare mentioned above, thus indicating that he agreed wit^ Rymer as to the necessity of adhering to the rules. Pope is, ho^ ever, inspired to his most liberal statements by Rowe, as foz-^ ^ example to his assertion : * * To judge therefore of Shakespeare^ by Aristotle's rules is like trying a man by the laws of on^^ country who acted under those of another."^' This assertioi has been paralleled with later expressions of Herder, but with- out suflficient ground, for Herder consistently denied the author- ity of the rules, while Pope took the authority for granted but condoned Shakespeare's shortcomings, as is apparent from the context.^^ Pope criticized Shakespeare not only in the intro- duction but in the text. He made use of asterisks and crosses, the former to point out passages he considered beautiful, the latter to indicate those that were not according to his taste. To weigh successful passages against unsuccessful ones was held to be a correct method by the classicist critics ; it was the form of criti- cism generally applied to Shakespeare by Gottsched and his con- temporaries. The stars and crosses are retained as symbols in the later Pope-Warburton edition of Shakespeare (1747). i8}>ope, Dunciad III 332, note 4, and IV 184 (ed. of Elwin and Court- hope 1871-1889). The translation of Homer is here referred to. ^^ Cf. Nichol Smith, Eighteenth century essays on Shakespeare (Glasgow 1903), p. 50. 17 For a further analysis of Pope 's view of Shakespeare see Margarete Bothbarth in Anglia XXXIX (1915) 75-100. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 361 Of the classicists in England Addison was the most liberal in his admiration of Shakespeare. He frequently called his readers' attention to Shakespeare by a quotation from him or by a eulogistic phrase. His literary views were disseminated by the German moral weeklies,^* and his references to Shakespeare, as Richter [480] has pointed out,^" were thus among the earliest and most consequential to receive circulation in Germany in the first half of the eighteenth century. During the seventeenth century, as w^e have seen, Shake- speare's works served Germany as a storehouse of dramatic material, but his name was almost unknown. During the first four decades of the eighteenth century his name was frequently heard but his works were unknown. The earliest known com- ment is that of Daniel Morhof in his Unterricht von der teut- schen Sprache (1682). Morhof says: **Der John Dryden hat gar wohl gelehrt von der Dramatiii Poesie geschrieben. Die Engellander, die er hierinnen anfiihrt, sind Shakespeare, Fletcher, Beaumont, von welchen ich nichts gesehen habe.''^® Next follow two references by other writers in 1695 and 1708, both of them based upon Temple. The second of these is in Barthold Feind's Gedanken von der Opera, It reads: **M. le Chevalier Temple in seinem Essai de la Poesie erzehlet, p. 374, dasz etliche, wenn sie des renommierten Englischen Tragici Shakespear Trauerspiele verlesen horen, offt lautes Halses an zu schreyen gefangen und hauffige Thranen vergossen. ' '-® That there should be passing references to Shakespeare in the first moral weekly Der Hamburger Verniinfftler is not remarkable in view of its confest dependence on the Tatler and Spectator}^*^ Mencke in his Compendioses Gelehrtenlexicon (1715) mentions Shakespeare as follows:^® 18 See Survey, chapter 4. i» Richter *8 chronological list of references in Germany to Shakespeare is more extensive than that of Gen6e [427], Joachimi-Dege [479], or Robertson [478], but Robertson gives the English sources of the earliest German references. 20 Quoted by Richter [480] I 4. 20* See BiBLiooEAPHY [156]; cf. footnote 25 of this chapter. 362 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Shakespeare (Wilh.) ein englischer Dramaticus, geboren zu Stratford 1564, ward schlecht auferzogen und verstund kein Latein, jedoeh bracht« er es in der Poesie sehr hoch. £r hatte ein scherzhaflPtes Gemiithe, kuiit« aber doch auch sehr emsthaflPt seyn, und excellirte in Tragodien. 3EIr hatte viel sinnreiche und subtile Streitigkeiten mit Ben Jonson wiewolil keiner von Beyden viel damit gewann. £r starb zu Stratford 1616, 23 April im 53. Jahre. Seine Schau- und Trauer-Spiele, deren er sehr vi^l geschrieben, sind in VI Theilen 1709 zu London zusammen gedruekt nxi-^ werden sehr hoch gehalten.21 This item of Menckens was paraphrased in other QermaX^ cyclopedias of the time and approximately represents the sui^^ total of German information in regard to Shakespeare a hun- dred years after his death and even down to the year 1739, when by a literary coincidence both the Leipzig and Swiss groups chanced upon him in Addison's works. In the preface to his Kritische Abhandlung von dem W under- baren in der Poesie (1740) Bodmer made an incidental reference to Shakespeare : Sie (die Deutschen) sind noch in dem Zustand, in welchem die Engel- lander viele Jahre gestanden, eh ihnen geschickte Kunstrichter die Schon* heiten in Mil tons Gedichte nach und nach wahrzunehmen gegeben and sie damit bekannt gemaeht hatten, ungeachtet diese Nation an ihrem Saspar-2 und anderen den Geschmack zu diesem hohem und feinem Ergetzen zu scharfen eine Gelegenheit gehabt hatte, der unsere Nation beinahe beraubt ist. This assertion did not imply an extensive acquaintance with Shakespeare on Bodmer 's part. The ** geschickte Kunstrichter" 21 Robertson [478] shows that the source of Mencke, Bentheim, and others was Thomas Fuller's History of the worthies in England (1662). 22 The form ' * Saspar ' ' has been the subject of much comment. Elze [488] 3H8 regards it as an attempt to germanize the name. Vetter [102] holds that it was intended as a phonetic reproduction of the name as Bodmer conceived it. He calls attention to the fact (p. 17) that Bodmer had already referred twice to ''Shakespeare der engellandiscbe Sophokles" in the introduction to his translation of Paradise lost in 1732. Vetter further informs us that Bodmer later disapproved of his own change, for in his personal copy of the Kritische Ahhandlungen von dem Wunder- harcn in der Poesie (1740) the form Shakespeare is substituted "wie man fast sicher behaupten darf ' ' by Bodmer 's own hand. Vetter mentions as corroborative evidence for his theory the fact that Bodmer rendered the name Chaucer as Schaser. Robertson [478] has another theory. He holds that Bodmer had presumably been reading the criticism of the Italian, Conti, who spelt the woni in this way. This also seems a not unplausible explanation. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 363 here referred to were undoubtedly Addison and Steele, whose weeklies Bodmer had recently been reading.^' Frau Gottsched began in the same year unwittingly to undermine the authority of her lord and master by translating the Spectator papers into German, thus rendering Addison's ideas accessible to the wide circles which could not read the English original or even the incomplete French translation of 1719. In the Spectator, it is true, we find merely passing references to Shakespeare and not formal discussions as in the case of Milton.^" Yet these refer- ences are so frequent that they make an impression by their insistence. The German Spectator was evidently widely read, for a second edition appeared a few years later (1749-1751). The critical debate regarding Shakespeare was actually pre- cipitated, however, by the first translation of a Shakespearean drama into German, Versuch einer gehundenen Vhersetzung des Trauer-Spiels von dem Tode des Julius Cdsar aus den englischen Wercken des Shakespeare (Berlin 1741) by Caspar Wilhelm von Borck.-'' The drama was done into hexameters and for that reason gives a distorted picture of the original. The translation appeared, as the author says in the preface, **nacket und blosz, ohne Beschirmung und Vertheydigung. Bin jeder mag davon urtheilen, was ihm beliebt." Since Borck was the Prussian am- bassador in London Riedel suggests that he may have been first inspired by the brilliant debut of Garrick as a player of Shake- spearean roles in Goodman 's Field Theatre in London ;-* but this theory is untenable, for Paetow has shown^^ that Borck was in 23 Elze [488] 340 holds that Bodmer knew Shakespeare as early as 1740, "keineswegs blosz aus Anfiihrungen Addisons im englischen Zuschauer.** Vetter [102] 17f., on the other hand, finds no evidence of this. 2K Richter [480] finds references to Shakespeare in Spectator papers no8. 36, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 116, 141, 154, 160, 161, 206, 208, 210, 235, 245, 279, 285, 396, 397, 400, 419, 468, 485, 521, 641, 59S, 599, 636, 658, 660, 670, 67 i, 678, and 681, 25« Von Borck also translated Otway 's Don Carlos, prince of Spain in Neue Erweilerungen des Erkenntnisses und des Vergniigens IX (1757) and Coffey's The devil to pay; cf. footnote 46 of this chapter. 26 Riedel [472] 19. 2T Paetow [490] 25. 364 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 London only from 1735-1738, and Garrick made his first appear- ance in London, October 19, 1741.^^' The translation was commented upon in several quarters. It became the occasion for the first extensive treatize upon Shake- speare in Germany, Johann Elias Schlegel's Vergleichung Shakespeares U7id Andreas Gryphs [464] . Like most classicists Schlegel was at pains to reconcile the strong impression Shake- speare had made upon him with that poet's ignorance of the rules. He holds that Gryphius's works are imitations of acticms, while Shakespeare's are imitations of character. Qryphius's dramas were thus admittedly more correct, for Aristotle's rules do not recognize character imitation as an object of tragedy; they were laid down on the assumption that imitation of action was all-important. In recognizing the existence of a character tragedy Schlegel acknowledged a realm where Aristotle did not hold sway. At the point w^here Schlegel formally takes up the comparison he mentions the Spectator: **Die Engellander haben schon durch viele Jahre den Shakespear fiir einen groszen Oeist gehalten, und die scharfsichtigsten unter ihnen, worunter sich auch der Zuschauer befindet, haben ihm diesen Ruhm zugestehen miissen."^* Schlegel maintains the attitude of Addison gener- ally, that the rules must be recognized but that the **Pehler" are partly made up for by the **Tugenden." At the time of writing Schlegel was an adherent of Gottsched. Qundolf** sur- mizes that Gottsched commissioned Schlegel'® to write the Ver- gleichung thinking to discredit Shakespeare by a parallel with Gryphius which should turn out in the latter 's favor. In view of the opposite result it is remarkable that Gottsched accepted it for his organ. 2T* See Gaehde, David Garrick als Shakespeare-Darsteller etc., Schriften der deutschen Shakeapeare-Gesellschaft (Berlin 1904), p. 3. 2s Schlegel [464] 77; Wolff, Johann Elias Schlegel (Berlin 1889), p. 139, regards Julius Caesar as the source of Schlegel 's Canut, 1746. aoGundolf r416] 112-113. >o Joh. Elias Schlegel died in the year 1749 at the age of thirty, ten years too soon to see Shakespeare finally justified before the coart of rationalistic criticism. His brother Joh. Adolf Schlegel contribntad directly to a new conception of Shakespeare in the introduction to his translation (1751) of the treatize of Batteuz, Les beaux arts rSduits d un mime principe (Paris 1746). 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey, 365 Qottsched had exprest himself against the translation of Rorek in the preceding number of the Beytrdge: Man bringt ohne Unterschied Gates und Bbses in unsere Sprache: S^rade als ob wir nicht Belbst schon bessere Sachen aus den eigenen Kopfeji nnserer Landsleute auf zuweisen batten. Die elendste Haupt- und ^taatsaktion unserer gemeinen Oomodianten ist kaum so voll Sehnitzer und Fehler wider die Begeln der Schaubiihne und 'gesunden Vernunft al3 ^eses Stuck Shakespeares ist.so* Qottsched seemed to be aware that he had to combat English liberal opinion in his insistence upon obedience to the letter of dramatic law. In the 592nd number of the Spectator there was a passage which caused him unusual distress. It reads as follows : ^ have a great esteem for a true critic, such as Aristotle and Longinus AoioQ^ the OreekSy Horace and Quintilian among the Romans, Boileau ^^ I>acier among the French. But it is our misfortune, that some who B^t up for professed critics among us criticize upon old authors only at *wou^ hand. . . . They judge of them by what others have written, not "7 H^y notions they have of the authors themselves. The words, unity, ^tion, sentiment, and diction, pronounced with an air of authority, give thetki a figure among unlearned readers, who are apt to believe they are deep because they are unintelligible. . . . Our inimitable Shakespeare is * Attimbling block to the whole tribe of these rigid critics. Who would ^ot rather read one of his plays, where there is not a single rule of art observed, than any production of a modern critic where there is not one ^^ them violated f • Qottsched was loath to believe that this number was written V Addison or Steele and maintained 'Masz alles, was die Feinde der strengen theatralischen Begeln darinnen zu ihrem Vortheile finden mochten, ungereimt und f alsch sey . ' '^^^ Referring to the attack upon the false critics who judge solely by the rule he answered : Diesz klingt nun recht hoch, und wer von Schakespears Sachen nichts gelesen hat, der sollte fast denken: es miiszte doch wohl recht was schones seyn, welches den Abgang aller Begeln so leichtlich ersetzen kann. Allein man irret sehr. Die Unordnung und Unwahrscheinlichkeit, welche aus ifi^ Beytrdge zur kritischen Historie der deutschen Sprache etc. VII (1741) 616f. »o*Ibid., Vm 143-172; quoted by Richter [480] I 21. 366 University of California Puhlication$ in Modem Philoloffjf [Vol 9 1 dieser Hindansetzung der Regeln entspringen, die sind aach bev den Shakespear so handgreiflich und ekelhaft, dasz wohl niemand, der nur je etwas verniinftiges gelesen, daran ein Belieben tragen wird. Sein Julm Cdsar, der noch dazu von den meisten fiir sein bestes Stiick gehalten wird, hat 80 viel niedertrachtiges an sich, dasz ihm kein Mensch ohne £k«\ lesen kann.soo During the years 1739 to 1741, then, it must be admitt^^ that Shakespeare was prominently under discussion, when Bo^:^' mer's references to Shakespeare, Frau Qottsched's translaticF*^ of the (Spectator, Borck's translation of Julius Caesar, Schlegel ^^ Vergleichung and Gottsched's attack on the irregular Englii plays and the English critics are taken into account. Durin( this brief span of time Addison's Spectator had played an im-^ portant role, being the original inspiration of Bodmer's assertion and the subject of contention between Gottsched and his op- ponents. Between the years 1741 and 1749 there was comparatively little discussion of Shakespeare in Germany. Gottsched seemed still to hold the public in leading strings, altho the Swiss critics did not cease to taunt him with an occasional mention of Addi- son's reference to the whole tribe of rigid critics. But during this time the French were devoting much attention to Shake- speare. The French criticism had begun early in the century. Destouches had visited England in 1717, and Shakespeare's Tempest made so great an impression on him that he translated portions of it on his return. Abbe Prevost, a later visitor (1728 and 1733), gave in his magazine Pour ei contre the contents of several of Shakespeare's dramas (1738) and retailed the criticism of Rymer, Rowe, Qildon and other English classicists.'*** Vol- taire, who had visited England 1726-1729, discust Shakespeare in his Lettres philosophiques sur les Anglais 1732f. Agreeing with Pope in theory regarding Shakespeare, in practice he was more influenced by Shakespeare than was Pope. Altho the comments of the other French critics were noted in the German journals >oc The Abb6 Provost has formerly been spoken of as one of the enthusiastic heralds of Shakespeare in France. It has recently been shown that this was far from the case. See G. B. Havens in MPh XYII (1919) 177-198. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 367 as Richter indicates,'^ it appears that Voltaire's views alone were dynamic. Lookt upon in Germany as the foremost critic of the time his description of the English harbarian Shakespeare must surely have aroused curiosity, which was heightened when it was later bruited about that Voltaire was imitating Shakespeare.'*^ Shakespearean criticism takes a fresh start in Germany in 1749 after the translation of the Guardian of Addison and Steele by Frau Gottsched appeared. This translation contained many opinions about Shakespeare hitherto little heard of in Germany. The reference to the peasant play of Midsummer night's dream in the 118th number led Frau Gottsched to compare Gryphius's Peter Squenz (1657) with the original, whereupon she was able to affirm in a footnote that Shakespeare's piece *'ein sehr ange- nehmes Stiick ist.'' Lessing's first mention of Shakespeare occurs the following year, 1750. In the introduction to the Beytrdge zur Historie und Aufnahme des Theaters he says it is the intention to trans- late ancient plays and modern dramas of England and Spain little known in Germany. He mentions the same English dra- matists that Voltaire discust in his Lettres and generalizes on them in the same way:'^ **Diese sind alle Manner, die zwar eben so grosze Fehler als Schonheiten haben, von denen aber ein vemiinftiger Naehahmer sich sehr vieles zu Nutze machen kann."^* Lessing'* shows in the preface to this work, moreover, 81 In his Neuer Biichersaal der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen Kiinste VIII (1749) Gottsched quotes an English opinion in regard to Abb4 Le Blanc's Lettres sur les Anglois et les Francois; this is quoted by Richter [480] 1 27-28. 32 See Lounsbury, Shakespeare and Voltaire (New York 1902) and re- view of the same by Wechssler ShJ XLI (1905) 259-260. Voltaire is said to have borrowed from Shakespeare in his Brutus (1731), Eriphyle (1732), Mort de Cesar (1735), and S^miramis (1748). That Zaire (1733) is an imitation of Othello is denied by Doubetout in MPh III (1905) 305-316. 33 Cf. Baumgartner [182] 33. Erich Schmidt had already held that it was Voltaire's Lettres sur les Anglois (1733) which had first called Lea- sing's attention to Shakespeare. Schmidt [126] i I 116. Some of Vol- taires letters are contained in the Beytrdge; cf. Lessing, Schriften TV 82. 34 Lessing, Schnften IV 52. 35 The Beytrdge were by Lessing and Mylius but the preface, signed * ' die Verfasser ' * and dated Oct. 1749, was no doubt written by Lessing. 368 University of California Puhlicationa in Modem Philology [Vol, that he does not approve of Gottsched's attempt to pattern t German drama solely after the French : Dadurch hat man unser Theater zu einer Einformigkeit gebracht, di man auf alle mogliche Art zu vermeiden sich hatte bestreben soUen.* . . . Shakespeare, Dry den, Wicherley, (sic) Vanbrugh, Gibber, Congrevi sind Dichter, die man fast bey uns nur dem Namen nach kennet, un gleichwohl verdienen sie unsere Hochachtung sowohl als die gepriesenen franzosischen Dichter.87 . . . Das ist gewisz, wollte der Deutsche in der dramatischen Poesie seinem eigenen Naturelle folgen, so wiirde unsre Schaubuhne mehr der englischeu als franzosischen gleichen.ss After the publication of this preface there is scarcely another significant reference to Shakespeare in Lessing's works until the year 1759,^® when on the 16th of February the famous 17, Literth turbrief appeared with its ruthless denunciation of Qottsched: "Niemand," sagen die Verfasser der BihliotheJCf "wird leugnen, dasz die deutsche Schaubiihne einen groszen Teil ihrer ersten Verbessening dem Herrn Professor Gottsched zu danken habe. '^ Teh bin dieser Nie- mand; ich leugne es gerade zu. £s ware zu wiinschen, dasz sich Herr Gottsched nieroals roit dem Theater vermengt hatte. Seine vermeiuten Verbesserungen betreffen eutweder entbehrliche Kleinigkeiten, oder sind wahre Verschlimmerungen.**> After some defence of this unfair attack Lessing repeats his earlier assertion that Gottsched has misguided the German drama by his exclusive insistence upon the French models : Er hatte aus unsern alten dramatischen Stiicken, welche er vertrieb, hinliinglich abmerken konnen, dasz wir mehr in den Geschmack der Englauder, als der Franzosen einschlagen; dasz wir in unsern Trauer- spielen mehr sehen und deuk^^n wollen, als uns das furchtsame franzosische Trauerspiel zu sehen und zu denken giebt; dasz das Grosze, daa Schreck- liche, das Melancholische besser auf uns wirkt als das Artige, das Zart- liche, das Verliebte; dasz uns die zu grosze Einfalt mehr ermiide als die zu grosze Verwickelung. Er hatte also auf dieser Spur bleiben soUen und sie wiirde ihn geraden Weges auf das englische Theater gefuhret haben. 8« Lessing, Schriften IV 50. 87 Ibid., p. 52. 88 Ibid., p. 53. 8» In 1757 a commendation of Mendelssohn's translation of ''To be or not to be;'' cf. Jacoby [550] and Fresenius [551]; in 1758 a matter of fact reference; in 1759 a philological reference. *o Lessing, Schriften VIII 41flf. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 369 A thot in Dry den's Essay of dramatick poesie parallel to this ^dea, has already been noted.*^ Such comments were prevalent *^ the time; Kettner*^ quotes several similar statements from ^^olfaire,*' and the latter, he shows, was merely applying ideas he had received from Shaftesbury and Addison.** I'e^s8ing continues : 8a.^«n Sie ja nicht, dasz er (Gottsched) auch dieses (das englisohe Theater) zu nutzen gesucht, wie sein Cato es beweise. Denn eben dieses, ^*^ ^T den Addisonschen Cato fur das beste englische Trauerspiel halt, ^^g^'k. deutlich, dasz er hier nur niit den Augen der Franzosen gesehen, luid ^.^smals keinen Shakespeare, keinen Johnson;^^* keinen Beaumont und Fletint ihnen in der mechanischen Einrichtung, unber- setzer an die englische Schaubiihne wagen, und seine Landsleute haupt- sachlich mit den vortreffiichen alten Stiicken des Shakespeare, Beaamont und Fletcher, Otwav und anderen bekannt machen mochte. £s wunle vielleicht fiir die deutsche Schaubiihne weit vortheilhafter gewesen seyn, wenn sie jenen nachgeahmt hatte, als dasz sie sich die franzosische Galanterie hinreiszen lassen und uns mit einer Menge hochst elender, obgleich hochst regelmasziger Stiicke bereichert hat. . . . Wir empfeblen hauptsachlich dem t)bersetzer die Shakespearischen Stiicke: sie sind die schonsten, und auch die schwersten, aber um deste eher zu iibersetzen, wenn man nutzlich seyn will." Biblioihek der schonen Wissenschaften, VI (1760) pp. 60-74. Meisnest gives the Robertson, MLB XIV (1919) 85. fl2ftenen Ton ubersetzen?''*^ Herder called Romeo und JuUe *^he least successful of Wieland's translations, and surmized the I'ea^on to be that Wieland * * nie selbst eine Romeo-Liebe gef iihlt ^^t ; sondem sich nur immer mit seinen Sympathien und Pan- ^^^cn und Seraphins den Kopf voUgewehet, statt das Herz je ^^^nschlich gewarmt hat.'*'* For the translation of certain mon- ^logs in Lear, Hamlet, Macbeth, and Midsummer night's dream *i^rder would like to scratch out Wieland 's eyes;°° yet when *^^ undertook to translate for himself several lyric passages of Shakespeare he borrowed, as Stadler points out, phrases and ^Xitire verses from Wieland.^® This criticism of Herder is in line with that of Qerstenberg. At the time Wieland began his translation it was the general Sentiment that some one should turn the choicest passages of Shakespeare into German, summarizing the less noble parts. This was the way Brumoy had treated the Greek drama in •••Stadler [613] 37-42; cf. Meisnest [616] 30-37 and C. W. Jordan, Plays on wards in Wieland's translation of Shakespeare, typewritten manu- script (M.A. thesis) Univ. of California, 1908. •T Herder, Werlce I 217; cf. Stadler [613] 87. ••Herder, Herders Lehensbild (Erlangen 1846) III 1, 238; quoted by Stadler [613] 88. •»K. Wagner, Brief e an J, H. Merck etc. (Darmstadt 1835) 15; quoted by Stadler [613] 89. 70 Stadler [613] 90. 382 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 1 1730, La Place the English drama in 1746, Pope Homer in ITl^t and Bodmer Milton's Paradise Lost in 1732. Weisze, Eschew- burg, Lessing, Nieolai, and other German critics urged ttoBt Shakespeare be translated in the same way; but Wiela^^^^ stated: **Mein Vorsatz war, meinen Autor mit alien seiim^^ Pehlern zu iibersetzen ; und dies um so mehr, weil mir daueh dasz sehr oft seine Fehler selbst eine Art von Schonheit sind/'^^ Gerstenberg, however, held that Wieland should not ha undertaken the task because he was too little Shakespearean nature. This view was adopted by the ** Sturm and Drang critics and has served to cover up the fact that Wieland was i reality an advanced appreciator of Shakespeare, and that h^ eliminated far less than was expected by the prevailing criticisnc^ of the time. It is the special service of Meisnest in his two article^^ on Wieland, [547] and [616], to have represented him in fairer light. Wieland *s personal attitude toward Shakespeare must be de- termined on the basis of much contradictory evidence. His foot- notes express impatience with his author or else apologize for his shortcomings; but in his personal correspondence he usually wrote in a tone of unalloved enthusiasm, and the same is true of his expressions of opinion in the Teutscher Merkur. In the year 1784 an event in Vienna led to Wieland 's expressing him- self finally and fully regarding Shakespeare. The plajrwright C. H. von Ayrenhoff," a strict French classicist, wrote a play Kleopatra und Antanius with a distinctly anti-Shakespearean tendency. In his preface he misinterpreted some statements of Wieland in the Merkur, making Wieland appear as an adherent of the French school. He made the matter worse by dedicating his drama to Wieland. Wieland hastened to set the public right regarding his opinion of Shakespeare. He said Shakespeare was for him der erste dramatische Dichter aller Zeiten und Volker . . . weil ibo in Allem, was das Wesentlichste elnes groszen Dichtera iiberhaupt und Ti Teutscher Merkur III (1773) 187. 72 Cf. Horner [482]. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 383 eines dramatischen insonderheit ausmacht, an Starke aller Seelenkrafte, an innigem Gefubl der Natur, an Feuer der Einbildungskraft und der 6ab«, sieh in jeden Charakter zu verwandeln, sich in jede Situation und Xii Toubem's translation was publisht in Leipzig, G's in Ham- ^1^. In 1787 a new translation appeared over the signature C. Vie translator believed that he had discovered something quite ^^^iknown. The error was remarkable, for Qottsched had con- -^mned Young's ideas in a notice of the von Teubern trans- ition contained in Das Neueste aus der anmuthigen Gelehr- '^mkeit, and Nicolai had made a counter attack upon Qottsched ^ the Literaturbriefe, 172-173. There were additional reviews ^n the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften and the Oot- tingische gelehrte Ameigen} Nor was Young forgotten in the ^cceeding years. An article in the Beytrag zur lAtteratur und zum Vergniigen (1766) comments favorably on the Conjectures, and Schmidt's Theorie der Poesie (1767) agrees with Young in regard to originality. A critic by the name of Rambach joined issue with Young in a school program of 1765 ; thereupon Her- der espoused the cause of Young in a review in the Konigs- bergische gelehrte und politiscke Zeitungr* The debate was car- ried on by other journals from 1765 to 1768. In 1770 Cramer publisht a synopsis of the Conjectures in Der nordische Auf- seher. After that, it is true, little is heard of them until the new translation of 1787 becomes the subject of comment. 2 For more definite references see Kind [365] 145ff. 2* Herder, Werke I 121f . 388 University of California Publications in Modem Philology p The outer history of the Conjectures in Germany then, i 1760 to 1770, would give some support to the theory of v spread influence, but it would appear that this theory is of < paratively recent origin. In his treatize on the Schlestcig Literaiurbriefe [138] Koch merely states that Young's Co\ tures lent the ** Storm and stress'' critics a valuable weapoi his summary of 1883, Vber die Beziehungen etc, [76], he nr no comment whatever on the subject. In his Geschichte deutschen Literatur he says : Dennoch steht die Sturm- und Drangzeit vielfaoh unter fremdeD fliissen. Von Rousseau hat sie die Forderung nach Natur, von englisehen Schriften, Edward Youngs Conjectures usu\ und Woods iiher den Originalgenius Homers (1769) die Forderung nach Urspriin keit iiberkommen.s This last statement sums up in a sentence the results oi Weilen's investigations of 1890 [501] which presented a g< array of evidence in point. Kind [365] in 1906 went fu and showed that not only Qerstenberg but also Hamann, He Nicolai, Mendelssohn, Resewitz, and even Lessing were influc by the Conjectures. Kind recognizes such influence in the number of the Hamburgische Dramaturgie, in which Le says that not Shakespeare but Shakespeare's method shoul studied; that we should learn to see thru his medium as a camera obscura, but that we must not borrow from him. sing, like Young, gives to genius a rank superior to learning says that a genius is not bound by rule. But here the a ment with Young is more verbal than actual, for a genius to Lessing a being born with a sure instinct for form, there were certain canons of form, he did not doubt. Le did not approve of Young's definition of genius, and late against its application. As a matter of fact Lessing drop subject of Shakespeare almost completely after issuing th lAteraturhrief ; and even when he takes it up again iE Hamburgische Dramaturgie he neither seeks the suppoi Young nor joins issue with him. » Vogt und Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur- (Leipzig and 1904), II 227. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 389 Since the leading theorists of the ** Storm and stress" move- ment were Hamann, Herder, and Qerstenberg, it is their indebt- edness to Young that comes chiefly into question. Hamann vis- ited England in a commercial capacity (1757-1758) and thus im- proved his command of the language. He did not become inter- ested enuf in the literature to read extensively until about 1761. Meanwhile he had undergone a deep experience of a religious mature. In Young Hamann recognized a kindred soul, a preacher ^f Christian morality, and a man interested in inspiration as a ^Urce of authorship. For almost every fundamental thot ex- P^^St by Young in his Conjectures Kind is able to find a corre- sponding passage in Hamann.* Hamann said once that nearly ^^ his ideas were taken from Young's Night thoughts.** Kind ^ ioiks the statement would be truer if Young's Conjectures were *^\)8tituted. Hamann 's ideas, however, first become a power ^en past on to his pupils, Qerstenberg and Herder. Gerstenberg had already shown himself a liberal critic echo- g the opinions of J. A. Schlegel and Hamann. His moral eekly, the Hypochondrist, gave further emphasis to Hamann 's eas, and in the introduction to his translation of Fletcher's c (1764) there were traces of Young and of Home;^ but the '^ull force of Young's ideas was not operative on Gerstenberg \)efore the publication of the Brief e ilher die Merkwurdigkeiten der Literatur (1766). These letters began just about at the moment when the letters of Lessing and his colleags were discontinued. In them Qerstenberg shows that it is unjustifi- able to judge one genius by the laws of another. Rather he makes such comparisons as that between Shakespeare's Othello and the imitatory tragedy of Young, The revenge. With Young, (Jerstenberg wages war against imitative literature ; like Young he esteems genius more highly than learning ; and Shakespeare is his standing example of the poet of genius. 4 For the parallel passages see Kind [365] 27-40. *• Hamann, Schnften III 393. 5 Henry Home, the author of Elements of criticism (1760), translated into German by J. N. Meinhardt (1763-1766). This work also influenced Herder in his Shakespeare as von Weilen [501] shows. Gf. Bibliography [210] and [211]. 390 Univeraity of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vo\.9 Kind has collected an abundance of material on the subj^ of the co-incidence of Herder's views with Young's, admitti^K» however, that it is not always possible to tell whether Herder derived his suggestions directly from Young or indirectly thru Hamann.® He counts it as Herder's great service that he wen^ beyond his predecessors and sot to exemplify these ideas and principles and **to apply them for the purpose of arousing na- tional pride in German letters. Thus he helpt to free Germany from the servility of imitation and prepared the way for the literature that has made Germany famous."^ Kind has apparently marshalled the most imposing array of evidence anywhere gathered together regarding the influence of the Conjectures on the * * Storm and stress" critics. But he has done so in a guarded way. He admits in advance that the time was ripe for Young's theory. The public was tired of listening to Qottsched's praise of French literature, to Bodmer's praise of English literature, and even to Lessing's commendation of the classic literature. It was ready to listen to a doctrine of originality. He admits that Young's ideas were not entirely new in Germany. He reviews the history of Shakespeare in Germany up to 1760 and specifically mentions the liberal views of Johann Elias and Johann Adolf Schlegel in regard to the proper attitude toward the ancients.* Steinke [366] nevertheless mentions Kind, along with Stein,** Thomas [364a], and Unger,^** as one of the critics who have concluded that the Conjectures exerted a profound and decisive influence on German literature.^* The quarrel of the ancients and the moderns in England and in Germany is reviewed by Steinke, who, basing his statements on a rather imposing mass of data, arrives at the conclusion, that all the important ideas of Young were present and current • Kind [365] 40-57. 7 Ibid., p. 57. 8 Ibid., p. 40; cf. von Weilen [501] xv. 0 Stein, K. H., Die Entstehung der neueren AesthetiJc (Stuttgart 1SS6), p. 136ff. '0 Unger, R., Hamann und die Aufklarung (Jena 1911), p. 275ff. 11 Steinke [366] 20. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 391 in Germany before they .arrived anew in the form of the Conjec- tures. He says at one place : The Conjectures contain ideas which, although often in a different form, were of the greatest importance in the development of Germany 's literature, and they contributed something to the prevalence and force of these ideas. Germany, however, does not owe these ideas or their mofflentam in any decisive measure to Young's essay. The literature of Germany would not have been poorer as to content, nor would it have developed along different lines, without Young's Conjectures on original compositionA^ Conservativeness is a virtue in estimating influences, and not every parallel passage is proof conclusive of borrowing ; but there is such a fault as over-cautiousness, and Steinke's work is a good example of this exaggerated virtue. He is unwilling to admit the significance of any parallel passage unless the secondary author specifically acknowledges his debt to his predecessor. In spite of the cumulative effect of the large number of parallel passages found in Hamann and Young, and in spite of Ha- mann's well-known admiration for Young, Steinke only con- cedes three passages of Hamann as certainly borrowed from the Conjectures. In the case of Herder he is similarly cautious. In short, Steinke has erred on the side of understatement far more widely than Kind on the side of exaggeration. • •••••••••• The conception of Herder as a typical ** Sturm und Drang*' critic is widely prevalent ; but it has recently been sharply chal- lenged by Marie von Joachimi-Dege [479]. After carefully weighing evidence presented by previous investigators, she comes to the conclusion that Herder wavered from one standpoint to the other, but eventually took his position with Lessing. In 1764 Herder, with Hamann and Gerstenberg, was enthusiastic for **den groszen Wilden (Shakespeare), der wie ein Gott Menschen- 12 Ibid., p. 40. 18 Steinke 's work undertakes to deal with the history of the Conjectures in England. The i>ortion of the work dealing therewith falls outside the scope of this Subvet. Omissions and inaccuracies have been pointed out in the review by Kaufman noted in the Bibliography. 392 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [V^^^^-* herzen schafft und sie zur Hollenglut erschiittert ; dessen Sch^:>I ferstab hier ein Feenreich, dort heulende Wildnisse hervorz^^^ bert.'^^* In 1766 he is near to Lessing's point of view. **KonE^ ^ ich's doch laut ruffen, dasz, so wie ein regelmasziges Aubi^ nacsehes Theaterstiick ein elendes Werk seyn kann, dageg^^ ein Shakespearscher Lear oder Hamlet ohne alle Anlage dcr Zweck des Trauerspiels erreicht, dramatisch zu riihren.'*** Le^ sing would have taken exception only to the phrase **ohne all^ Anlage." Yet Herder has his secret doubts after all, for in an? unpublisht fragment of the same year he asks **ob die Eng- lander und Shakespeare wirklich die Grundlage unserer Biihne sein konnen ^ ' and answers Lessing : Ja, aie geben sehr viel zu sehen^ aber uns Deutschen wirklich zu viel. Man gebe doch nur auf sich acht, was man bei Shakespeare siehet; immer zu viel, als nicht betaubt zu werden, zu fremde Phanomene, als an ihnen teilzunehmen; zu unwahrscheinlichet als sie auch mit einem starken thea* tralischen Glauben ansehen zu konnen. ^<* After the publication of the Ilamhurgische Dramaturgic Herder declares himself explicitly as in accord with Lessing's view. He calls Shakespeare **ein Genie, voU Einbildungskraft, die immer ins Grosze geht, die einen Plan ersinnen kann, iibei dem uns beim bloszen Ansehen schwindelt : ein Genie, das in der einzelnen Verzierungen nichts, im groszen, weiten Bau der Pabel alles ist.''*^ And in 1769 he longs for a theatrical genius **da£ auch nur einen Punken von Shakespcares Geist hatte, ihm abei nicht seine Untereinandermischung, sein Obereinanderwerfen dei Scenen liesze und sich keine Episoden erlaubte — was ware dies fiir eine schone Maszigung des Briten!''^** At this time two events occurred that deepened Herder '^ understanding of Shakespeare; a conversation with Lessing in Hamburg (1770),***' and then his journey to Darmstadt and hij 1* Quoted by Dege [479] 108, without reference. 15 Herder, Wcrke I 436 quoted by Dege [479] 108. leibid., II 233; quoted by Dege [479] 109. 1" Quoted by Dege [479] 110, without reference. 18 Herder, Werke IV 312; quoted by Dege [479] 110. i8«Haym, Herder (Berlin 1880), I 357. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 393 sojourn in Straszburg, where he first met Goethe. The change of surrounding was the more important factor. What wonder, Dege asks, that Shakespeare assumes a new meaning for Herder now, here in Straszburg **wo er in peinlichsten korperlichen Leiden, bald in lebhaftester Qeselligkeit, bald in voUstandiger Abgeschlossenheit seine Tage verbringt, wo Leidenschaft und Freundschaft, Krankheit und Not, Hoffnung und Enttauschun- gen sein Leben von Grund aus erschiittern.''^® Shakespeare has now become Herder's guide, philosopher, and friend: **Erst in dieser Epoche, wird Herder zu einem machtigen, eigentiimlichen Paktor in der deutschen Shakespeare-Literatur, wird er zu dem iiber alle anderen hervorragenden Anreger Goethes, wird er der Verkiindiger von Shakespeares historischer, asthetischer und philosophisch-ethischer Bedeutung. ' '^* This brings us to the second of the problems defined.; the question to what extent Herder was Goethe's mentor in regard to Shakespeare. Minor and Sauer [507] and Suphan [530] defend the theory of Herder's tutorship and their views seem to have been generally accepted, but it seems advantageous here to give heed to objections therto. Minor and Sauer argue as follows: Herder's views regard- ing Shakespeare were, in the Straszburg period, much the same as they were later when he finally publisht his essay^ Shakespeare (1773). They arrive at that conclusion by a comparison of the essay with Herder's letters to Caroline previous to 1771. Now there are four documents, they say, which give us an insight into the opinions prevailing in Straszburg regarding Shake- speare. These are Herder's Shakespeare,^^ already begun in 1771, Goethe's Shakespeare-Rede, purporting to have been de- livered in Frankfurt in 1771, a speech delivered by Lerse in Straszburg on the same day, and Lenz's Anmerkungen iiber das Theater, publisht later as an introduction to his Amor vincit omnia, a translation of Shakespeare's Lovers labor's lost. There are similar ideas exprest in all these documents, altho Lenz's i»Dege [479] 112. 20 Herder, Werke V 208-257; cf. Lambel [531]. 394 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol-^ viewpoint regarding the drama was admittedly different froti^ that of the others. They contend that Shakespeare's drama' ^ greater than the French drama in that it has an historical ja^^" fication, like the Greek drama. Lenz condemns the Greek dra:^^^'^ as well as the French and justifies Shakespeare alone. T^J^^ various manifestos have in common the historical standpoi^^* the polemic tone directed against the French, and much of th^^^ phraseology. On the basis of these facts Minor and Saner igno: other possibilities and hold that Herder taught the Straszbui group to appreciate Shakespeare in his way. Suphan's stut^^ ments in [476] and [530] are still more extreme. In the latte - article he says that Goethe practically applied in his Gotz th^ principles he had learned from Herder, particularly the ideas ^ 1. Nicht Drama, sondem Geschichte haben wir bei Shakespeare, nicht^ die uberlieferte Kunstform, sondem freie Darstellung eines groszen ' Geschehnisses ' in seinem ganzen Verlauf . 2. Alles entspringt bei Shake- speare aus den Charakteren ('aus Sitte,' Ethos). 3. Die Tragodie schildert das Walten des Schicksals, den Kampf einer nur im Wahne des Menschen bestehenden Selbstbestimroung mit der Macht der Nothwendigkeit.^^ Against this the following considerations may be urged : It is admitted that Goethe did not first read Shakespeare under Herder's influence. From Dichtung und Wahrheit we learn that he read Dodd's Beauties of Shakespeare in Leipzig in 1766 ;''^' several quotations from that collection and references to Shakespeare are to be found in his letters to Cornelia from Easter 1766 to May 1777.^^** He does not make it clear just when he first read Wieland s translation,^^* but with his admir- ation for Wieland it is scarcely conceivable that he did not read it in Leipzig, especially as the Hamburgische Dramaiurgie had called attention to it. Despite Goethe's own testimony, **die erste Seite, die ich in ihm las, machte mich auf Zeitlebens ihm eigen, ''-*'* it does not appear that his appreciation of Shake- 2iSuphan [530] 464. 2i« Goethe, Werke I 28, 72. ai** Leitzmann [515ax] 60f. 2i« Goethe, Werke I 28, 73. 21* Ibid., I 37, 130. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 395 speare was as yet very deep. It was when Goethe returned, broken in health, to Frankfurt and began the slow process of recovery that he began to have a fuller understanding of Shake- speare. On February 20, 1770, he wrote to the book-dealer Reich : "Nach Oeser und Shakespeare ist Wieland noch der einzige, den ich fiir meinen echten Lehrer erkennen kann ; andere batten fliir gezeigt, dasz ich fehlte, diese zeigten mir, wie ich's besser machen soUte.*'^* There are also passages in Goethe's Ephe- ^rides which show that Goethe in the earliest Straszburger dftys was reading Shakespeare thotfuUy.^^' In the tenth book of Dichtung und Wahrheit Goethe speaks of his association with Herder without referring either to Shake- ^^are or to Ossian. In the eleventh book he tells of a new ^'^Uence that began to affect him and his circle of friends and turn them away from French literature. He mentions his earlier ^^quaintance with Shakespeare and with Wieland *s translation. "^ tells how he and his Strassburg friends now read Shakespeare ^^ whole and in part, in the original and in translation, and how ^tiey imitated the manner of life of Shakespeare 's time and even ^is quibbles. Here Lenz distinguisht himself especially. Herder ^8 not mentioned as a leader. It is not conceivable that he par- ticipated in these absurdities. Goethe was apparently himself the leader of the younger circle. **Hiezu trug nicht wenig bei, dasz ich ihn (Shakespeare) vor alien mit groszem Enthusiasmus ergriffen hatte. Ein freudiges Bekennen, dasz etwas Hoheres iiber mir schwebe, war ansteckend fiir meine Freunde, die sich alle dieser Sinnesart hingaben." Thereupon Goethe does in- deed mention Herder: **Will jemand unmittelbar erfahren, was damals in dieser lebendigen Gesellschaft gedacht, gesprochen und verhandelt worden, der lese den Aufsatz Herders iiber Shakespeare in dem Hefte Van deutscher Art und Kunst; ferner Lenzens Anmerkungen ubers Theater/ ^^^ 22 Ibid., IV, 1. 22« Ibid., I 37, 94 and 95. 28 Ibid., I 28, 75. 396 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 No broad conclusions, Diintzer holds, are to be drawn from this observation: Keines von beiden (Herder's and Lenz's essays) stellt die An»»*"^ der damaligen Gesellschaft dar. Herder stand nur mit Goethe und J^^^ in Verbindung, wenn er auch Salzmann einmal, wahrsoheinlich in ^ letztcn Zeit, besuchte; sein Aufsatz ist erst in Biickeburg verfaszt. ^ Straszburg hat er sich in dieser eingehenden Weise weder gegen Go^** noch gegen einen seiner Bekannten ausgelassen. Lenz lief erst spf^^ in dieser Weise gegen das bestehende Theater Sturm, obgleich er das Ansehen gab, sein Aufsatz sei zwei Jahre vor dem Gotz in ei: Gesellschaft guter Freunde vorgelesen worden. Lenz und Herder stand wie es Goethe ausfiihrt, ganz anders gegen Shakespeare, und sie hab^ sich in Straszburg gar nicht gekannt. Die Wahrheit ist, dasz Goet Lerse und Jung fiir Shakespeare gewonnen hatte, letzteren, wie dies selbst berichtet, auch fiir Ossian, Fielding und Sterne; von einer Erleuci tung Goethes iiber Shakespeare durch Herder findet sich keine einzi( Spur, ja er brauchte ihn nicht erst fiir diesen zu begeistern, er hatte ih in seinem Enthusiasmus eher ziigelii als spornen miissen. Vor ihin wurd dieser Enthusiasmus verheimlicht, er loderte frei auf in dem Urogangi mit seinen jungeren Freunden, besonders nach Herders Abreise, und ausschweifendsten, als der tolle Lenz zu ihnen trat.^^ If Herder was not Goethe's inspirer in regard to Shake- speare, still less was he his teacher in the manner suggested by Suphan. Methodical instruction from the point of view of com- parative literary history would not have helpt Goethe, who wanted to read and appreciate, deferring systematic study. Moreover such a procedure was not natural to Herder. **Ware Herder methodischer gewesen,*' Goethe says in Dichtung und WaJirheit, **so hatte ich auch fiir eine dauerhafte Richtung meiner Bildung die kostlichste Anleitung gefunden ; aber er war mehr geneigt zu priifen und anzuregen als zu fiihren und zu leiten.''2« In spite of all these facts, which Diintzer very properly em- phasizes, most readers of Herder and Goethe will probably feel that there is in Goethe's ** Rede*' enuf of Herder's thot and enuf of his characteristic form of expression to justify the be- lief that when better disposed he was accustomed to talk to 2*Diintz^ [510] 386. 25 Goethe, Werke 1 27, 314. ^«> 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 397 Goethe about Shakespeare or at least to think aloud when Ooethe ^as present and so to communicate to him in a fragmentary H^ay some of the ideas that later found their final form in Herder's Shakespeare, Stadler at least seems to agree in general ^ith Minor and Sauer : Herders uberlegene Kennerschaft weist Goethe von dem Bteifen, ^uehternen, Miszlungenen der (Wielandschen) Obersetzung auf die J^gendfrisehe Schonheit des Originals und laszt blitzartig die ungeheure -^liift aufschimmem, die Shakespeare von seinem deutschen Cbersetzer *''ennt. Nun erwachst aus leidenschaftlichem Einleben in den Urtext ^^<1 im Gedankenaustausch mit gleichgesinnten Freunden eine ganz neue "^^Seisterung (ftir Shakespeare ).2<) * ^t he contradicts his own statement a page or two later, when ^^ quotes Goethe's remark to Polk on January 25, 1813, the ^^3^ of Wieland's burial: **Eben diese hohe Natiirlichkeit ist ^"^ Grund warum ich den Shakespeare, wenn ich mich wahrhaft '^tzen will, jedesmal in der Wielandschen tJbersetzung lese.''^^ It would thus appear that the extent of Herder's influence Goethe's views is still an unsettled question, but Friedrich t541] gives a definite answer to the question regarding the de- ^l"ee of Lenz's indebtedness to his Straszburg contemporaries. -C^nz prefixt to his Anmerkungen iiher das Theater (1774) the Assertion: ** Diese Schrift ward zwey Jahre vor Erscheinung ^er Deutschen Art und Kunst und des Odtz van Berlichingen in einer Gesellschaft guter Freunde vorgelesen." Goethe was one of the first to call the statement into question. Some forty years after the event he observed in Dichtung und WaJirheit that the assertion was **einigermaszen auffallend" and that the existence of any such society as Lenz spoke of was unknown to him.^® Naturally enuf most later commentators have shared Goethe's doubts for, in the first place, Goethe's ignorance of the society was good negative evidence, secondly, passages in the Anmer- kungen were obviously called out by Herder's essay, and finally 28 stadler [613] 91. 2T Biedermann, Gesprdche II 166. 2» Goethe, Werke I 28, 251. Cf. Winkler in MLN IX (1894) 66-78. 398 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol Lenz's assertions were considered none too trustworthy whe his own personal vanity was involved. In recent years it b been shown, however, that such a society did exist, that Le was its leading spirit, and that he read papers before it as ear as 1771. These facts taken in connexion wuth the internal evidea have enabled Priedrich [541] to retrace the steps in the develo; ment of Lenz's work. It is now admitted that the treatize, ( it finally appeared, was made up of several separate **Anme kungen,*' written at various times between 1771 and 1774-* follows : * * 1. Vber die Theorie von den drei Einheiteti im Dran\ read before the Straszburg *Societe de philosophic et de bell lettres' in the winter of 1771. 2. Vher das Wescn des Drann read before the same society probably a short time after. t^ber das Handwerksmdszige in der dramatischen Literatur 6 Franzosen, written not earlier than 1773 as is shown by its ech( of Herder's Shakespeare. 4. t^ber den Vnterschied des antik und modernen Dramas, which was added to the others in 17 just before the publication. Priedrich has republisht the wh< essay in variorum type even indicating such details as **er Bearbeitung, " * * Plickstellen der ersten Bearbeitung, " a **zweite Uberarbeitung. * * The inconsistencies of Lenz's treat: have been frequently pointed out. In Priedrich *s reprint it clear that these exist only in parts that originated at differe times. Lenz's prefatory remark in regard to the priority of 1 Anmerkungcn over Herder's Shakespeare and Goethe's Giitz justified, but only when applied to the first two parts. Interi evidence also supports this view. Lessing's Hamburgische Di maturgie is the only necessary presupposition to the earli portions. Priedrich shows how in the Shakespeare-Aufsatz, t Shakespeare-Rede y and the earliest Anmerkungen Herder, Goetl and Lenz develop, each in his own way, the fundamental idea Lessing's 17. Liter at urbrief and forty-sixth number of the Hat 29 Cf. KeckeiB [600] 28. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 399 hrgische Dramaiurgie regarding the unities. The second of Lenz's Anmerkungen shows its author's familiarity with the writings of BatteuXy Leibniz, and Baumgarten.^® The third of the Anmerkungen shows the stimulating effect of Herder's Shakespeare^ and the **erste Redaktion*' gives back verbal echoes of Goethe's Shakespeare-Rede, when the subject of genius is ^oucht upon. **Diese Gedanken," Friedrich says, **haben fiir Oeutschland ihren letzten Ausgangspunkt in Youngs Gedanken ^ber die Originalwerke/ '^^ This brings up a question which apparently has never been ^'^Wered as yet, whether Lenz knew Young's essay at first hand ^^ring the period 1771-1773. A priori one would surmize that ^^ ^id. The work was sufficiently well known and Lenz, even f^ ^ student in Eonigsberg (1768-1771), was an admirer and ^*^it:ator of Young's Night thoughts. It has even been suggested ^^►t he may have known Hamann personally while there,^* yet ^ left Konigsberg quite unaffected by the new trend of literary ^^^^ticisms. Passing thru Berlin in 1771 on the way to Straszburg ^ sot to find a publisher for so antiquated a product as a trans- '^'"^ion into alexandrines of Pope's Essay on criticism. Rosanov justified in saying that if Lenz read Young's treatize in onigsberg it made no impression on him.^* Soon after his ^>rival in Straszburg Lenz developt a new taste in poetry, but Neither Kind, Friedrich, Keckeis, Rosanov, nor Ranch suggests tie direct influence of Young in this transition, and Schmidt's Oracular and undocumented statement regarding Lenz in 1771 throws no further light on the question : * * Er warf den bisherigen Ballast von sich und schwur begeistert iiber dem neuen Young- schen Testamenten des Dichters, dem Buch der Natur und dem Buch des Menschen, auf die Namen Homers, Ossians, Shake- speares."** 80 For the relation of Lenz to Mercier see Keckeis [600] 88-95; for Diderot > Lenz, ibid., p. 80-88. 81 Friedrich [541] 79. 88 Cf. Warda in Euph XIV (1907) 613; cf. Rosanov [539] 55 and 464. 84 Rosanov [539] 77. 85 Schmidt [536] 6. 3l.' 400 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Y^* Lenz came into three distinct relations to Shakespeare ; tli of commentator, translator, and imitator. As an appendix his Anmerkungen he publisht his Amor vincit omnia, a trai lation of Lovers labor ^s lost, in order to present what he regard as an unbeaiitified and unfalsified picture of the poet's wo which, according to the opinion of Lenz and his fellow radicat could best be done by a prose rendering. In his choice of drama, however, Lenz was singularly unfortunate since the esseir-: tial beauty of Lovers labor's lost is in its verse and rime. Len^ was also unfortunate in his choice of his English basia Clarke [124] has shown that it was from Pope's edition of Shakespeare that he translated. The passages which Pope omitted from the text and included only in the notes Lenz omitted entirely. In 1776 Lenz translated some fragments from Coriolanus which, however, were not publisht during his life.'*' The influence of Shakespeare upon Lenz's technik is ex- hibited chiefly in his comedies Der Hofmeister (1774) and Dtf Soldaten (1776). Ranch [537] has analyzed it under the cap- tions **Die drei Einheiten,'' **Shakespeares Ilistorienstil," and **Streben nach Natur.'' This is followed by a study of Shake speare's influence on Lenz's diction. The concluding portion i entitled * * Shakespeares Einflusz auf Charakteristik und Motiv< in Lenzens Dichtungen: Anklange, Parallelstellen und Bernini scenzen.'' Ranch finds that Lenz's borrowings from Shakespean take by no means so concrete and obvious a form as in the oaa of the less gifted and original Klinger. Wahrend Klinger Shakespeare oft geradezu zu pliindern erecheint, . . ist es bei Lenz sehwer, die direkte Einwirkung Shakespeares auf Motiv< und Charakteristik zu fixieren. £s finden sich meistens nur Reminiscen zen unbedeutenderer Art, Anklange und Parallelstellen. Der Einflua: Shakespeares auf Lenz ist mehr verarbeitet, ist innerlicher und zeigt sicl auch verborgener als bei Klinger.3<» That Hamlet should have made a deep impression upon hin was to be expected in view of Lenz's own foreshadowed fate S5« Lenz, Schnften III 414f. 8« Ranch [537] 85. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 401 Bauch discovers several Hamlet reminiscences in Lenz's Prinz Tandi in Der neue Menoza, Strephon in Die Freunde machen den PhUosophen and Robert Hot in Der Engldnder. Between Lenz and Romeo Ranch also finds a certain similarity, with cor- responding reminiscences in Lenz's work. Echoes of King Lear, Othello, and other plays are less numerous. On the whole Ranch finds, as most other critics have done, ftat Shakespeare's influence was detrimental to Lenz: ** Seine Fahigkeiten wiesen ihm einen andern Weg, und so muszte die fiinwirkung der Shakespeareschen Dichtung ihm immer etwas ^I'eTudes bleiben." Herder's words ** Shakespeare hat euch ganz ver^iorben" fitted Lenz better than Goethe. *'Es ist dies um ®^ Oaehr zu bedauern, als Lenz ein wahrer Dichter war, von Origi- ^^litat und unerschopflicher Produktivitat. ... So aber trug er ^^^.ffen, die fiir seinen Korper zu schwer waren und fiel als das ^^^lagenswerteste Opfer der Shakespearomanie der Sturm- und ^^mgperiode. ' '^^ Most of the investigators have taken subject-matter rather *^^Ein form as their criterion in judging the influence of Shake- l^eare upon the ** Storm and stress" movement. Gundolf, as ^^ill be shown in a later chapter, lays emphasis on form. He ^^•oceeds on the assumption that not Shakespeare in the original *^\it Shakespeare as he appeared in the guise of Wieland's trans- lation was the basis of the new form which the *' Sturm und XDrang" introduced. This assumption, as far as Goethe is con- Qerned, is supported by the studies which have just been past in review. Nor is it likely that many of Goethe's revolutionary coUeags, Lenz excepted, read Shakespeare in the English with greater ease than Goethe. The **Originalgenies" were all quite dependent on the translation of Wieland, whose view of Shake- speare they held to be so narrow. Lenz's Amor vincit omnia, his Coriolanus fragment, and a few fragments by Herder com- prize almost their entire effort to present a picture of Shake- speare's art compatible with the ** Sturm und Drang" conception of it. «T Ibid., p. 101. 402 UJiiversiiy of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Chapter 16 B«HTLINGK»S SHAKESPEARE UND UNSEBE KLASSIKEB At the first glance (see Bibliography, part II) it appear^ if the literature regarding Shakespeare's influence on Lessi^^' Goethe, and Schiller were extensive enuf to satisfy the v%^^^ zealous inquirer; but on nearer inspection much of the tJ cussion proves to have dealt with abstractions and the great ^^ part of the remainder with details. So there was undoubtedly^ a need for such a series of works as that of Bohtlingk [549]^ [514], [565], which should systematically define the relations of the German classic dramatists to Shakespeare. Bohtlingk 's works failed to find favor with the critics, and this not without good reason. In the first place he has evidently been trained in the journalistic rather than the scientific school. Except when he pillories some notable predecessor such as Ericli Schmidt, he proceeds with a high disregard of earlier investi- gators and doubtless sincerely believes himself the first discoverer of every truth he proclaims. Secondly, he is an unqualified admirer of Shakespeare and is inclined to commend the achieve- ments of the later dramatists according to the degree with which they have yielded themselves up to their great predecessor. Thirdly, he has an aggressive way of stating extreme theses and defending them at all costs, that does not commend him as a safe critic. Finally, his conception of influence is a far cruder one than that which prevails among his fellow critics. Nothing can be more fruitless than to recount for page after page how later dramatists have copied or varied the themes, characters, and situ- ations of Shakespearean dramas. In spite of all these objections Bohtlingk 's trilogy of books is useful, for it brings compactly together a great mass of concrete matter, elsewhere widely scat- tered. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 403 Of his three monographs on the classic German literature the first one [549], which deals with Lessing, has found the least favor. It is divided into two parts. The first is entitled : ** Wann und wue ist Lessing zu Shakespeare gekommen ? * ' and the second : **Wie hat Shakespeare auf Lessing eingewirkt und dieser ihn genutztf Bohtlingk's answer to the first question is that Dry den's Essay of dramatick poesie directed Lessing 's attention to the Elizabethan literature and to Shakespeare: **Dryden war die Briicke, die unsern Lessing, indem er ihn iiber die Kopfe der nach-Shakespearschen Dichter hinweg, diesem zufiihrte."^ His answer to the second question is the sweeping assertion : Lessing hat, von dem Tage an, da ihm der englische Dichterkonig in seiner ganzen Tragweite fiir unsere deutsche Dichtung, zumal fiir sein eigenes Sehaifen, aufgegangen war, selbstverstandlich kein Buhnenstuck entworfen, keine Szene gestaltet, kaiim eine Person characterisiert, ohne ihn zu Kate zu Ziehen, Shakespeares Meisterwerke, so viel als irgend moglich, als Goldgrube zu nutzen.3 This latter thesis, since it offends the soul of poetry, is far more objectionable than the former, which is merely a slight exagger- ation. In an earlier chapter it has been conceded that Dry den's Essay of dramatick poesie was at least an important element in Lessing 's theoretic conversion to Shakespeare, tho the views of Addison and the studies of Nicolai and Mendelssohn also played a large role therein. Wh^n Bohtlingk further asserts, **al8 Lessing den 17. Literaiurhrief mit der Probe aus seinem Faust hinausschickt, hat er den Shakespeare-Gipfel gliicklich erstie- gen,"^ this is still greater exaggeration, as has already been shown. Bohtlingk is rather fond of striking and extreme statements, which by later reservations are reduced to tenable theses. He admits that Lessing 's conversion was not a sudden one, that he came upon Shakespeare's drama by way of the post-Elizabethan English drama. This preliminary schooling in the English 1 Bohtlingk [549] 76. 2 Ibid., p. 9. »Ibid., p. 86. 404 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoV^ 1 drama has been described in fuller detail by Caro [127], W^® has subjected Lessing's early dramas and dramatic fragmei to a close comparison with their English relatives, known a^^^ surmized. Lessing constructed his dramas previously to IT according to correct French principles, but he had already begi^^^ reading English dramas, and these served him as his best sour for motifs. Caro finds that the fragment Der Leichtglaubig (1748) contains reminiscences of Wycherley's The country wif and Der Freygeist (1749) of Wycherley's Oentleman dancing' master, Der gute Mann (1753) contains a modification of the main action of Congreve's Double dealer and Der Vater etn Affe, der Sohn ein Geek (1753) contains a character drawn from the same drama. Danzel and Boxberger had both asserted the in- fluence of Julius Caesar, as tranlated by Borck, in Lessing 's Hemi (written 1749, publisht 1753). Caro joins with Hettner* and Erich Schmidt** in denying this relation. The main model of Henzi, Caro says, was Otway's Venice preserved or a plot discovered. In Miss Sara Sampson (1755) the names Marwood and Mellefont come from Congreve's The way of the world, but the relation of the two characters to each other is different from that of their ** Paten.'* Even after the writing of the 17. Ldtcraturbrief Lessing still makes use for a time of minor English dramas. Philotas (1759) displays a combination of the Shakespearian and the classic form and Alcibiades (ca. 1760) is purely classic, but Scherer has surmized that Otway's Soldier's fortune suggested the fragment Die WitzUnge (1759).'' Shakespearean influence is generally recognized in Minna von Barnhelm (1763) ; but the presence of motifs from Farquhar's Cmxstant couple or a trip to the pihilee is undeniable, and there is also a suggestion of Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair in the comedy. The question of Lessing 's actual indebtedness to Shakespeare in his three greater dramas is the main theme of Bohtlingk, who has assembled a most imposing array of parallel characters, ♦Hettner [75]5 II 457. 5 Schmidt [126]2 215. 8*DR XXI (1881) 286. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 405 motifs, and passages. He finds sanction for such a procedure in Lessing's confession in the last number of his Hamburgische Dramaturgie : Ich fiihle die lebendige Quelle nicht in mir, die durch eigene Kraft sich emporarbeitet, durch eigene Kraft in so reichen, so frischen, so reinen Strahlen aufschieszt: ich musz alles durch Druckwerk und Rohren aus mir heraiif pressen. Ich wiirde so arm, so kalt, so kurzsichtig sejn, wenn ich nicht einigermaaszen gelemt hatte, fremde Schatze bescheiden zu borgen, an fremdem Feuer mich zu warmen, und durch die Glaser der Kunst mein Auge zu starken.** Otto Ludwig was one of the earliest critics to find concrete evidence of Lessing's dependence on Shakespeare. He called Minna von Barnhelm **das erste Stiick, welches den Shakespeare bewuszt und unmittelbar sich zum Muster nahm;*'^ Minna and Franziska were Portia and Nerissa, and the ring episode had had its influence on Lessing's drama. It goes without saying that Bohtlingk agrees with Ludwig here and finds additional simi- larities in the two dramas : first in the dramatic genre, the ming- ling of comedy and tragedy ; second in the characters, where he parallels Just and the Wirt with Lancelot and Gobbo; third in motifs, Minna von Barnhelm having the motif of the good deed in common with The merchant of Venice, the determination for truth in common with Hamlet, the love motif, mature love, in common with OtheUo. Internal evidence can be adduced to support the parallel between Tellheim and Othello: **0 ja! Aber sagen Sic mir doch, mein Fraulein : wie kam der Mohr in Venetianische DiensteT'^' That Kleist also served as a model for Tellheim, and that there is something of Lessing himself in the unyielding major, Bohtlingk readily concedes. In Emilia Galotti Bohtlingk sees some remarkable combina- tions of influence. Galotti and Othello, Emilia and Desdemona are paralleled and the deaths of the latter two are compared in detail. In Emilia's relations with the prince, however, Boht- lingk sees a love relation between hostile houses comparable to « Lessing, Schriften X 209. T Ludwig, Schnften V 330. 7» Minna von Barnhelm IV 6. ] 406 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol* that between Juliet and Borneo. Marinelli is a planning l^^ with the subservience of Polonius; while Orsina, in addition ^ being a new version of Marwood, is also a Hamlet. In the Merchant of Venice friendship is the fundamental U' *" but Bohtlingk finds a strong plea for religious toleration in tK^ character of Shy lock. In Nathan religious toleration as a raot^- comes first and friendship second. Bohtlingk seems to impl^^ that Lessing followed Shakespeare's guidance when in his Natha^^^ he borrowed from Boccaccio the ring story, just as Shakespeare*^ borrowed the story of the three caskets from the Gesta Roman- orum, that is to say likewise from Italy. Some of the material presented by Bohtlingk is sufficient to bring conviction without argument and some is well supported by argument, but other parallels seem forced. Yet it is by no means easy to see what use can be made of such evidence. It does not in itself prove influence. Bohtlingk does not seek to prove that Lessing made Shakespeare's art his own. True, he quotes Otto Ludwig's opinion : **dasz der Dramatiker Lessing der Kunst Shakespeares, von alien unsern deutschen Dramatikem, Goethe, Schiller und Kleist nicht ausgenommen, am nachsten gekommen sei."^** But just previously he had summarized Lud- wig's criticism: **der Verstand herrscht (i.e. in Lessing 's case), die Verstandesarbeit iiberwiegt." Ludwig was aware that the preponderance of ** Reflexion" had been fatal to himself as a dra- matist. On the whole Ludwig contrasted rather than compared Shakespeare and Lessing, and his conclusions do not greatly differ from those of Gundolf, which will be quoted later.* Boht- lingk puts an incomparably higher estimate upon the concrete similarities of motifs and characters than Ludwig and Gundolf. The impression of Lessing which Bohtlingk leaves with us is that of an artizan painfully patching together a mosaic out of divers fragments from the workshop of an artist. When Bohtlingk turns to the theme Goethe und Shakespeare [514] he finds himself confronted with a problem that obviously 7«» Bohtlingk [549] 264. « See Survey, p. 427. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 407 '•^M ^ yield to no such method as that employed in his earlier monograph. For, in the first place, Goethe was not given to bor- rowing characters and situations from other poets ; he turned ^to poetry, drama, or novel chiefly that which he had personally ^^perienced or seen. Furthermore Goethe could not rely on Shakespeare for examples in dramatic technik, for he labored ^der the delusion that Shakespeare's dramas were essentially '^dramatic. This did not prevent him from using Shakespearean *echriik in Gi)tz von Berlichingcn, but he did not write Gotz ^^^itiarily for the stage. ^^htlingk's frank admission of these difficulties inspires some ^^Hfidence. He does not expect to be able to prove direct bor- 5^^^ings of Goethe from Shakespeare. He holds rather that Gotz Shakespearean **durch die ganze Grundstimmung, die darin Ausdruck kommende Gesinnung. ' '® It is incomparably more ^kespearean than Lessing's dramas, **und dies zwar durch die ^^"^priinglichkeit, das Naturwiichsige, die schopf erische Freiheit, ^^I'ch eben das, was Lessingen, nach eigenem Gestandnis, ab- :^^ M9« ipjjjg liijeral principle reminds one of Young's paradox : *iTie less we imitate the ancients the more we shall be like €m;" and yet we find that after all Bohtlingk is planning to mpare Goethe's work with Shakespeare's and to appraise their lue by paralleling the two. True, there is sanction for such a procedure. Herder was ^lie first to draw Ootz into a comparison with the Shakespearean ^^rama, when he wrote to Goethe the sharp criticism: ** Shake- speare hat euch ganz verdorben. "^® Goethe himself regarded » Bohtlingk [514] 45. »* Ibid., p. 42. 10 Herder's letter containing this phrase has been lost. The phrase is preserved only in Goethe's reply. Hence the connexion is not clear, nor is the general tone of the letter a matter of certainty. Diintzer [510] 420 notes the long time that Goethe had to wait for the letter of acknowledg- ment and criticism from Herder, i.e. from Nov. 20, to the beginning of July. He believes that envy partly accounts for the tardy reply and surmizes that the letter was "stark gepfefifert" (p. 422). Harnack [511], who agrees with Diintzer on these points, justifies Herder by interpreting the sentence as meaning that Goethe was not fitted to be an imitator, that he could receive an impulse without but must needs proceed in his own way. 408 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 ) his Ootz as Shakespearean because it presented an historical event in all its complications and ramifications, because it pictured th« entire age as well as the entire life of an historical charact^ti and because he had developt his characters out of their mili^^' It was the power to do this that Goethe most admired in Sh^^^ speare. Minor and Sauer had made an extreme assertioO ^ regard to the relation of Gotz to Shakespeare's plays: ''Q^^^^ wir den tJbereinstimmungen des Gotz mit Shakespearesc?^^ Stiicken bis ins einzelne nach und sehen zu, was Goethe an tiven der Handlung und der Darstellung von Shakespeare lehnt haben kann, so begleitet uns der englische Dichter geringen Pausen fast durch das ganze Stvick/'" They tlr^ ^ proceeded to make comparisons of Gotz with Romeo and Julm^^ Antmiy and Cleopatra, Macbeth, Lear, Hamlet, while for t: ^ « lighter elements of Gotz they found models in Shakespeare comedies. Bohtlingk discredits such comparisons as these an^ holds that Gotz should be compared not with any of the majo^ plays of Shakespeare but rather with the historical ones." Tf is well at this point to refer to the opinion of Gundolf, who says that the chief influence of Shakespeare on Goethe as far as Gotz was concerned was to lead Goethe to treat in a dramatic form a theme of an essentially epic nature.*' When he takes up the subjects of Faust and Werther Boht- lingk reverts to the method he employed in his Lessing mono- graph. Goethe's Faust as originally conceived was comparable, Bohtlingk says, with Shakespeare's Hamlet.** Both these stu- dents came to the appreciation of the fact that there were things in heaven and earth not fathomed by the philosophy of the schools and sot to penetrate the secrets of life by other means. The ghost of Hamlet's father, however, Bohtlingk refrains from comparing with the spirits summoned up by Faust : * * Hamlets 11 Minor and Sauer [507] 263. 12 Bohtlingk [514] 47. 18 See SuavEY, p. 432. 14 Bohtlingk 's chapter on Hamlet and Werther may be here past over, as Gundolf has brot out the connexion in more striking terms. See Survey, p. 433f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literar^ Influences — Survey 409 Gespenst ist weiter nichts als das Brzeugnis der (Jemiitsaufre- gung der Danen iiberhaupt, der danischen Volksseele, und Ham- leta, als des durch den Hingang des Vaters zunachst betrof- fenen/'" In the case of Faust Goethe went to Shakespeare for actual assistance, just as Lessing was accustomed to do, and this is evident, Bohtlingk says, at many points. When Gretchen's mind, like Ophelia's, becomes clouded as a result of her sufferings she too sings a rude song that else had not crost her lips : Heine Mutter, die Hur, Die mich umgebracht hat! ^^t Gretchen is still conscious of her. misdeeds and in phrases ^at remind of Lady Macbeth she releases Faust's hand with the ^^clamation : AchI aber sie ist feucht. Wische sie ab ! Wie mich deucht, Ist Blut daran. Ach OottI Was hast du getan! The brothers of these victims cross blades with the recreant lovers. The song that draws forth Valentine's sword is bor- i^wed from Shakespeare. Goethe demanded of Bckermann why he should invent a new song when Shakespeare had provided him with one so fitting."' Bohtlingk adds that the St. Valen- tine's song of Ophelia apparently gave Gretchen 's brother his name. Bohtlingk is able elsewhere as well to connect Shake- spearean songs with songs, scenes, and characters in Faust. Yet this influence was entirely lacking on one most important side : Hat derart der Einflusz des groszen Briten einzelnen Szenen drama- tisehes, theatralisch wirksames Oeprage gegeben, so hat doch der Anschlusz an Shakespeare, wie beim Gotz und WertheTj auch bei der Konzeption des Faust Goethen, wie er nun einmal zum groszen Briten stand, dem Theater nicht zugefiihrt, sondem von demselben abgekehrt.i<' IB Bohtlingk [514] 63. IB* Eckermann, Gesprdche, p. Ill, under date of Jan. 18, 1825. i« Bohtlingk [514] 67. 410 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Bohtlingk finds Egmont rather more closely related to Sbak^ speare than Ootz}'' Schiller had called it a character trag^^Y and compared it with Macbeth and Richard III, All the oth^^ events and actions are chiefly there to throw a stronger Vi&^ upon the main character. Shakespeare was the first to prcKi^^ such plays, and Goethe with his Ootz and Egmont was the o^^* For Richard III and Macbeth Bohtlingk would substi^^ Hamlet, to which the description tragedy is more applic^^** Hamlet is related to Egmont, he says, in form, soul, and ^'■*' stance. The Netherlands are Egmont 's Denmark, but both let and Egmont perish at the dawn of their country's het:^^ day. Bohtlingk finds Egmont *s sleep especially Shakespeare^^^ **Durch nichts wird Macbeth schwerer gestraft, als dasz er durlKaii daughter of the player Neumann. Goethe trained her personally -w^i* the part, and she made a deep impression upon the Weimar circle. "^^«r death at the age of twenty-one was the occasion of Goethe's Elegie ^ \823), in which the days of the rehearsal for King John are touchingly ^^called; cf. Goethe Werke 11:1, 281. 24 Bohtlingk [514] 201 says: **Im August 1803 wagte es Goethe auch ^^it dem Julius Cdsar. Wie es scheint ohne wesentliche Abanderungen. * . . Schiller ward von der AuflPiihrung ganz bewaltigt. Er nehme, schreibt ^r an Goethe, da er am folgenden Tag nach Jena ging, einen groszen ^indnick mit.'' Bohtlingk's dating is erroneous here. The letter of Schiller which he quotes is dated Oct. 2, 1803; Schillers Brief e ed. Jonas (Stuttgart 1896), VII 80. Julius Cdsar in Schlegel's translation first went over the boards in Weimar, Oct. 1, 1803. See Goethe, Werke IV 16, 314; cf. Burkhardt [515] 49. The nature of the changes made is indicated by Goethe in a letter to Schlegel dated Oct. 27, 1803; cf. Goethe, Werke TV 16, 335-338. 24« Goethe [707] 69 says that Schroder did right to omit the introduc- tory scene in King Lear: "£r hat damit zwar den Gharakter des ganzen Stiicks aufgehoben. Aber er hatte doch recht. Denn in dieser Szene erscheint Lear so absurd, dasz man seinen Tochtern in der Folge nicht ganz unrecht geben kann. Der Alte jammert einen, aber Mitleid hat man nicht mit ihm, und Mitleid wollte Schroder erregen, sowie Abscheu gegen die zwei unnatiirlichen, aber doch nicht durchaus zu scheltenden Tochter. ' ' Goethe 's failure to grasp the fundamental idea of the tragedy doubtless throws some light on the version as presented on the Weimar stage. 25 Goethe, Werke 1 9, 169ff. 414 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 SO much for the sake of its content as its form. The two poets knew that the public would be astonisht at such a course on their part since they, not many years ago, had helpt Lessing dethrone Voltaire and establish Shakespeare.^' Schiller determined, as he exprest it, to wait for the public * * mit geladener Flinte. ' ' Hence arose his Geharnischie Stamen addrest to Goethe: Du selbst, der uns von falsehem Begelzwange Zu Wahrheit und Natur zuriickgefiihrt, Der, in der Wiege schon ein Held, die Schlange Erstickt, die unsern Genius umschniirt, Du, den die Kunst, die gottliche, schon lange Mit ihrer reinen Priesterbinde ziert — Du opferst auf zertriimmerten Altaren Der Aftermuse, die wir nicht mehr ehrenfso However commendable the purpose, the means chosen were ill- advised and A. W. Schlegel was justified in characterizing Goethe's translation of Mahomet as a work that ought never to have been undertaken.^^ Bohtlingk presents Goethe's Die natiirliche Tochter as an impressive example of the weakening of Goethe's dramatic talent as a result of his turning away from Shakespeare: Dahin, in solehe gestaltlose ^^hofisehe*' Leere, war der Dichter des Gotz, des Faust und des Egmont geraten, indem er sich den Klassikern der franzosisohen Hofdichtung wieder zuwandte und dadurch immer weiter von jenem Shakespeare abkam, der ihm einst alles gewesen war, den er indes in seiner Eigenschaft als Meister der Buhnendiehtkunst nie erfaszt hat.27« An equally striking example of Goethe's inability to feel with Shakespeare at this time is his version of Romeo and Juliet, In Straszburg, under the influence of Herder, he admired nothing more in Shakespeare than **die urwvichsige, naturgemasze, un- auflosliche Verwachsung der vorgefiihrten Begebenheit mit der 25« But cf . Survey, p. 377. 26 Schiller, JVerke I 199. 27 A. W. Schlegel, Vorlesungen iiber dramatische Kunst und Literature (Heidelberg 1817), IV 177; quoted by Bohtlingk [514] 208. 2T« Bohtlingk [514] 219. price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 415 ."dingenden Atmosphare und Lokalitat/ '^® but now in his eo and Juliet he omits the street scenes as irrelevant, and lens the psychology of Romeo as a character by casting aside '^Vorgeschichte." The further variations may be found in itlingk and elsewhere.^® The version was first presented Jan. 1812, on the birthday of Herzogin Luise. It was received b favor and often repeated. Goethe was quite satisfied with ' work: **Diese Arbeit war ein groszes Studium fiir mich, d ich habe wohl niemals dem Shakespeare tiefer in sein Talent fleingeblickt. Aber er, wie alles Letzte, bleibt denn doch uner- ^idlich."*^ Goethe nevertheless declined to have his version inted. He wrote to Cotta, Feb. 21, 1812: **Fur den Druck • das Stiick nicht geeignet, auch mochte ich denen abgottischen ^i"^tzem und Gonservatoren Shakespeares nicht geme einen ^S'^nstand hingeben, an dem sie ihren Diinkel auslassen kon- 5iX^ »'3i j^^^ Schlegel, who was here alluded to, was able to judge ^ t:lie version perhaps on the basis of a presentation which he ^^l seen in Weimar, and he spoke with fitting severity : ^8 ist iiberhaupt nur einem so groszen Dichter wie Goethe zu vergeben, ^^x^n er das Meisterwerk eines anderen so grausam behandelt, wie mit ^^^sem Trauerspiel wirkUch geschehen ist, wo man vom Original so wenig ^*ederfindet und selbst daa, was noch dasteht, durch die sonderbare ^instellung in einem ganz andern Lichte erscheint und seine wahre ^^deutung verloren hat.>2 " Ibid., p. 221. 2»See especially Bibliography nos. [524]-[527]. Hauschild's program [526] is a work of textual criticism; it compares Goethe's Romeo und Julia with the original and the Schlegel translation and shows that Goethe has improved on Schlegel at many points. Wendling's treatize [527J deals with the esthetic problems and confirms the generally ac- cepted belief that Goethe's chief aim in his versions was to diminish the number of minor plots and reduce the drama to what he took to be its essentials. Daffis [520] relates that the Weimar version of Hamlet was destroyed by fire in 1829. He supposes that the theater copy of Hamlet, arranged soon after the fire and still in use, represents the older form. If this be true Goethe did not actually carry out the proposals made in Wilhelm Meister. soBiemer, Mittheilungen iiber Goethe (Berlin 1841), II 655f. >i Goethe, Werke IV 22, 2. Goethe's version of Borneo and Juliet was published apparently for the first time in the Weimar edition, I 9, 169ff. S2 Schlegel, Vorlesungen iiher dramatische Kunst und Literatur, quoted by Bohtlingk [514] 228 without page reference. 416 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 When Goethe at the end of the century took up his Faust again to complete the first part and then later proceeded to the second, the theme once more brot with it Shakespeare. This time it was The tempest that provided him with the needed aid if not inspiration. Bohtlingk, like many other critics, interprets The tempest allegorically. Prospero is Shakespeare, Ariel his inspiration, Miranda his dramatic work. Ferdinand is the talent of the player, that must be taught to serve the master faithfully ere it can participate in his work. Caliban is his rude public and at the same time the ruder themes that serve to entertain the public. The King of Naples with his retainers and the usurp- ing Duke of Milan are the opponents of the poet. In this drama, presumably his last, Shakespeare has made his own work his theme. This is what Goethe did in the second part of Faust. The marriage of Faust with Helena is the most striking proof of this purpose. Goethe also freed his mind in regard to theater director and clown^' just as Shakespeare had regarding his opponents and the public. Bohtlingk reinforces these general comparisons by many parallels in detail. The scenic backgrounds of the two plays are equally indefinite and romantic : * * Goethes Arkadien, die griechische Halbinsel, ist so wenig reell wie Prosperos Insel eine wirklich vorhandene. "'* Bohtlingk admits one essential difference between the two works. Goethe associates his drama with classic antiquity, with Homer and the epic. Faust II is, as a whole, epic and lyric rather than dramatic. Yet he says: ** Goethes dichterischer Genius hat sich nie unraittelbarer mit dem Shakespeareschen beriihrt, als da ihm fiir seinen Faust als Dichter-Priester dessen Sturm vorbildlicli wurde.^'^^ The views of Goethe regarding Shakespeare need not be derived from his dramas alone; they are clearly exprest in his theoretic works, especially in his Shakespeare und kein Ende 83 The Vorspiel auf dem Theater, tho placed before the first part, was not written before 1797. 84 Bohtlingk [514] 284. 85 Ibid., p. 286. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Inflttences — Survey 417 [707]. The work was called out in 1813 by the attacks of the romanticists upon his version of Romeo and Juliet, The last part was not completed until 1823. The essay appeared in Vber Kunst und Altertxim and consists of three parts: 1. Shakespeare als Dichter iiberhaupt ; 2. Shakespeare, verglichen mit den Alten und den Neuesten ; 3. Shakespeare als Theaterdichter. In the first part Goethe emphasized Shakespeare's insight into the human soul but said his works were not intended for the bodily eye: ** Shakespeare spricht durchaus an unsern in- nern Sinn.'*^* Hamlet's ghost and Macbeth 's witches were better so perceived than on the stage. There was no higher pleasure than that of listening with closed eyes to Shakespeare's plays well read. The second part particularly is directed against the roman- ticists, for here Goethe emphasizes the fact that Shakespeare's interest was for the actualities of this world and not for the hidden mysteries behind it, as the romanticists held : Denn wenn auch Wahrsagung und Wahnsinn, Traume, Ahnungen, Wunderzeichen, Feen und Gnomen, Gespenster, Unholde und Zauberer ein magisches Element bilden, das zur rechten Zeit seine Dichtungen durchsehwebt, so sind doch jene Tniggestalten keineswegs Hauptingre- dienzien seiner Werke, sondern die Wahrheit und Tiiohtigkeit seines Lebens ist die grosze Base, worauf sie ruhen; deszhalb uns alles, was sich von ihm herschreibt, so echt und kernhaft erscheint.37 The third part directly confirms Bohtlingk's main thesis, that Goethe regarded Shakespeare as a great poet but not as a practical model for the theatrical writer: **Sein (Shakespeares) groszes Talent ist das eines Bpitomators, und da der Dichter iiberhaupt als Epitomator der Natur erscheint, so miissen wir auch hier Shakespeares groszes Verdienst anerkennen, nur laug- nen wir dabei und zwar zu seinen Ehren, dasz die Buhne ein wiirdiger Raum fiir sein Genie gewesen."'* 3« Goethe [707] 54. 37 Ibid., p. 57f . 38 Ibid., p. 67. To Eckermann Goethe said (Dec. 25, 1825) of Shake- speare: ''An die Biihne hat er nie gedaeht, sie war sein em groszen Geiste viel zu enge, ja selbst die ganze sichtbare Welt war ihm zu enge. ' ' Eckermann, Gesprdchef p. 133. 418 . University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vo\.^ In his last years Goethe spoke apologetically of his Sh spearean adaptations: In his discussion of Tieck's Drama ^^^' gische Blatter (1829) he said: Wo ich Tieck ferner auch sehr gerne antreffe, ist, wenn er als Eif fiir die Einheit, Untheilbarkeit, Unantastbarkeit Shakespeares auft und ihn ohne Bedaktion und Modifikatlon von Anfang bis zu Ende das Theater gebracht wissen will. Wenn ich vor zehn Jahren der e gegengesetzten Meinung war und mehr als einen Versuch machte, das eigentlich Wirkende aus den Shakespeareschen Stiicken auszu^hl das Storende aber und Umherschweifende abzulehnen, so hatte ich, einem Theater vorgesetzt, ganz recht. . . . Nun (aber) sind Schauppiel^ so gut wie Dichter und Leser in dem Falle, nach Shakespeare hiur blicken und durch ein Bemiihen nach dem Unerreichbaren ihre eigene inneren, wahrhaft naturlichen Fahigkeiten aufzuschlieszen.» The romanticists were at one time inclined to rate Tieck a greater poet than Goethe. Goethe frankly exprest to Bcker- mann a contrary opinion : * * Ich kann dies gerade heraussagen, denn was geht es mich an, ich habe mich nicht gemacht. Es ware ebenso, wenn ich mich mit Shakespeare vergleichen woUte, der sich auch nicht gemacht hat und der doch ein Wesen hoherer Art ist, zu dem ich hinaufblicke, und das ich zu verehren habe.''*® Byron, Goethe said, could rival Shakespeare in poetic power: **In Auffassung des Auszeren und klarem Durchblick vergangener Zustande ist er so grosz als Shakespeare, aber Shake- speare ist als reines Individuum libera- iegend. * ' It was for this reason, Goethe held, that Byron made no attempt to rival Shake- speare** and it had been imprudent for Goethe himself to do so : **Br (Shakespeare) ist gar zu reich und zu gewaltig. Bine pro- duktive Natur darf alle Jahre nur ein Stiick von ihm lesen, wenn sie nicht an ihm zugrunde gehen will. Ich that wohl, dasz ich durch meinen Gotz von Berlichivgen und Egmofit ihn mir vom Halse schaffte. ' '*- Goethe is here speaking only of his conscious imitation of Shakespeare, and the statement in no wise contra- dicts the acknowledgment to Frau von Stein and Sh^espeare: **Buch verdank ich, was ich bin.'* 8» Quoted by Bohtlingk [514] 302 without page reference. 40 Eckermann, Gesprdchey p. 85, under date of Mar. 30, 1824. 41 Ibid., p. 118 and 119, under date of Feb. 24, 1825. « Ibid., p. 133. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 419 Bohtlingk's conclusion is as follows: Je hoher wir Goethes Weltanschauung und Dichtung werteu, desto mehr haben wir Ursache, nicht zu vergessen, dasz er, nach semein oigenen Gestandnisse, auf der Hohe seines Greisenalters, im Riickblick auf den Werdegang und die Ernte seines ganzen Lebens, William Shakespeare verdankte, was er geworden war. Die ganze Tragweite dieses seines Bekenntnisses haben wir deutlich ermessen konnen an dem Oewiehte seiner einzelnen Dichterwerke: erst seitdem er mit dem englisehen Dich- terkonige in engste Fiihlung gekomuien und nur soweit und so lange dies der Fall war, ist er jener Goethe, in welchem wir Deutsche unsern Dichterfursten verehren. With this judgment many admirers of Goethe will disagree, particularly with the implied disparagement of Tasso and Iphigenic, Bohtlingk treatize will not be construed otherwise than as a maximum statement of the case. He has isolated Goethe and Shakespeare too much in his picture. Thus the influence of Hamlet and The tempest on Faust are treated ex- haustively, but there is no mention of Marlowe's Faust. *^ In some cases Bohtlingk has new interpretations of Shakespeare's plays upon which he bases his discoveries of resemblances. Of these discoveries in regard to Goethe not so much is new as Bohtlingk seems to think. He has not read all the previous liter- ature on the subject.^* Nevertheless his work is a convenient one to take in hand because it presents clearly if somewhat one- sidedly the facts in the case. Gundolf 's judgment, on the other hand,** is founded on a total view of the subject but presupposes a knowledge of most of the essential facts.*** -•a Goethe did not know Marlowe's Faust in the original but in the translation of Wilhelm Muller (1818) according to Koch, ES XVIT (1892) 242. Against this view see Heller [221]. **See the valuable review of Jahu in ShJ XL VI (1910) 279-282. ^5 See next chapter of Survey. ••« Chubb 's essay [513] contains little that has not been included in some form in this Survey. Leo's article [508] has two purposes: 1. to correct a common belief that Goethe regarded Shakespeare as a rival and was jealous of his popularity; 2. to show that Goethe had a deep understanding of Shakespeare's work. His interpretation of Hamlet in Wilhelm Meister is the leading evidence presented. The article does not increase our knowledge regarding the relation of Goethe to Shakespeare, but quotations are brot together in a convenient fashion. Wagener's dis- sertation [509], as shown by Koch's review, does not advance knowledge on its theme but confuses the whole matter by inaccurate and misleading statements. Green's article [512] was not at my command. 420 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.^ Bohtlingk's Schiller und Shakespeare [565] is the raort €*' tensive and perhaps the least stimulating of his three xaoty^ m graphs.*^ He mentions specifically as his predecessors in tl^^ theme only Kiihnemann and Otto Ludwig, defending the lati^*^ against Kiihnemann 's criticism. When Ludwig constantly co# . pares Schiller with Shakespeare to Schiller's disadvantage he in reality echoing Schiller's own avowal that Shakespeare was naive, himself a sentimental poet. The greater part of his discoveries Bohtlingk seems to claiit:^ as new. Schiller had himself acknowledged his indebtedness t( Shakespeare in his Rdiiber and specifically to Hamlet in his Don Carlos. Echoes of Shakespeare had been noted in Fiesco, Wat- lenstein, and WUhelm Tell, and that was all. But the findings even here could be supplemented. Bohtlingk goes beyond Kiihne- mann when he shows that not only Lear and Richard III but also Othello and Hamlet have left their traces in the Rauher, The relation of Titus Andronicus to Fiesco, Hamlet and Othello to Kabale und Liebe, and of The tempest, King Lear, and Hamlet to the Menschenfeind had also past unnoticed. The relation of Schiller's historical plays to Shakespeare's had never been thoroly discust: Was werden die Herren vom *'Fach" vollends fur Augen machen bei dem Nachweis, dasz der Maria Stuart Shakespeares Konig Johann zugrunde liegtf. Oder dazu, dasz Schillers Jungfrau geradezu einer Nachbihlung gleiehkommt von Shakespeares Pucelle, wie man den ersten Teil Hein- rich VL iiberschreiben konnte, und dabei zugleich den Aufbau von Shake- speares Konig Lear zur Grundlage hatf*« It will be seen that the greater part of this work of Bohtlingk is made up of parallel passages, parallel motifs, and other as- serted borrowings and therefore cannot be reduced to a formula. Elsewhere in this Survey Gundolf is quoted, who defines the essential difference between Schiller and Shakespeare and sho¥r8 the dynamic effect of Schiller's interpretation of Shakespeare in 47 Bibliography [514], [549], [565]. 4« Bohtlingk [565] xiii. _ 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 421 ': -J ''^^ iM Germany.** It will be sufficient here to indicate the degree of ^ i:J Schiller's adhesion to Shakespeare at various stages in his career, as defined by Bohtlingk. It was Professor Abel of the Karlsschule who first made Shakespeare known to Schiller, and this same teacher has left a Record of the event : N'och immer erinnere ich mich jener Szene. Ich war gewohnt bei "'^''Icla.ning psychologisdher Begriflfe Stellen aus Dichtern vorzulesen, um . ** Vorgelesene anschaulicher und interessanter zu machen; dieses tat ^*^ ixisbesondere auch, als ich den Kanipf der Pflicht mit der Leidenschaft ^^t" einer Leidenschaft mit einer andern Leidenschaft erklarte, welchen **^^liaulichef zu machen ich elnige der schonsten, hierher passenden ^^len aus Shakespeares Othello nach der Wielandschen t^bersetzung --^^'laa. Schiller war ganz Ohr. AUe Ziige seines Geistes driickten die ^^^hle auB, von denen er durchdrungen war, und kaum war die Verle- ^^^^^ voUendet, so begehrte er das Bueh von mir und von nun an las und ^y personality, and should attempt to show how certain Ger- lan periods and certain German personalities responded to the ^Vibrations that were set in motion by Shakespeare. The figure Xised here is one of Gundolf 's own. Such a work must neces- sarily result in a close characterization not only of the subject "fcut also of the object in question. In Gundolf 's hands the study of literary influences gains a finer precision. He divides his subject matter into three parts : ** Shakespeare als Stoff," ** Shakespeare als Form,'' and ** Shake- speare als Gehalt."^ The first part deals especially with the seventeenth century, during which time Shakespeare's works were used as a store-house of dramatic character, scene, and inci- dent. The body of his works was plundered systematically, and no part of the soul necessarily accompanied it. This period has already been discust in the chapter on the English comedians (chapter two) and need not concern us again here, the less so in view of the fact that Gundolf does not consider such plundering as any sign of influence. 1 See introduction to Survey, p. 121. 426 University of California Puhlications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 The rationalists were the first in Germany to reason about Shakespeare's works in their entirety and to bring them into contact with their own preconceptions of dramatic form. Sf Witkowski.* That Shakespeare actually influenced Lessing in his dramas ^Undolf holds to be impossible. Some knowledge of the English ^^tma and its freedom from all assumption, its * * Pamiliaritat, ' ' ^^ the necessary presupposition to his dramas; but **eine Pa- H^le zwischen Lessings und Shakespeares Dramen miiszte ins ^^^enlose fiihren, denn sie haben iiberhaupt nichts Gemeinsames. ^ haben so wenig miteinander zu tun, wie eine Maschine, wo "^ Rad kliiglich ins andere greift, mit einem lebendigen Ge- i^hs. Lessings Dramen sind gemacht. Shakespeares Werke «^d Geburten.''* Lessing recognized fully his own limitations and therefore, Vindolf says, intentionally refrained from imitation of Shake- E^eare in Minna von Barnhelm and Emilia Galotti, By its verse Orm and foren coloring Nathan challenges to comparison. These imilarities, however, are entirely superficial. Local color in .messing 's dramas is a mere matter of convenience, in Shakespeare t is a necessity. The southern background of Othello forms a part of the dramatic atmosphere, and the wintry heath heightens :he tragedy of King Lear, Nathan, on the other hand, would lose nothing essential if it were placed in Berlin ; but the ring fable was oriental, and in Jerusalem three religions could be readily brot together, so it seemed fitting to let Nathan don the turban, tho he says nothing but what Mendelssohn might have said. The romantic background, once determined on, tended to bring with it the verse form, but Gundolf contrasts in a striking » Ibid., p. 140. * Cf . Survey, p. 376. B Gundolf [416] 143. 428 Univerjiity of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 fashion the verse of the two dramatists. In the monolog * * To be or not to be'' each sucessive thot bears with it a suggestion that rolls into the next wave of thot, yet all of them heighten the effect of the ground swell of emotion. For Lessing the monolc^ of the Terapelherr is characteristic. He seems to dissect each thot into its parts and rejoin their parts in the fashion of one debating with himself or an opponent. Lessing 's tendency to reason about the laws of art had led him to Shakespeare; Wieland's impressionability exposed him to Shakespeare's influence. Lessing found Shakespeare because he needed him; Wieland happened upon Shakespeare and was delighted with his find, but he would have mist nothing in life if he had never found him. Having found Shakespeare, Lessing felt compelled to reconcile him with the Greeks; Wieland was content, in dilettante fashion, to enjoy both without troubling himself as to apparent contradictions. Wieland began by trans- lating the dramas that pleased him most, Midsummer night's dream and Thr. tempest. The work became burdensome to him and he was content to let another finish it. He never understood Shakespeare as an author. He did not translate him as an author but as a *' complex of passages,"® and the passages that appealed to him most were those least essentially Shakespearean : Wenn wir Shakeapeares sprachliche Welt unter dem Bilde einer Kugel sehen, worin vom innersten Herzen die Sprachkrafte ausstrahlen, so werden wir dem Zentrum zunachst die Sphare der eigentlichen Leiden- schaft, der Tragodien finden, wo die Spraohe noch ganz gliiht, wallt und zittert von der innersten Erschiitterung des Werdens; das ist die Sprache des Hamlet und des Othello, des Macbeth und Coriolanus, des Lear und Antoniwt, der Sonette. Dieser zentralen Schicht, der Shakespeare heute seinen hochsten Ruhm dankt, vorgelagert ist die, welche wir die rhetorische nennen niochten. Immer noch angestrahlt und gespeist von den Gluten der Mitte, aber schon gelockert und mehr gemischt mit Ele- menten, die nicht Shakespeares Erschiitterung angehoren, sondern den Sprachkonventionen der Zeit, freilich auch sie voUig umgeschmolzen und verarbeitet in dem Shakespearschen Pathos zum Shakespeareschen Ryth- mus gezwuugen. Die Hauptzeugnisse dieser Schicht sind die Historian. Die auszerste, gewissermaszen schon abgekiihlte, minder kernhafte, lok- «Ibid., p. 171. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 429 kerste, spielende, flimmemde Schicht bildet die Diktion der Komodien, die wohl noch iinmer das innere Feuer ahnen laszt, aber nur in leichten, lichten Schwingungen, in farbige Luft .verwandelt . . . Von den drei dichterischen Spharen Shakespeares, die sich sprachlich auszerten, war dem Empfin(ien Wielands eine einzige zuganglich, die oberste, diinnste, die Sphare der Laune, des Spiels, der Roman tik. In sie drang er ein, sie zu erleben war er vorbereitet, einmal durch sein eigenes, spielendes, lau- nisches Temperament und dann auch durch die Theorie der Schweizer, von denen er herkam, die Aesthetik des Wunderbaren, die sich wesentlich auf die romantischen StiJcke bezog.«* Wieland's opinions of Shakespeare are often self-contra- dictory. His notes to the translation especially contradict opin- ions privately exprest in his correspondence. Wieland's critical notes have been unjustly compared with the notes in Pope's edition, in which faults are criticized and beauties commented upon. In reality the notes of Wieland are, as one critic says, * * Stimmungsausbriiche ' ' showing Wieland 's impatience over the fact that Shakespeare yields himself so incompletely to a render- ing. But when not in the midst of his labors, Wieland appreci- ated Shakespeare more broadly, **wie ein Bergsteiger wahrend der miihseligen Erkletterung eines Gipfels ein minder freund- liches Verhaltnis zu ihm hat, als wenn er nach iiberstandener Miihsal ihn vom Tale aus wieder ragen sieht."^ Yet even grant- ing that these notes were not portions of a total critical view of Shakespeare as a whole, they nevertheless represent the limitation of Wieland 's taste, as do also the passages that he omitted or glost over. Wieland 's omissions have a different significance from Schlegel's: **Wenn Schlegel Shakespear-Stellen schwachte oder wegliesz, so war dies ein stillschweigendes Gestandnis, dasz das Publikum zu dumm dafiir sei. Wenn Wieland weglaszt oder kommentiert ... so gibt er immer zu, dasz Shakespeare zu schlecht sei fiir das Publikiun.''* Tho Wieland was susceptible only to an external phase of Shakespeare's world, his Don Sylvia von Rosalva is the first German piece of literature in which Shakespeare is genuinely 8* Ibid., p. 176. T Ibid., p. 178. 8 Ibid., p. 170. 430 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 effective, **die erste Dichtung, in die er nicht nur als Rohsto" ubernommen ist, sondern als seelische Substanz spiirbar bi& ^ Tonfalle hinein. Die Sprache schleppt nicht mehr ihre InhaV^^ sondern wird von ihnen getragen. . . . Die Satze sind leicht gleitend, wie das wovon sie reden.'*® A Shakespearean at sphere prevails, altho Gundolf is forced to admit: **In die & nenstaubchen ist mancher Puderstaub und Stubenstaub mischt."** In Oheron, too, the influence of Shakespeare is to be foil- in the atmosphere and not in the motifs:^** ** Nicht FeenmotS^ sondern Feenluft, Elfenspiel, Mondscheinlandschaft und die sS ^ nige Verkniipfung von Schicksal und Stimmung, von Sinnlie^ keit und Schicksal, die sprachliche Lockerheit, die sich d^^ sinnlichen Eindriicken anschmiegt und sie wiedergibt, . . . kuir^ die Eroberung der deutschen Sprache als Klang und Ton fiir" die Sinnlichkeit und f iir die Phantasie ; das ist hier Shakespeares Einflusz/^" Thru the translation of Wieland, Shakespeare, or rather Wie- land's Shakespeare, became the common property of Germany. His Shakespeare was a power while the genuine Shakespeare was as yet practically unknown. His prose Shakespeare is the one that influenced Gotz and the other dramas of the ** Sturm und Drang" period, including even so late a work as Schiller's Rduber, The Shakespeare constructed by Wieland was as much a reality, that is to say a force, in German literature as the Ossian invented by Macpherson.** In Herder were united the characteristics of his predecessors. He possest sensibility to a larger extent than Wieland and Gers- tenberg. Like Lessing he laid stress upon the historical circum- stances in which art developt. The determining influence for Herder was, however, Hamann, who held that poetry was an emanation of God's revelation, of which the poet was the uncon- scious medium. According to that the poet must have no ends 9 Ibid., p. 179. 10 Cf. Koch [284]. 11 Gundolf [416] 181. 12 Ibid., p. 188. f 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 431 of his own, must lay no restraint upon himself but write as it was given him to do. Thus every age might have the revelation intended for it. "With a little infusion of Lessing's logic, which harmonized ill Vfith the prevailing dithyrambic tone, Herder gave expression to Bamann's feeling for the identity of poetry and the creative Pi'oceffi. His essay on Shakespeare in Von deutscher Art und ^X€nst is the most impressive portrait we have to-day of Shake- ^I>«are against the background of his age. Lessing had held that since audiences of different races were different they must be appealed to in different ways in order ^Viat their elevation might be brot about. Herder ignored the ^►^idience and denied that its elevation was an object: **Er hat ^en entscheidenden Schritt getan : die Grundlagen der Aesthetik, ^en Schwerpunkt des Schaffens, in den Schopfer zu legen statt in den Aufnehmenden.'*** Where Lessing and Herder seemed Xo write of the same ideas they were most at variance. For Less- ing poetry was a means to an end (Zweck) . With Herder poetry was itself ** Zweck." **Wenn sie von Genie reden, meint Lessing iiberlegene Einsicht in die Normen der Welt, Herder die Fahig- keit Leben zu schaffen und zu fiihlen. Wenn sie von Natur reden, meint Lessing ein Komplex werdender Dinge und bewegter Krafte.''^* To describe Shakespeare was for Herder not to give an ac- count of his plots and the problems supposed to be involved, nor to show how he produced certain effects. Herder described Shakespeare by reproducing the very atmosphere, life, and rithm of King Lear and Macbeth}^ It was Herder who first presented Shakespeare in his totality to the German people after Lessing, Gerstenberg, and Wieland had presented certain sides: **Er hat der Zentralsonne die Ausstrahlung nach alien Seiten ermog- licht. Dies hatte die voUige Umwandlung der Atmosphare zur Folge."" 13 Ibid., p. 205. 1* Ibid., p. 200 and 106f . 15 Ibid., p. 209. 16 Ibid., p. 213. 432 Uniter/nty of California Publirations in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 It wa« Herder's susceptibility to emotion that brot him into contact with Shakespeare. With Wieland it was his sense of the beautiful; with Ijessing it was his constructive criticism; with Qw'the finally it was his creative instinct. ** Was fruchtbar allein ist wahr'' was Goethe's view, and Shakespeare was such a verity to Ooaence became conspicuous. Hamlet was the first work which ^^'^ade full use of the poetic possibilities of the renaissance, **das >ste Werk, worin der Einzelmensch als sein eigener Inhalt, sein igener Sinn und sein eigenes Schicksal der Welt gegeniiber ^Titt."" Werther was its immediate successor for Werther too "Vras a being who because of over-sensitiveness and too great full- ness of the inner life was destined to be unhappy in his relations "with the world. **Zwischen Hamlet und Werther," Gundolf says, **ist kein Werk geschrieben worden mit diesem spezifischen Problem und diesem spezifischem Menschengef iihl. ' '" Werther is not a mere love story. Love is but the occasion for Werther 's inner conflict, as revenge is for Hamlet's. In both cases it is the struggle with self that is essential. In breadth and depth Werther is not comparable with Hamlet for the ample renaissance is the stage of Hamlet, the narrow middle-class society that of Werther; but Gundolf counts it as a merit that Goethe was able to introduce such pathos into the middle-class sphere. Gundolf groups Ta^so and Iphigenie with Werther: ** An Tasso ist nichts Shakespearisches, als was daran gesteigerter IT Gundolf [416] 243. 18 Ibid., p. 245f. 434 Univtrsity of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Werther ist. Das gleiche gilt von Orest in der Iphigcnie/'^^ Weriher, Iphigenie, Ta^so, Faust form, according to Gundolf, a series of works in which Goethe, always more or less unconsciously under the influence of Shakespeare, sot to give form to the con- flicts of the inner life. Faust is a work which occupies the same position in the ** Bi Id ungszeit alter'* as Ilamlct did in the renais- sance. The tragic element in Faust arises accordingly out of striving, in Hamlet out of simple being; for the aim of the **Bildungszeitalter'' was to realize an ideal, the aim of the renais- sance was to be in control of the realities. Hamlet was the product of court life, Faust of pulpit and study. This Gundolf attributes to differences of nationality rather than of age. Faust has a pedagogic tendency lacking in Hamlet. Gundolf reckons this to Shakespeare's advantage. Groethe was the teacher his age needed, but *' Shakespeare steht zu hoch iiber den Menschen, um in eine padagogische Beziehung zu ihnen zu treten."-** As Werther, Ta-sso, Iphigenie, Faust represent man's inner conflicts, so Gotz, Egmont, Wilhelm Metster, Faust represent man in his conflict with the outer world. To this latter series Shake- speare's historical plays were related. The first two were less successful than Shakespeare's histories: **Die Geschichte ist bei Goethe Zufall, bei Shakespeare Notwendigkeit. Darum hat die eine Tendenz Goethes: die auszere Weltbreite in symbolische Bilder zu formen {Gotz, Egmont) , ihre Erftillung nicht in ge- schichtlichen Symbolen finden konnen, sondern erst im groszen Bildungsroman, im Wilhelm Metster.' '^^ In the history of Shakespeare in Germany Gundolf attributes a particular significance to Wilhelm Meister. Here Hamlet is treated as a mythical personage existing quite independently of Shakespeare. He is a being who can be discust for his o>\ti sake. This fact is a symbol that the struggle regarding the justifica- tion of Shakespeare is over. As Wilhelm Meister was a self- confession on Goethe's part, the prominence of Shakespeare is also justified, for there had been four main elements in Goethe's 10 Ibid., p. 312. 20 Ibid., p. 250. 21 Ibid., p. 315. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 435 education : middle-class society, aristocratic society, women, and the theater ; and the last was not the least important. In spite of all these apparent concessions Gundolf is not inclined to recognize any fundamental enduring influence of Shakespeare on Goethe. Shakespeare did not stand as model for the form of Egm&nt; Lessing's Nathan and Schiller's Don Carlos were written in prose and later recast in verse, but in the case of Egmont the verse and rithm forced themselves in. Shake- speare's influence is not evident in Goethe's conception of men; there is almost nothing specifically Shakespearean in Tasso and Orestes for Goethe's aim was not to depict mankind on his canvas but a simple event. Nature in Goethe was not the same as in Shakespeare: **I)ie Natur als Chaos, Element, Atmo- sphare, wie sie noch im Gotz waltet, Zeit und Raum kiihn aufhe- bend oder mischend, die Shakespearische Natur, ist in Tasso und Iphigenie verschwunden. Die Kultur, ja die Gesittung, der Hof hat sich den Raum geschaflfen, Hain und Garten."-** Goethe's representation of the people is different from Shakespeare's: **die einzelnen Biirger (in Egmont) wirken nicht als Masse: sie reprasentieren, jeder fiir sich, eine bestimmte Sorte Mensch, die massenweise vorkommt."^*** **Das Individuum, das Shakespeare auf die Biihne stellt, ist eben nicht der einzelne Sprecher, sondern der Pobel, das Volk."**'* Finally, as already indicated, history is for Goethe a matter of accident, for Shakespeare a matter of necessity. The thread of the Goethe discussion may be dropt for a moment here in order that we may heed chronology and give a resume of Gundolf 's views in regard to Goethe's coUeags of the ** Sturm und Drang" period and also in regard to Schiller. As usual without reference to previous literature on the subject and without statement of concrete facts Gundolf renders a well- considered judgment of the relation of these writers to Shake- speare, or rather to Wieland's Shakespeare, for the latter he regards as their model. 21- Ibid., p. 313. zi** Ibid., p. 314. 436 VmirerMitjf of California Pmblicatiom in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Leiitewitz'^* was rather loosely connected with the groop. JjHtming wan hw starting point rather than Herder s theory and Goethe '» practice, but even so he learned to bid defiance to rule almost as much as Herder's pupils and to give heed alone to the dictators of nature, life, and freedom. Most of the **Stiirmer und Dranger" in their attempt to imitate Shakespeare only succeeded in vulgarizing him. Such was the ease with Wagner :^^ **Er sah als Plebejer vor allem das *Naturliche' und verstand darunter das Gemeine. Seine Kinrhmordfrin . . . hat von Goethe und Shakespeare nichts geholt, als die Erlaubnis, sich nicht zu genieren. Was in Goethes Drama Symbol ist (die Gretchen-Tragodie), das benutzt Wagner als Rohstoff/'" Ijenz^* rewmbled Wagner in his imitation of Goethe and in his conception of * * Natiirlichkeit. ' ' Sex problems offered him the best opportunity to express the latter. Gundolf distinguishes between Natur and Natiirlichkeit. ** Von Lillo und Diderot iiber Ijenz und Wagner zu Schroder, Iffland, Kotzebue bis Sudermann und Hauptmann : iramer hielt man das fiir Natur und Wirklich- keit, was gerade die Zeitgenossen am meisten beschaftigte. . . . Ein Literat halt das fiir das Natiirlichste, was ihm am leichtesten fallt, (las fiir das Wirklichste, was er zuerst sieht, und das fiir das Lebendigste, was am meisten Larm macht, eben die Aktualitaten/'"' Lenz (lid not become acquainted with Shakespeare without intc^rmediaries. This is clearly shown by the confusion of ideas in his Anmrrkungen iiber das Theater, some of them derived from 2iM.ei8ewitz, Joh. Anton (1752-1806); JuUtis von Tarent, ein Trauer- Mpicl (Loipzijf 1776); also in SdmmtUche Schriften (Braunschweig 1838), in DLD XXXir (1889) with an introduction by R. M. Werner, and in DNL LXXIX (1883). 22 Wagner, Heinrich Leopold (1747-1779); Die Kindesmorderin, ein Traut'THpiel (Leipzig 1776). Also in DLD XIII (1883), and in DNL LXXX (1883) with bibliography of Wagner by Sauer, p. 282. 23 Gundolf 1 416] 253. 24 Lenz, Joh. Mich. Reinhold (1751-1792) ; his works were first col- lected by Tiock, Berlin 1828, and most recently by Blei, Miinchen 1910. Of. BlBLUKlRAPHY [536]-[541]. Price: English^German Literary Influences — Survey 437 ig, some of them from Herder, others quite his own. It the misunderstood Shakespeare, Wieland's Shakespeare, Dichter, der sich gehen liesz, der Shakespeare, in dem (heiten, Oemeinheiten und Pobel vorkamen"^** who stood as s 8 model. The misunderstood Shakespeare may also have Dgthened him in his eccentricity and arbitrariness, otherwise re is scarcely any sign of direct influence. Reference to 'allel passages and motifs Oundolf avoids as usual. Characteristic of Klinger^^ is the determination to work him- i into a passion at whatever cost. The various characters in urm und Drayig (1776) represent different stages of madness: Schwennut, Groszenwahn, Verf olgungswahn, Hysteric usw. ' '^^^ lis attempts to fasten Shakespearean passion upon his little .eroes would correspond to an artist's attempt to endow his life- ized figures with the muscles of a statue of Michael Angelo. Maler Miiller^* was advantageously affected by Shakespeare. As he was an artist by nature, it was Shakespeare's coloring that appealed to him. In Gotz this was but a means to an end, for Maler Miiller it was an end in itself. He further extended Wieland's supremacy over the romantic element of the forest, over the realm of elves and fairies. In his case it is not a mere appreciation of the supernatural; he succeeds in giving a soul to nature: **Dieser Teil von Shakespeares Welt, Sturm und Sommernachstraum, hat vor allem auf Miiller gewirkt, und zwar als Luft, nicht als Muster. ''^^ Between the adherents of Schiller and of Shakespeare there has always been a line of demarcation in Germany.-** Gundolf 24* Gundolf [416] 255. 25KUnger, Friedrich Maximilian (1752-1831): Theater (Biga 1786- 1787), (Konigsberg 1809-1816), (Stuttgart 1842). The dramas Sturm und Drang, Die Zwillinge, and others are in DNL LXXIX (1883). Regarding Shakespeare's influence on Klinger see Jacobowski [535]. 25* Gundolf [416] 259. 2«Muller, Friedrich (1749-1825); Werke (Heidelberg 1811). Selections in DXL LXXXI (1884f) with bibUography and in BibliotJiek der deutschen Nationallit, d. 18, u, 19. Jh, X-XI (Leipzig 1868). 27 Gundolf [416] 267. 28 Cf. Ludwig [564]. The rivalry of Schiller and Shakespeare for public favor in the nineteenth century is the main theme of this work. 438 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoV^ shows himself clearly to be an adherent of Shakespeare. *'Et^i (Schiller) ho says, * * verwandelte alles, was (bei Shakespeare) Urkraft oder Gestalt war, in Ideen, in ein Mittelding zwisch*^ Leben und Denken/'^^' It was this which brot Shakespeare 1>^^ way down to the level of the people and elevated the people p^^ way up to Shakespeare 's height : el Was Goethes Gotz nicht vermocht, geschweige Herders Werben, x> Lessings Fackel noch Wielanils und Eschenburgs Dolmetschung zi< Schroders entgegenkommende Verstiimmelung : das haben Schilleni Dra^*^ ^ vermocht. Durch Schiller haben erst die Deutschen in ihrer Gesamtli^^ Licht und Warme der dramatischen Zentralsonne empfangen.2» The great German dramatists interpreted Shakespeare i accordance with their own personalities. Lessing interpretec^ him as **ein Vernunf tganzes, " Goethe as **ein Naturganzes,*' and Schiller as **ein Moralganzes. ' *^® For Schiller the world was primarily an arena in which the moral forces strove to assert themselves. Schiller's interpretation of Shakespeare was funda- mentally incorrect, and it had the most wide-reaching and un- fortunate effects upon (Jerman esthetics, dramatics, ethics, and philosophy of life. Gundolf feels called upon to define in summary l^hakespeare's view of the world and Schiller's interpretation of that view. Shakespeare accepts the world as it is. Its meaning lies within itself. Schiller understands Shakespeare to agree with him that the things of this earth are but the counterparts of a higher world-order. Herein he was in error : • Shakespeares Menschen sind . . . Geschopfe, die aus ihrer Wirklichkeit heraus leidenschaftlich wollen . . . und dadurch mit andern Teilen der Wirklichkeit in Widerstreit geraten. Dieser Widerstreit ist ihr Sehicksal. Die Menschen von Schillers Shakespeare sind isolierte Geschopfe, die entweder gegen oder fiir jene moralische Weltordnung . . . wollen und handeln und dadurch in Schuld oder Unschuld treten . . . Bei Shake- speare ist die Weltgeschichte ein Komplcx der Taten, Leiden und Geschicke. Nach Schiller ware sie das Weltgerichtsi 2«' Gundolf [416] 286. 2»Ibid., p. 288. 80 Ibid., p. 289. 31 Ibid., p. 291. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 439 The latter was not the case with Shakespeare. Shakespeare sah im Untergang keinen Bichterspruch, auch kannte er kein Gut und Bose 'fiir alle Falle. . . . Die Moral ist fiir Shakespeare ^ne der Wirklichkeiten der Welt wie andere auch, und nicht immer siegreieb. Dummheit, Bosheit, Genie, Schonheit, Kraft usw. sind oft gerade so machtig oder machtiger. . . . Seine Figuren siegen oder fallen lie, urn dem oder jenem Sittengesetz zu geniigen, sondern weil der Kampf *^8chen Wirklichkeiten ein erschiitterndes, erhebendes oder erheiterndes ^hauspiel ist fiir den Gott. . . . Man musz schon vollig durch Schil- 'erische Aesthetik verbildet, unbefangenen Gefiihis beraubt sein, wenn 'nan am Schlusz des Cdsar, des Antonius, des Lear statt der tragischen ^''hebung oder Erschiitterung iiber die Groszheit, Gewalt und Furcht- "^I'keit des Weltgeschehens ein moralisches Behagen empfindet iiber die ^ttliche Gerechtigkeit. . . . Doch Schiller las alle diese Stiicke in dem Sixui als handle es sich um einen Prozess zwischen Gut und Bose, der vor ^em Bichterstuhl der sittlichen Nemesis sich abspiele.s^ Actual borrowings by Schiller from Shakespeare are appar- ^>itly in Gnndolf *s opinion comparatively rare. He borrowed the 'Colors for his moral pictures from his misunderstood Shake- speare; not the characters themselves, but their actions and de- ^e^ors. To this extent he made use of lago, Richard, Macbeth, Began, and Edmund. Schiller's language was as unlike Shake- speare's as possible. Schiller's comparisons are not disburden- ings of the fancy, they are conscious endeavors to make clearer the moral lesson. As a striking example of Schiller's moral in- terpretation of Shakespeare Qundolf cites his Macbeth **Bear- beitung : Mit welcher Meisterschaft hat es Schiller fertig gebracht, durch kleine Driicker die gesamte Diktion des Stiickes zu versittlichen. Es ist eine Mustersammlung geworden, um die wesentlichen Unterschiede zwischen Schillers und Shakespeares Sprache zu vergegenwiirtigen. Nirgends ergeht sich Schillers Trieb, alles was bei Shakespeare Leidenschaft ist, als Moral zu lesen, was Ausdruck von Wesen ist, zur Beziehung auf das Ideal umzumiinzen, freier und wohlgefalliger.ss Having suffered a varied fate in Germany at the hands of opponents (Oottsched and his school), apologists (Schlegel and 32 Ibid., p. 293f . 33 Ibid., p. 308; cf. [574]ff., especially Koster [580]. 440 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vo^-^ \ Bodmer), defenders (Lessing and Nieolai), panegyricista (It^^' der and Gerstenberg) , and enthusiasts (Stiirmer und Drange^'' Shakespeare was now an accepted fact in German literatur*'^ ' but even so he was interpreted in two distinct fashions by t^ groups, the classicists and the romanticists. These two school were at bottom allies. They represented the forces that ha ^ overcome rationalism. For the romanticists Shakespeare was th«^ typical romantic poet. He appealed to them in three ways: t use Gundolf 's terms, **als der universale Phantast, als der uni-- versale Denker und Ironiker, als der Sprachmeister schlechthin." In the first role he appealed to Tieck, in the second to Friedrich Schlegel, in the third to August Wilhelm Schlegel. Tieck completed the work begun by Wieland and continued by Maler Miiller. His predecessors had pointed out the exist- ence of the realm of fancy. Tieck brot it home to a generation of his countrymen. It was as a thinker that Shakespeare appealed to Lessing as well as to Friedrich Schlegel, but Schlegel was the first to inter- pret Shakespeare's dramas as a portion of cosmic thot : **Shake- speares Werke sind fiir Schlegel in dem Sinn fleischgewordenes Denken, wie die Welt selbst Gottes Gedanke ist. Wenn Gott denkt, entsteht Schopfung. Wenn Shakespeare denkt, entsteht Dichtung. ' '^* It was this that brot Goethe to the point of taking issue with the romanticists, practically in his version of Romeo and Jxilicty theoretically in his Shakespeare und kein Ende. The issue is not clearly shown in his Romeo und Julia, for here he was acting not only as a commentator but also as a theater director. To the Grecian-minded Goethe man could not be subordinated to cosmic thot. Man was himself the measure of all things: **Von welcher Seite man den Aufsatz (Shakespeare und kein Ende) liest, sein Zweck ist, Grenzen aufzurichten gegen das Grenzenlose, Gestalt zu schaflPen gegeniiber dem nur Bewegten, Masz zu setzen wider das Maszlose."*' 84 Ibid., p. 340. 85 Ibid., p. 350. 1920] Price: English'^^German Literary Influences — Survey 441 Gundolf *s explanation of August Wilhelm Schlegel's success as a translator is to such an extent a summary of his monograph that it can scarcely be omitted here. According to him, in order that an approximately adequate translation could come into being certain conditions had first to be fulfilled ; 1. Der deutsche Geist muszte genug erlebt haben, genug Schicksale haben, um in seiner Sprache die Seelenwerte auszubilden, welche denen Shakespeares nach Tiefe und Umfang entsprachen. Wir haben diesen Prozess von Leasing her verfolgt, wie hauptsiichlich an Shakesx^eare selber solche Seelenwerte sich ausbildeten und Sprachwerte wurden durch un- sere Klassiker und ihre Gesellen, wie Sinnlichkeit, Leidenschaft, Natur usw. Schritt fiir Schritt eriebbar und sprachfahig wurden. ■ In Goethe endlich war eine so umfassende Seele erstanden, dasz sie die ganze Breite und Tiefe der deutschen Sprache mit ihrem Leben durchdraug, ihre starre Vergangenheit wieder lebendig machte und ihr eine grenzenlose Zukunft verbiirgte. Jetzt erst hatte der deutsche Geist einen Dichter, desscn Sprache mit der Shakespeares wetteifern konnte und den ganzen Umfang der Seelenwerte des Briten wenn nicht nachschaffen so doch nachleben. Doch diese Sprache verbrauchte Goethe zum Ausdruck seiner eigenen weltweiten und welttiefen Eriebnisse und Erkenntnisse. Damit die durch ihn geschaffenen Sprachmoglichkeiten, das durch ihn gehobene Sprach- wissen frei werde, bedurfte es also 2. eines Geschlechts, das die Sprache (d. h. eben den ausdruck- gewordenen Geist) , die Goethe ganz in Gestaltungen gebannt hatte, rein als Bewegung erlebte und als Bewegung verwertete. Dies war die Romantik. Kam nun 3. ein Mensch dazu, der mit dieser umfassenden Sprachbewegung weder eigenes Erleben zu gestalten und auszudriicken suchte, wie Goethe, noch sie rein als Spiel und Funktion ungestalt walten liesz, wie Tieck, sondern mit ihr dem umfassendsten, in einer anderen Sprache d. h. einem andern Seelenstoff verkorperten Lebenskomplex nachging, ihn in deutsche Sprachbewegung verwandelte und ihm dadurch zugleich eine deutsche Sprachgestalt gab, so ward die Mdglichkeit einer deutschen Shakespeare- tJ^bertragung verwirklicht, worin der deutsche Geist und die Seele Shake- speares durch ein gemeinsames Medium sich ausdriickten, worin Shake- speare wirklich deutsche Sprache geworden war. Dieser Mann ist August Wilhelm Schlegel. Durch Goethe ward die deutsche Sprache erst reich. genug, Shakespeare auszudriicken, durch die romantische Bewegung frei genug, durch Schlegel entsagend genug.sB* Qundolf does not believe, however, that the Schlegel trans- lation of Shakespeare will always be unsurpast, and he points 85- Ibid., p. 352. 442 University of California Puhlications in Modem Philology [VoA.^ out Schlegel colored his translation a little with **das Gutc (Schiller), ** das Schone'^ (griechische)/*da8 Wahre'' (BUda^*'. elemente). **Das alles fallt bei Schlegel nicht so auf wie ^^ seinen Epigonen."" Gundolf excuses himself from continuing his history into ^ nineteenth century. He admits that the influence of Shakespi continues : Die Produktion im neunzehnten Jahrhundert wird fast voUig behern^ von Schlegels Shakespeare, von Schillers Ideal, von Goethes Natur Bildung, wozu spater noch Byrons und Heines seelische und sozi Aktualitaten kamen.ss But new interpretations of Shakespeare were entirely absen Man schamt sieh fiir den deutschen Geist, wenn man nach Herde SJiakespeare naeh Goethes Shakespeare und kein Ende, nach Schlegel^ Vorlesungen auch die besten, etwa Vischer oder gar Gervinus, zur Hand nimmt. Welche Verflachung, welche Verengung nicht nur der Personen sondem des Zeitgeisteslso Nietzsche appears to have been the first whose coming, accord- ing to Gundolf s opinion, heralded the dawn of a new reality with new organs for its appreciation, bringing with it the neces- sity of a new interpretation of Shakespeare. Doubtless Gundolf feels that his own Shakespeare translation^^ and interpretation is in accord with this new conception. As for Kleist and Hebbel, Gundolf only mentions them in passing. They were **heroische Kauze," but ** Shakespeare hat in ihnen nicht Geschichte gemacht."'* Shakespeare was merely a part of their biography. **In Kleist allein hat vielleicht die durch Schlegel gehobene Verssprache Shakespeares einen pro- duktiven Nachfolger gefunden."'® This parallels in a weak- ened form the assertion already made by Wetz: **Dank Hein- rich von Kleist batten unsere Dichtersprache und unser drama- tischer Vers eine weitere Ausbildung erfahren und konnten nun 80 Ibid., p. 358f. 87 Reviewed in ShJ XLV (1909) 364-369. 88 Gundolf [416] 357. 8»Ibid., p. 356. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 443 als ein adaquateres Ausdrucksmittel fiir Shakespeare gelten als im Beginn der neunziger Jahre."*° If any one work has demonstrated by means of literary phenomena fundamental differences between the English and the German intellect it is this work of Gundolf 's. In it he makes ^ajjy comparisons which generally fall to the disadvantage of *"^ German side: Shakespeare's dramas are living organisms, ^^ssing's are well-fabricated machines; Shakespeare's atmo- ^Pnere is that of the free out-of-doors, Wieland mingles salon *^^O.c»phere therewith ; Hamlet is filled with the invigorating life ^ t>ie renaissance, Faust with the study-atmosphere of the **Bil- ^^^^gszeitalter;" Shakespeare's theme is the fullness of human ^^, Schiller's the moral that can be read into life; and finally ^^ German spirit has grappled with Shakespeare for centuries ^^^i3 has as yet encompast him but partially. Yet on maturer ^-^Xiberation it would be clearly unsafe to generalize as to na- ^^Onal traits from such comparisons as these, for while successive German periods form one part of the inequation it is always ^bakespeare who forms the other ; thus we have a comparison of Hge with age rather than of race with race.^^ At one point, to be sure, Gundolf verges on a contrast. In justification of his disregard of the average view that led to such productions as Schroder's dramatic versions and Eschenburg's translation he says: Die Schopfer der Bewegung haben in Deutschland nie etwas vom Publikum geistig empfangen und im Theater nie etwas anderes denn ein Mittel gesehen. . . . (Werke wie) Werther, Gotz, Die Bduher entstanden in einer ahnungslosen Einsamkeit. . . . Deutsches Publikum ist bestcnfalls geschaffen worden, Groszes hat es niemals sehaffen helfen. Es niuszte zu aUem gezwungen, behext oder iiberredet werden. So wie Bacine von der franzosischen Gesellschaft, Sophokles von der Polis, selbst Shake- speare von der agonalen Luft seines elizabethanischen Englands ist nie ein neuerer deutscher Autor von der aktuellen deutschen Umwelt im guten Sinne beeinfluszt worden.**!* 40Wetz [713] 345. "•i An apparent exception occurs in Gundolf s comparison of Hamlet with Faust (see above). 41* Gundolf [416] 280f. 444 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 Whether this harsh criticism is true or not may be left un- decided, but it is a striking fact that several German critics have found the gulf between author and public wider in Germany than elsewhere. Some, like Resewitz in the eighteenth century" and Schmidt and Preytag in the nineteenth,*' blame the author for not seeking contact with the people thru labor, while a fev, no doubt, like Gundolf blame the public; for the Nietzscheia^i Gundolf believes in an aristocracy of intellect and despises t^e sheep-like passivity of the average man. If the public in real*^ is to the poet less stimulating in Germany than elsewhere" ^^ might be argued that the remedy is not some impossible rebir^^^ of the German soul but rather a thoro reorganization of t ^^ German literary republic. Gundolf 's strictures seek to prove actual qualitative difference as to **Geist" between the averi German and the average Englishman and no such difference be deduced from them. <2 Quoted in Survey, p. 298. 43 Quoted in Survey, p. 514. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 445 Chapter 18 SHAKESPEARE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY In Chapter 14 is recorded the fact that those best informed ^^ regard to the matter no longer attribute Shakespeare's recog- '^ition in the eighteenth century to the Germans rather than the -English. It is in order here to emphasize the real service of ^«^« Germans in regard to Shakespeare. Since the middle of the ^^ghteenth century they have probably done more than any other ^^tion to preserve Shakespeare as a vital factor of modern life. ^^ Germany the study of Shakespeare is most ardently prose- cuted. There his dramas are most widely read by people of "Varying degrees of education. There his plays are most fre- quently produced, and generally before appreciative and critical Spectators. Scarcely another race has produced such notable adherents of Shakespeare as Herder, Goethe, and Schiller, nor has Shakespeare at any time or place more nearly establisht a cult than with the **Sturmer und Dranger'' and the romanticists. The influence of the efforts of the German appreciators of Shake- speare have extended beyond the confines of Germany. It has been said for example that the Italians have seen Shakespeare thru German rather than English eyes,^ and perhaps the same is true of the Hungarians.^ The passion for Shakespeare has always glowed in Germany with a fervor unaffected by any nationalistic considerations. This was shown most clearly by the dramatic presentations, the commemorative addresses, and the mass of scientific, critical, and ephemeral literature called out in 1916 by the three hundredth anniversary of his death. The course of Shakespearean interpretation in the nineteenth century has been largely dominated by the program of the ro- manticists. Their program has been amply set forth by Joachimi- 1 See Bobertson in MLR XVI (1919) 436. 2 See B6z8a in ShJ LII (1917) 127. 446 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Dege [479] in the second and more valuable half of her study. The greater part of the work of the romanticists, she reminds us, was intended for the elite, but the Shakespeare effort fonned a notable exception. Shakespeare was to be rendered accessible to the entire people, who were thus to be lifted out of the com- monplaceness that characterized the life of the time. The efforts of the romanticists were successful : Shakespeare 's sayings have become proverbs in Germany as in England;' his words and themes have been utilized by German composers ;* and especially since the time of the romanticists he has appeared as a figure in German novels, stories, and dramas.* In order to establish their views regarding Shakespeare, the romanticists were compelled to fight a battle simultaneously on three fronts: against the rationalists, who saw in Shakespeare the typification of formlessness, against the adherents of the ** Sturm und Drang*' movement, who declined to recognize Shake- speare as a conscious artist, and against the classicists. The last named contest was the important one, for in the two former cases the romanticists were fighting tendencies already on the way to extinction. Joachimi-Dege points out that the translation of Shakespeare was but the foundation of a great work, part of which the ro- manticists completed and part of which occupied the attention of their successors tliruout the nineteenth century. They planned a philological and critical edition of Shakespeare anticipating Delius, and a literary-historical edition anticipating Ulrici; they planned a study of Shakespeare's time in order to understand him better, and they undertook a study of his life in order to 3 See Leo [419a]. ^See Bibliography [423], [424], [424x], [528x], [529]. 5 Liuiwig [419ax] mentions only five dramatists who attempted to bring Shakespeare in person on the stage before the appearance of Tieck's t'wo **NoveHen,'* Ein Dichterlehen (1825) and Der Dichter und sein Freund (1829). He notes over thirty attempts since then, chiefly by less known dramatists. Among the pponents and against the incapable English commentators and editors. They sot to control Shakespearean production on the ftage in order that the stage should be adapted to Shakespeare, ict Shakespeare to the stage. They criticized stage decoration, Mjtors, and costumes, not withholding praise where it was due. They gained the universities for their cause, without much effort, C>ut with the stage and the people they were only partially suc- sessful. To compensate for this they held Shakespeare evenings in which Shakespeare was read to the people in unabbreviated, unre vised form. Before considering the result of their endeavors it may be well to set forth the external history of the Schlegel-Tieck- Baudissin translation® and of its more notable successors. Be- ween the completion of the Wieland prose translation in 1766 ind the beginning of the Schlegel translation in 1797 much had occurred to render a poetic translation of Shakespeare possible. Wetz has pointed out: Wie namentlich der Blankvers durch den Don Carlos, durch Iphigenie nd Tasso geschmeidigt worden war. Herder hatte auch fiir seine Stimmen 'er Volker einiges aus Shakespeare metrisch iibertragen, darunter manches rie den groszen Monolog Othellos und die Worte Lorenzos aus dem Zaufmann von Venedig iiber die Harmonie der Spharen, auszerst gliicklich.? The beginnings of Schlegel's translation of Shakespeare date ►ack to 1789, when Schlegel as a student at Gottingen was a lose friend of Burger, then a professor there. The two met « The more accurate designation is here substituted for the traditional ne. The justification appears in the course of the discussion; it is more- ver generally conceded. T Wetz [713] 344. 448 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 often and workt together upon a metrical translation of Shake- speare's Midsummer night's dream. Burger's actual contribu- tions to the translation seem to have been small^ but they served as a model for Schlegel.* In the introduction to the first volume of his translation (1797) Schlegel specifically states that no part of Burger's translation was carried into the present one.* Furthermore, Schlegel discarded his own previous work as well, for he had formed independent ideas since then of the nature of Shakespeare and the proper form of translation. The first volume of Schlegel's translation (1797) contained Sommcrnachtstrmim and Romeo und Julia, the second (1797) Julius Cdsar and Was ihr wollt, the third (1798) Sturm and Hamlet, the fourth and fifth (1799) Der Kaufmann von Venedig, Wie es euch gef'dUt, Konig Johann, and Richard II, the sixth (1800) Heinrich IV, and the seventh and eighth (1801) Hein- rich V and Heinrich VI, Schlegel then let eight years pass be- fore the next half volume was completed with Richard III. He informed his publisher by letter, about eight years later, that a continuation of the work was not to be expected from him. In this letter he refers to the unpleasant fact that competitors had entered the lists: Unterdessen erfahre ich durch meinen Bruder, . . . der alte Vosz wolle mit seinem Sohn (sic) Johann Hinrich und Abraham, vermuthlich aueh mit seinen Schwiegcrsohnen, Enkeln, gebohmen und ungebohrncUy mit Einem Worte der ganzen t^bersetzungs-Schmiede-Sippschaft, auch die von mir schon iibersetzten Stiicke neu iibersetzen. Dies ist freylich eine grosze Impertinenz: allein wir haben kein ausschlieszendes Privilegium ; es komnit darauf an, wie das Publicum die Sache nimmt.^o As early as 1806 Vosz and his son had translated Othello and King Lear, Schiller encouraged them to the former work, as he wisht to see it produced in Weimar. It was the first intention to translate only such works as Schlegel had left un- toucht, but during the years 1818 to 1829 the translation grew 8 von Wurzbach, G. A, Burger (Leipzig 1900), p. 265f. oBernays [493] 111. 10 Gen6e [716] 12-14 reproduces this interesting letter. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 449 to completion. It was not, however, received with any great tavor by the public. Schlegel had reason to be gratified when Tieck in the year 1819 indicated his readiness to take up the work where his asso- ^^ates had dropt it." Tieck called to his assistance almost im- mediately his daughter Dorothea, who set herself to work on -^^u^ieth. When the work of translation a few years later lagged ^^ra-in and came to a standstill another helper was called in, Graf /^olf von Baudissin, who had already translated Henry VIII ^^ 1818. In the division of the work Coriolanus, Two gentlemen ^■^ Verona, Timon of Athens, The rvinter's tale, Cymbeline, and heth fell to the share of Dorothea Tieck, who also translated lyric passages in Love's labor's lost and some of the other ys. To Graf Baudissin 's lot fell Love's labor's lost, Much o about nothing. Taming of the shrew, Henry VIII, Measure r measure, Antony and Cleopatra, Titus Andronicus, Comedy errors, Troilus and Cressida, The merry wives of Windsor, thello, and King Lear, These translations appeared 1830-1 833. In a concluding word to the edition Tieck conveyed the im- ression that his share in the work of translation was an onerous e; but from the manuscripts and correspondence still extant it; is evident that Graf Baudissin prepared the original draft of ^11 plays assigned to him and that Tieck 's participation consisted in criticizing afterwards, making a few improvements, and in some cases imposing upon Baudissin, against the latter 's better judgment, a less desirable rendering of a passage." Only in one place do we find the actual phrasing of Tieck. This is in the beginning of Love's labor's lost. It had been planned as early as 1800 that Tieck should help Schlegel to the extent of translating this drama." Some time during the years 1800-1809 he translated the first three acts of the play, but they were never publisht. Now they served Baudissin as the foundation for the 11 Be the details of this transaction see Liideke [730bx] 2. i2Wetz [713] 322. Gen^e [716] 17, on the other hand, rates Tieck 's services highly. Bernays [711] 551 gives many examples of Tieck *s unfortunate attempts to better the Baudissin translations. 18 See letter of Tieck to Schlegel, March 26, 1825; in Ludeke [730bx] 3. 450 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 corresponding portions of his translation. He adopted a large part without any revision and much of the rest with but minor changes.**' Gustav Freytag compared the Baudissin renderings favor- ably with Schlegel's. Wetz finds that Heyse, Heyne, Herwegh, Kaufmann, Kurz, Simrock, and Wilbrandt frequently surpass Baudissin,'- and he quotes with approval the opinion of Viseher regarding the latter 's translations: **Sie behandeln die Spraehe so hart, dasz es ein richtig organisiertes Ohr kaum vertragt. Die Konsonantenhaufungen sind ungenieszbar. Vieles ist iiber- dies ganz dunkel ausgedriickt, und es kommen auch Verstosze gegen den Bau der deutschne Spraehe vor.""* Of Dorothea Tieck's translation Wetz says: **Als sie die Arbeit begann, war sie in die Spraehe, aus der sie iibersetzte, und die sie hauptsachlich zum Zwecke dieser Cbersetzung gelemt hatte, noch nicht sehr tief eingedrungen.'* He quotes from a letter of Dorothea Tieck to a friend describing the hours of joint labor. She wrote: **Auch bei den Stiicken, die Baudissin iibersetzt hat, habe ich fast iranier den Korrigierstunden beige- wohnt und dadurch \del Englisch gelernt, besonders Shakespeares Spraehe. '''^'' Genee maintains, however: ** Dorothea Tieck be- sasz fiir fremde Sprachen, wie auch fiir poetische Pormen, eine hervorragende Begabung. * '**** Conceding this, it is none the less clear that her Macbeth translation has notably failed to satisfy the demands of readers, editors, critics, or actors. Many trans- lators have undertaken to compete against her with a new version' of this tragedy. Ludwig Tieck fully deserves to be mentioned as one of the producers of the Shakespeare translation even tho his share of actual creative work thereon was small. Liideke summarizes his services as follows : Der jiingere Dichter (Tieck) brachte von Anfang an dem Werke des alteren eine Anteilnahme und fordernde Begeisterung entgegen, die der- 13* Liideke [730bx] 28. isbVischer [414] I 205. i3«^ W^etz [713] 353. 13- Genee [716] 16. f 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 451 jenigen Schlegels kaum je nachstand und sie um viele Jahre iiberlebte. -^'eser treuen und neidlosen Hingabe Tiecks an eine grosze Sache haben ^r es zu verdanken, dasz das groszte Werk der Bomantik iiberhaupt fertig wurde. Nachdem Schlegel ihm mit seinem Borneo und Julie zuvor- ^*m, brachte ihm Tieck bereitwillig seine Hilfe dar, beriet mit ihm ^inzehie Stellen schriftlich und miindlich, plante als paralleles Werk eine ^^eirsetzung Ben Jonsons, ubernahm spater die t^bersetzung der zweifel- *^^^'ten Dramen, die Schlegel auf Tiecks Bat in den Bahmen des ganzen ^^^kes einbezogen hatte, und ging dann schlieszlich, als er merkte, dasz ^•^legel alle Lust an der Arbeit verloren und die Absicht, sie zu vollen- r^^^, aufgegeben hatte, so weit, dem Unger'schen Verlag seine eigenen ^^-^uste zu diesem Zwecke anzubieten.i«* Some of the more notable revisions of the Sehlegel-Tieek- udissin translations and some of the new translations may be re mentioned. About the year 1865 three new German Shake- eares were publisht. Ulrici publisht for the newly founded Shakespeare-Gesellschaft" a Schlegel edition in which obvious ^Tors were removed and omissions made good. The Baudissin- ieck portion of the translation was improved in part and partly oipplanted by entirely new rendering. Simultaneously Boden- ^tedt was preparing a new German Shakespeare for Brockhaus >vith the aid of Gildemeister, Paul Heyse, Hermann Kurz, and Adolf Wilbrandt ; and Dingelstedt was preparing a similar edi- tion for the * * Bibliographisches Instituf with the help of W. Jordan, L. Seeger, K. Simrock, H. Viehoff, and F. A. Gelbcke. Had all these forces united in a single endeavor a better edition than any previous one might have been produced. As it was, the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin translation maintained its place in pub- lic favor, the superiority of the Schlegel portions more than coun- terbalancing the deficiencies of the continuation. At that time the Schlegel translation was still protected by copyright and com- petitors were compelled to avoid SchlegePs way of translating, even when it was the most obvious and best. Since 1865 this restriction has been removed, but on the other hand the cheap- ness of the Schlegel edition in reprint makes it difficult for later rivals to compete with it in popularity. Under these conditions, past and present, it is obvious that comparative book sales are 18'Ludeke [730bx] 2f. 452 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 an inadequate test of the popularity of the translation of Sehlegel, to say nothing of his less successful co-workers. In his edition of Shakespeare prepared for the CottcLSche Bibliothek der Weltliteratur Max Koch supplemented Sehlegel with Kaufmann, and, in case of necessity, with Abraham and Heinrich Vosz. Koch at the same time revised Sehlegel rather freely. The eclectic plan is still in favor, combined sometimes, as by Gundolf, with some entirely new translation. An earnest debate has been carried on in Germany regarding^ the justification of revision. To some scholars Schlegel's Shake- speare is an inviolable classic, whose phraseology has become a part of the common cultural possessions of the Germans, and which should be as little exposed to meddlers as the works of Homer or of Goethe. This extreme position can be maintained only with the greatest diflBculty in view of what has been learned in regard to the history of the Sehlegel translation. A large number of manuscripts came to light about 1870 which afford an insight into the history of the Sehlegel translation ; they are now preserved in the Konigliche Bibliothek in Dresden. They have been studied and interpreted by Bernays [709] and [711], Genee [710] and [716], and Conrad [717], the interpretations varying, however, according to the predilections of the investiga- tors. Even Bernays and Genee, who hold that the original form must be treated with piety, must admit frequent errors on the part of the printer and some actual errors on Schlegel's part.**' Sehlegel engaged himself to correct these in the new edition of 1838, but had hardly begun the work of revision before he dropt it. The latest and apparently the best grounded study of the Dresden manuscripts by Conrad makes one skeptical regard- ing the sacredness of the original print. It is generally agreed that these sheets, mostly in Schlegers hand\\Titing, represent neither the first draft nor the last. They were not the ones sent to the printer. After having written the ruf draft Sehlegel copied it on these sheets. Thereon are suggested in several IS' Tieck undertook in 1824 the embarrassing task of making the needful corrections in Sehlegel 's translation. See letter of Tieck to Sehlegel, March 26, 1825, reproduced in Ludeke [730bx] 2f. price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 453 ices many possible translations, the preferred one fre- [y not being indicated. Karoline Sehlegel prepared the r's copy from this. Sehlegel left her free to choose, as ten did, the worst of his proposed translations or to alter vev did not please her. Sehlegel never even corrected the r's proofs. Conrad records that in the printed dramas, and Was ihr woUt (1797) , Sturm and Hamlet (1798) , there ndreds of renderings not found in Schlegel's manuscript. n the case of Henry YI and Richard III does the printed presumably correspond to that intended by Sehlegel, for year 1801 he and Karoline separated. He sent his own ) the printer, retaining no duplicate. His copy was appar- lestroyed or never returned. At any rate these plays are f from the Dresden collection of manuscripts.*** Conrad les Karoline 's mistreatment of Schlegel's manuscript, giv- abundance of examples, under the captions ** (1) Sprach- (2) Denkfehler, (3) Richtige t)bersetzungen der Hand- falsch in der ersten Ausgabe, (4) Gute Fassungen des kripts verschlimbessert in der ersten Ausgabe, (5) Man- e Auswahl bei mehrfachen Fassungen Schlegels, (6) Un- idliche kleine Anderungen des Manuskripts, (7) Auslas- aus dem Manuskript, (8) Schlegels tJbersetzungsfehler essert." After a 58-page exposition of the frequency and of Karoline 's offences Conrad is able to devote four pages e nine, **Wirkliche Besserungen von Karolinens Hand." four dramas investigated Conrad finds about thirty im- lents made bv Karoline and about 331 instances in which Dse unwisely or altered for the worse. He is able to !iat Bernays's edition of SchlegeFs Shakespeare (1st edi- 170-71 ; new edition 1891 ) , which professes to be based thoro comparison of the earliest edition and the Dresden jripts, is in reality based upon a very superficial com- i of the two, combined with too high an estimate of the Qtiousness of August Wilhelm and of Karoline Sehlegel. jnrad [717] 8. 454 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Shakespeare's importance to posterity is not demonstrated 80 much by the abundance of translations and editions as by the manner in which he imprest his personality upon creative tal- ents. Many of the most notable dramatists of the nineteenth century have been compelled to assume a position toward him. Kleist vied with him, Grabbe challenged him, Otto Ludwig made himself subservient to him, and Grillparzer consciously avoided his influence. Hebbel, however, was preserved from his tyranny by a philosophy of life incompatible with his. Soon after Kleist made the decision to devote himself to a career of letters he found himself in Switzerland with Zschokke and the young Wieland. Wahrend Zschokke sich vornehmlich von Schillers Pathos warm ergriflfen fiihlte, war Goethe der Abgott des jungen Wieland, nachst dem er die Bruder Schlegel und Tieck am hochsten schatzte. Hierin stimmte Kleist in der Hauptsache mit ihm iiberein . . . Zum Drama zog ihn sein poetischer Genius, und hier ward ihm Shakespeares gewaltige Gestalt durch Schlegels tJ^bersetzung, die gerade in diesen Jahren erschien, naher geruckt.i* It was Kleist s aim to unite the qualities of the classic and antik drama or, to use the definition of Wilbrandt, **die vol- lendete Form mit der starren Treue gegen die Natur, den Zauber der Schonheit mit alien Schrecken der damonischen Tragik des Menschendaseins zu vereinigen. * *** There is Shakespearean form, atmosphere, and diction in Die Familie Schroffe^istein, With its hostile houses that might have been reconciled by the love of their youngest members it resembles most Romeo and Juliet, but there are strong reminiscences of Lear and of Macbeth as well. Kleist was entirely dissatisfied with his first dramatic accomplishment and wrote to his sister of another play where- with he would wrest the laurel wreath from Goethe *s brow. The elder Wieland alone had an adequate opportunity to judge of the success of Kleist 's efforts. Fully a year after he had per- suaded Kleist to recite to him a part of Robert Gxiiskard Wieland wrote : * * Wenn die Geister des Aeschylus, Sophokles und Shake- i4Muncker in Kleist, Werke (Stuttgart 1880-1884), I xiii. 16 Wilbrandt, Heinrich von Kleist (Nordlingen 1863), p. 186. j 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 455 I speares sich vereinigten, eine Tragodie zu schaffen, sie wiirde das sein, was Kleists Tod Guiskards des Normannen, sofern das Gauze demjenigen entsprache, was er mich damals horen liesz. ' *^° ^ter generations agree with Wieland, basing their judgment on ^^e single fragment that escaped Kleist's despairing, destructive hand. After his mental crisis and his gradual summoning of ®^i*ength to a normal development of literary power Kleist no iorxger sot to wrest the laurels from the brows of his rivals; but ^^^ influence of Shakespeare remained. His artistic taste was ^^X^ch like Shakespeare's. Like him he did not sacrifice veracity '^^ finicky notions about beauty; he did not fear the picturing the grotesk or even the horrible where it belonged, and was ►tisfied when the total work was beautiful. Especially in ^thchen von Heilbrann, Die Hermannsschlacht, and Der Prim ^ rDn Homburg can Shakespearean traits be readily recognized.^^ *^lit Kleist 's dramatic work was un-Shakespearean for a reason '-^ing beyond himself. Shakespeare's dramas are unthinkable "Without the inspiring age of Elizabeth as a background, while ^^leist lived and wrote in one of Prussia's darkest periods; his environment was disheartening, intolerable; he ended his life «t the age of thirty-four. At that age Goethe had publisht no important dramas excepting Gotz, Clavigo, and Stella; Lessing had written nothing more significant than Miss Sara Sampson; and Schiller had brot his work to a temporary close with Don Carlos. Shakespeare himself at that age had probably written his comedies and historical dramas, but presumably not Caesar, Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, Macbeth, or The tempest. The tragic struggle of Shakespeare's greatest characters is that of self with self, of Grillparzer's that of man with the world. His tragedy is based, to use Volkelt's term, **auf einer dem Leben nicht gewachsenen Innerlichkeit."'^ Usually Grillparzer drew i« von Bulow, Heinrich von Kleists Lehen und Brief e (Berlin 1848), p. 36. 17 Hense [410] 95. IN V'olkelt, Grillparzer als Dichter des Tragischen (Nordlingen 1883); quoted by Grosz [674a] 27. 456 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 wavering, problematic characters, following his own subjective inclination and the model of Lope de Vega. A few exceptional characters are **mannliche Vollnaturen in Shakespeare 'schem Sinne,'' as Grosz calls them.^® To the latter class belong Ottokar and Rudolf von Hapsburg. Emil Reich holds Konig Ottok(i^ Gluck und Ende to be the most Shakespearean of Grillparzet * dramas.^® The exposition is especially Shakespearean: **Shal^^ speare selbst wiirde vor dem ersten Akt des Ottokar die If iit^ geliiftet haben," Hebbel said.^^ If in other respects Grillpaf^^^ learned much from Lope de Vega, he learned the art of e%f^ sition in the historical drama from Shakespeare. In the library of his father Grillparzer found of Shalf^ speare 's works only Hamlet and King Lear, both in Schroder stage edition.^^' In his earliest productive years Grillparzer loolr'^ upon Schiller as a model, but articles by Josef Schreyrogel in th^ Sonntagsblatt called his attention to Shakespeare. As private ^' teacher in the house of Graf Seilem (1812) he had at his dis- posal a complete Shakespeare, in Theobald's edition. His com- mand of English at this time, however, was too meagre to permit of reading with much profit; his first real acquaintance with Shakespeare dates from the reading of the Schlegel translations, while he was an assistant in the library at Vienna in 1813. A part of the money earned by Die Ahnfrau was invested in a Shakespeare edition. In spite of Grillparzer 's protestations Die Ahnfrau will doubtless always be classt as a fate tragedy. Grillparzer de- fended it from this charge, saying that he had not invented a new system of fatalism but had only endeavored to make use of the superstitious notions of an unenlightened age for a poetic purpose.^^ Grosz calls attention to the fact that this was the 10 Grosz [674a] 27. 20 Reich, Franz Grillparzers Dramen (Leipzig 1894), p. 110. 21 Quoted by Grosz [674a] 28. 2i» Cf . Survey, p. 385. 22 Grillparzer, .IFerA'c ed. Necker (Leipzig 1903), III 21; quoted bv Grosz [674a] 26. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 457 same defence as that made by Grillparzer for the witch scenes in Macbeth,^^ After the publication of the Ahnfrau Grillparzer began to itudy Shakespeare more intently, until a fear came upon him ^hich he conf est : (Shakespeare) tyrannisiert meinen Geist, und ich will frei bleiben. Ich lanke Gott, dasz er da ist, und dasz mir das Gluck ward, ihn zu lesen md wieder zu lesen und aufzunehmen in mich. Nun aber geht mein ^treben dahin, ihn zu vergessen. Die Alien starken mich, die Spanier ^g^n mich zur Produktion an; aber die ersteren stehen zu feme, die 'tsteren sind zu rein menschlich mit ihren Fehlern mitten unter den '^szten Schonheiten, mit ihrer hiiufig nur gar zu weit getriebenen ^^ier, als dasz sie den echten Quell des wahren Dichters: die Natur, ^ eigene Anschauungsart, das Individuelle der Auffassung, irgend im ^^ute beeintrachtigen soUten. Der Biese Shakespeare aber setzt sich *"8t an die Stelle der Natur, deren herrliches Organ er war, und wer ^*^ ihm ergibt, dem wird jede Frage, an sie gestellt, ewig nur er beant- ^*^€n. Nichts mehr von Shakespeare !-« Grillparzer had the opportunity of seeing many of Shake- peare's plays presented on the stage at Vienna before he gave ^p attending the theater entirely. In the year 1836 he visited -K)ndon and saw Julius Caesar, Macbeth, Romeo and Juliet, and ttichard III played at the Drury Lane Theater and Covent Garden. The method of presentation was disappointing to hira. He also attended one of Ludwig Tieck's Shakespeare evenings md later heard Karl von Holtei's recitation of Julius Cdsar in Vienna in 1841. Hamlet made the strongest personal appeal to Grillparzer 's nelancholy nature but he held Macbeth to be Shakespeare's ruest, if not his greatest, work. Grosz finds Shakespearean ichoes in Grillparzer 's Blanka von KaMilien and in his dramatic Tagments Spartakus, Pazzi, and Alfred der Grosze. In his more aature works, however, Shakespearean influence showed itself 10 longer in such concrete forms: **Fremde Einfliisse often- )aren sich nicht mehr als direkte Entlehnungen und Anklange, 28 Ibid., XII 58, XIV 218flf., and XV 179flf.; quoted by Grosz [674a] 18. 24 Ibid., XVI 51flf.; quoted by Grosz [674a] 5. 458 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoV* sondern werden zu Einfliissen des Geistes. Ein Problem, ei Stimmung, wohl auch ein Charakter wirken auf seine eige: Produktion als Mitschopfer, nicht als Vorbild/' Grosz says.- Such influence of a more general nature Grosz finds in Kony^ Ottokar, as already indicated, and in the expository scenes o- Eiyi treuer Diener seines Herrn, He makes general comparison^ also between Rovieo and Juliet and Des Meeres und der Lkhe "^ WeUen, Grosz finally contrasts Grillparzer's relation to Shakespeare with Hebbel's. Hebbel felt that it was his mission in the world to elevate tragedy to a higher stage, to bring it beyond the point where Shakespeare had left it. Grillparzer was a poet for the sake of poetry : * * Ohne um das Wie und Warum zu f ragen . . . will er weder Shakespeare in der Form des Tragischen nachah- men, noch iiber ihn hinaus gehen ; er hat nur die eine Sehnsucht, Dichter zu sein.''" Hebbers philosophy was so different from Shakespeare's that Albert's study [677] does little more than present clearly an interesting contrast. Goethe's words regarding Shakespeare might form a convenient starting point for such a contrast: * * Seine Stiicke, drehen sich alle um den geheimen Punckt, in dem das Eigentiimliche unseres Ichs, die pratendierte Freyheit unsres WoUens, mit dem notwendigen Gang des Ganzen zusammen stoszt.''"' We may well doubt with Gundolf^"*** whether this cor- rectly characterizes Shakespeare ; but it is as if coined for Hebbel. The scene of the confiict of Shakespeare 's heroes is laid in their own breasts. They are free beings and can choose their course. Hebbers representatives of humanity in its development partici- pate involuntarily in the evolutionary struggle of humanity. They may fight valiantly or endure serenely, but the stand they take is predetermined by their environment (Maria Magdalena), by their mere being (Agnes Bernauer), or by their responsi- = «" Grosz [674a] 25. 2B Ibid., p. 33. 25« Goethe, Werke I 37, 133. 25«> See Survey, p. 432. 1920] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Survey 459 bilities (Herzog Ernst). Thus Alberts is able to show how similar situations fail to develop parallel courses of action. Brutus 's situation resembles Judith's, but Brutus is free to choose while Judith's course is dictated to, her by Jehovah. Angelo in Measure far measure is guilty in much the same way «s is Oolo in Genoveva; but Shakespeare aims to show Angelo ®^^*^ggling to make a decision; Hebbel tries to show that Golo ^o\ild not do otherwise than he did, thus denying his moral ^^sponsibility. Hebbel's dramas harmonize in a higher unity the drama of ^Vke Greeks and of Shakespeare. With the Greeks fate must Conquer and is so overpowering as to crush individual will. ^Vith Shakespeare will is triumphant. With Hebbel both man ^-nd evolutionary progress (Hebbel's substitute for fate) are un- ^^onquerable and are pitted against each other in a never-ending struggle. Almost to the same extent as Shakespeare Hebbel ^evelopt the tragedy out of the character of his heroes, while irith the Greeks the tragic heroes have the character given them by the myth, but little individuality beyond that. Hebbel once planned to write an extensive critical work on Shakespeare, perhaps after the manner of Ludwig;^® but he refrained from doing so apparently in the belief that too much had already been written about Shakespeare in Germany .^^ Had Hebbel carried out his intention he would doubtless have under- taken to show wherein he himself had brot the drama into a more advanced stage of development than Shakespeare: **Das Neue (bei Hebbel) liegt in dem Bestreben, iiber das individuelle Charakterdrama Shakespeares hinauszukommen. Er will den Widerspruch in den iiberindividuellen Lebensmachten nach- weisen."" Unlike most German dramatists Hebbel regarded not Hamlet but King Lear as Shakespeare s greatest creation, for Hebbel, as Alberts says,^® was no friend of **Weltschmerzpoesie." 2« Alberta [677] 1. 27 Hebbel, WerJce ed. Werner (Berlin 1902), XH 29f. 2» Alberto [677] 31. 2» Ibid., p. 15. 460 University of California Publirations in Modem Philology [Vol.9 ** Hamlet ist wie im Grabe geschrieben/'*® he wrote, while he called King Lear a triumph over sorrow. As might be surmized, Hebbel was most interested in Shakespeare's historical playB. Alberts is able to point out a few material borrowings from Shakespeare in Hebbel's works'* but admits their slight import- ance: **Sie verschwinden geradezu in dem gewaltigen Lebens- werk des Dichters/ ''*' Yet Shakespeare's influence upon Hebbel was strong and healthful: **Diese Gestalt in ihren gi- gantischen Umrissen hat Hebbel imraer wieder vor der Seele gestanden. Er bedurfte ihrer lebenspendenden Kraft schon als Glegengewicht gegen das starke reflektierende Element in seinem Innern."'*' Hebbel once said of Goethe and Schiller: **Sie haben sich im Einzelnen von Shakespeare so fern wie mog^lich gehalten, ihn im Ganzen aber nie aus den Augen verloren;** and the same description, Alberts says in conclusion, can be fortunately applied to Hebbel's relation to Shakespeare. Hebbers Maria Magdalena and Ludwig's Erbforster mark the turning away from the dramatic type of the eighteenth cen- tury toward the Ibsen drama of the nineteenth century. On the theoretic side Ludwig's Shakespeare-Studien (1855ff.) have a similar significance. As Meyer has said: Sowohl in der Auswahl der ausgebeuteten Stticke wie der beleuchteten Seiten laszt dor geniale Grubler sich mehr von seinem Bedurfnia leiten, als von dem Streben nach vollkommenem wissenschaftlichen Durchar- beiten des Stoffes. Was Luedeutenden Dramatiker. Die meisten dieser Forderungen lassen sich ^dessen gerade in Shakespeares Dramen in hoher VoUendung nachweisen. Der Dramatik des Ibsens der GeseUschaftsdramen und seiner Schule -widersprechen hingegen manche der wiehtigsten Forderungen Ludwigs, die freie englische Kompositionsform und damit der reiche Szenenwechsel und die Monologe, die absoluten Forderungen der Charakter- und be- Bonders der Leidenschaftstragodie, die Anwendung historischer StofFe, in einiger Hinsicht sein Begriff des Tragischen, seine unbedingte Forderung des Typischen und sein dramatischer Stil. Diesen wesentlichen Forde- rungen ist die Dramatik der letzten Jahrzehnte nur selten und auch dann nie in voUem Umfange gerecht geworden. Wir konnen aus alien ange- fuhrten Griinden in Ludwig keinen Propheten des Dramas Ibsens und seiner Schule erkennen. Uns scheint, dasz Ludwigs dramaturgische Forde- rungen weit weniger in die Zukunft, auf die Dramatik der letzten Jahr- 32* Scherer [695], on the other hand, does little to that end. 82t» Meyer [696] 83. 32*^ Ludwig, Schriften V 94. 828en unsere Poeten. Die grauenhaftesten Bilder des menschlichen ilmsinns zeigt uns Aristophanes nur im lachenden Spiegel des Witzes, ci. groszen Denkerschmerz, der seine eigene Nichtigkeit begreift, wagt '^the nor in den Knittelversen eines Puppenspiels auszusprechen, und ^ todlichste Klage iiber den Jammer der Welt legt Shakespeare in den ^and eines Narren, wahrend er dessen Schellenkappe angstlich schiittelt. '-^ habens alle dem groszen Urpoeten abgesehen, der in seiner tausend- ^tigen Welttragodie den Humor aufs hochste zu treiben weisz.*3 To a similar purport Heine expresses himself in a personal -^tter: Das Ungeheuerste, das Entsetzlichste, das Schaudervollste, wenn es ^^eht unpoetisch werden soil, kann man auch nur in dem buntscheckigen ^jewande des Lacherlichen darstellen, gleichsam versohnend, darum hat ^uch Shakespeare das Graszlichste im Lear durch den Narren sagen lassen, ^anun hat auch Goethe zu dem furchtbarsten Stoffe, zum Faulty die Pup- penspielform gewahlt, darum hat auch der noch groszere Poet, niimlich unser Herrgott, alien Schreckensszenen dieses Lebens eine gute Dosis Spaszhaftigkeit beigemischt.^^ The temperamentality which elsewhere characterizes Heine's criticism of England and the English is absent in his Shake- spearean criticism. His admiration for Shakespeare. is constant. His views regarding the English have often been collected but they have ever defied systematization. A good collection of them is to be found at the opening of Schalles's work [680]. This is followed by a statement of Heine's opinion of certain of Shakespeare's lesser countrymen. Much of the English lyric poetry appealed strongly to him, especially that of Shelley, Byron, and of Percy's Reliques, Of the novelists he admired *2»» See Survey, pp. 432 and 460. 48 Heine, Werke IV 180. 44 Ibid. IV 512 ; letter to Friederiko Bobert, Oct. 12, 1825. » « 468 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoV-^ most Scott, Swift, Fielding, Sterne, and Goldsmith; but ^^ thoroly hated the prudish Richardson. In respect to the nov^ ^ ists his opinions coincided largely with Gutzkow's.** Of other German men of letters of the past century in th^^^ ' relation to Shakespeare Nietzsche presents the most interesti^^^ problem. Nietzsche and a school friend of his first read ^j^C^^^^ and Shakespeare at Pf orta at the beginning of the year 186^ ^ One of his shrewd relatives attributed his sudden flagging cC^^ interest in humdrum studies to the impressions he received froi^^ these poets. Nietzsche and his young friend forthwith declarecs^ their previous writings to be milk and water sentimentality, an^:^^ a period of imitation began at least on Nietzsche's part whicli^J he later declared to be loathsome and childish. It was in this^ period that Nietzsche wrote the poem Ndchtgedanken (1863-^ — 1864), in which he represented himself in a Faustic pose among 'S his books, saying: Du gabst mir Trost, du gabst mir Wein und Brot, Mein Shakespeare, als mich Schmerzen niederzwangen.^^ Elizabeth Forster-Nietzsche, his sister, says: These two spirits (Byron and Shakespeare) workt upon him with the whole power of their art, and may be it was as early as this period that he began to feel that admiration for strong and free men about which he wrote to me twenty-two years later as follows: ''Every form of strength is in itself refreshing and delightful to behold. Bead Shake- speare: He presents you with a crowd of such strong men — rough, bold, mighty men of granite. It is precisely in these men that our age is so poor. ' '*T In the year 1863 Nietzsche read before his school society a paper in which he referred to Byron's heroes as **t)bermen- schen," just as he described Shakespeare's heroes twenty years later. His sister believes that Nietzsche thot of the **t)ber- *•' Sec Survey, p. 493. :4e Goldschmidt [634a] 491. :*« Quoted in Meyer, Nietzsche (Miinchen 1913) 634. ■♦7 Forster-Nietzsche, Life of Nietzsche, translated by H. Ludovici (N. Y. 1912), I 100. • • 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 469 K ^ong before the theories of Darwin were known. Furthermore N^ietzsche himself was always skeptical of those theories. In the ^ften quoted parable at the beginning of Also sprach Zarathustra '^^ xnakes use of it to be sure, but only as a simile to make clearer '^^ thot." At first the figure of the ** Superman" appeared to '^i^tzsche merely as an enchanting vision, but he later found le real instances in the past, and among these he rankt Shake- are, Byron, Caesar, Napoleon, Goethe, and several of the ^^^ks." In respect to form, however, Nietzsche could not commend ^^^Xakespeare's works. This is true of Nietzsche's later years at ^8t. He once said : * * My artistic taste compels me not without iger to vindicate the fair name of MoliSre, Comeille, and Bacine against a disorderly genius like Shakespeare."*® If Shakespeare represents to-day anything more than an onored tradition to the learned and a never failing fount of njoyment to the cultivated public; if he is anywhere a living ^^nd developing force, it is among the followers of Nietzsche. *TTiis has already been intimated in connexion with the review of <}undolf's Shakespearean work. Another Nietzschean critic, Goldschmidt, despises equally the favor of the masses and con- cerns himself only with the effect of Shakespeare on the elite. He says : £8 ist wahr, dasz Shakespeare immer noch die Biihiienhauser fiillt und als Kassenmagnet die Sudermanns und Philippis schlagt — aber das liegt teils an seinen wirklich unverwUstlichen Unterhaltungs-Qualitaten, teils und vor allem an einer neuartigen und anreizenden Regie- und Schau- spielkunst. Ob hieraus wirklich mehr als eine oberflachliche Beriihrung, ein geklartes inneres Verhaltnis zu den Klassikern und insbesondere zu Shakespeare gewonnen wird, ist naturlich zweifelhaft. Nur eine Kom- *8 Ibid., II 199; but cf. Bibuoqraphy [913] and [913x]. 49 Ibid., II 203; (cf. Forster-Nietzsche [849x] 151). 50 Ibid., II 367. Cf . Meyer, Nietzsche, p. 600 (discussion of Ecce Homo) : * * Shakespeare ist f iir Nietzsche nur der komplizierte Geist, der den Hamlet und den Typus Casar schuf, so wenig aber ein groszer Kiinstler, dasz Nietzsche seine Dichtungen mit seltsamer Begriindung dem Lord Bacon zuschreibt. ' ' 470 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 promisz- und Mischkultur aus Masseninstinkt und Xsthetizismus kann sich mit der sogeDannten kiinstlerisehen Wiedergeburt Shakespeares za- frieden geben.si Goldschmidt then propounds the question, **was und wie viel Shakespeare uns noch gibt und geben kannT' Shakespeare, he says, is in the first place a problem of style that the present age has yet to solve. After writing Gotz Goethe wrote Die natiirliche Tochter. Kleist went to pieces in the attempt to unite the style of Aeschylus with that of Shakespeare. Ibsen and Maeterlinck have succeeded in combining the fullness and sensitiveness of modern life and modern feeling with the grand fatalistic atmosphere of the ancients; but even their works fail to sum up all the inherited and acquired characteristics of the life of to-day : ** (Es) fehlt nur noch ein Hauch shakespearischer Blutwarme und Bildkraft, um aus dem Erbe der Jahrhunderte die neue Form zu destillieren. ' ''^^ But Shakespeare can benefit the modern drama not only as to form but also as to spirit. The modern tendency is toward the drama of the inner life (Seelendrama) such as is produced by Maeterlinck and Ibsen. This is due, Goldschmidt says, to **die Verchristlichung des modernen Lebens, die Verbiirgerli- chung der modernen Gesellschaft, die Vergeistigung unsres Weltgefiihls. * '^^ But the less ethereal part of man cannot be entirely shuffled off after all. There must still be a remnant *S^on Instinkt, Aktion, Stofflichkeit und kampferischer Span- nung, ' '^^ and here, too, Shakespeare can be of help. Finally, in spite of the difference in times, Shakespeare can aid in finding the typical hero of to-day. Goldschmidt concedes : *'Zu jenem selbstherrlichen, unangekrankelten Lebensgefiihl der Renaissance konnen wir nicht mehr zuriick — es ist fiir uns nur noch ein historischer, kein Zukunftswert ; ' ^^* but Shakespeare has modern types as well and one of these is Hamlet. Hamlet, who 51 Goldschmidt [634a] 491. 62 Ibid., p. 493. 03 Ibid., p. 494. 6* Ibid., p. 495; cf. Bibliography [701]-[701]ff. f 1920'i Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 471 Ands the world out of joint and strives to set it right only to be ov'ercome by its brutal realities, is a typical Ibsen being. Another drama of high import to-day is Shakespeare's Troilus and Ores- **aragement, too, is over. Qoldschmidt says we believe no fer in the like value of all souls. We recognize rather an tocracy of souls. A new hero must be created for the time, according to Qoldschmidt *s description he is in a certain *^^*:ise an **t)bermensch.*' The Beinhardt representations of ^^akespeare, according to Qoldschmidt, fall into line with this ■^ interpretation: pas Zeitlose, das Ewlg-MenschUche in Shakespeare entpuppt sich bei ^lierem Zusehen immer mehr als das zeitlich hochst bedingte ''gute ^wissen'' der ungebrochenen Triebe und des naiven Egoismus, als das ^^Ibstverstandliche Sich-Ausleben brutaler und strahlender Grand-Seigneur- ^^aturen. Beinhardts die groszen Dichtergebilde jedenfalls an der Wurzel X^ackende Begie hat uns in diesem Sinne den Kaufmann von Venedig als ^enaissancekomodie verstehen gelehrt.B^ So Qoldschmidt is able to hold out a hope for the future : Vielleicht, dasz das Drama der Zukunft mit jener Starkung des kamp- ferischen PersonUchkeitsinstinkts sogar eine gewisse Wendung zur Welt- anschauung Shakespeares nehmen wird: zur spontanen Charaktertragik, die freilich durch die Bereicherungen des Milieu-, Stimmungs- und Seelendramas hindurchgegangen ist. Das ware dann in Stil, Inhalt und kosmischen Horizonten die wahre Wiedergeburt Shakespeares.5B BB Ibid., p. 497. 472 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vc^-* PABT in THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND AFTER (Shakespeare excluded) Chapter 19 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN GENERAL The opening of the nineteenth century found English liter- ^ ature occupying no such position of transcendence as thirty years * before. Then it stood at the height of its prestige and was deemed by the leading German critics superior to its chief con- temporary, the French literature; but in the seventies of the eighteenth century Germany had acquired her literary inde- pendence, and German poets, so far as they sot models at all, could find them in their own literature, or in the classic liter- atures, which had recently come into renewed authority. (Joethe, it is true, still contended for the pre-eminence of English liter- ature among the moderns. When Eckermann regretted his inade- quate training in the classic languages, Goethe advised him to compensate himself by a study of the English writers, and after mentioning among the great influences in the eighteenth qmtury, Goldsmith, Fielding, and Shakespeare, he added, **und noch heut zu Tage, wo woUen Sie denn in Deutschland drey litera- rische Helden finden, die dem Lord Byron, Moore und Walter Scott an die Seite zu setzen warenT*^ Goethe's estimate of contemporary British literature was almost too flattering. To-day one is tempted to answer Goethe's question by proposing Goethe himself and Heine, and is at a loss only to find a contemporary German equivalent for Scott. Even the Germany of Goethe's declining years seemed to disagree with him in regard to England's pre-eminence. The turn in the tide of travel is perhaps not without significance in 1 Eckermann, GesprdchCf p. 101; Dec. 3, 1824; cf. Survey, p. 307. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 473 ^his connexion. The leading English men of letters in the eight- ^^li.'th century went to the continent as a part of their education ; *onxetimes Paris was their goal, sometimes Italy was included in ^fa^ir journeys, but rarely, if ever, Germany. On the other hand ^*^^-xiy Germans went to England.^' In the nineteenth century '-^^ situation was reverst. A few political fugitives, it is true — ^ ^•^^iligrath, Kinkel, and others — found a temporary home in ^^*:igland; Piickler-Muskau, Raumer, Heine, Grillparzer, Hebbel, agner paid visits to London; and Fontane explored the re- nter regions of Scotland and England with an interest and '^^^^jsight which bore fruit in poetry. But in general the stream travel was in the other direction, and after Coleridge and ordsworth had set the example in 1799 it grew to be the custom ^r English and American men of letters to become acquainted ^^^th Germany. Such journeyings were in some instances of kittle significance. Byron in 1816, Browning in 1838, and Sickens in 1846 merely made the Rhine trip; Scott past thru <}ermany in his last days (1832) ; and Bulwer Lytton took the Drater cure at Ems in 1848 ; but meanwhile the young Thackeray had been hospitably received by the literary circles of Weimar in 1830; about ten years later George Meredith, not yet sixteen years of age, attended a Moravian school in Neuwied, receiving impressions that did much to influence his future career ; George Eliot -^d George Henry Lewes establisht literary relations in Weimar and Berlin in 1854 ; and in 1868 Matthew Arnold studied the school system of Prussia, returning to enlighten his country- men in regard to the deficiencies of their own system. But American men of letters began to form intellectual ties with Germany at a much earlier date. Franklin visited Got- tingen in 1766 to gain ideas that might help him in the founding of the University of Pennsylvania;^" George Ticknor, Edward Everett, and J. G. Cogswell matriculated at Gottingen in 1815; George Bancroft took a degree there in 1820, becoming acquainted with Alexander Humboldt and Goethe while in Germany ; Long- 306. 2* See Survey, p. 165. s"* Sparks, LifiB and works of Benjamin Franklin (Philadelphia 1840) I 474 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vo^-^ fellow first studied in Gottingen in 1829 and John Lothrop Moi^^^^ in 1832;^* Cooper tarried in Dresden a short time in 1830; ^^^ Bryant spent three months of study and observation in Miinclr^^ and four in Heidelberg in 1835 and 1836. Of the older English influences many had been outlived ^ Germany. This was especially true of lyric poetry. Vop^^^ Thomson, Milton, Young, and Ossian were no longer names conjure with, and Arnim and Brentano were providing Germai^^ with a Percy collection of its own. In the dramatic field Shak^ speare, it is true, was a power still to be reckoned with. W have already seen how Kleist, Grillparzer, Grabbe, Hebbel, an(^ Ludwig were compelled to be regardful of him, but none of thes^^ fell permanently under his spell. There was one branch of liter-^ ature, however, in which the English still maintained their for^' mer transcendence ; this was the novel. The English novel was^ to vie with Goethe's Wilhelm Meister for supremacy thruout a -^ large part of the nineteenth century. Of the eighteenth -century novelistic influences Richardson's was naturally the first to pass away. That it extended beyond Goethe, Wieland, and Sophie La Roche, however, and affected the romantic school has been shown by Donner [968]. Tieck's William Lovell (1795) corresponds with Retif de la Bretonne's Le paysan perverti, but the more virtuous aims which Tieck prof est, **die Enthtillung der Heuchelei, Weichlichkeit und Liige,"^** were inspired by Richardson. Tieck admitted that he studied ^'Kostiim, Art und Weise der Englander ' '^* before writ- ing his novel. Richardson is spoken of admiringly more than once in the text of William Lovell. In the letter form of Tieck 's novel there is further evidence of Richardson's direct influence. Donner presents parallel passages to show how closely Tieck has modeled after the style of Richardson's Clarissa, The two novels have also many important motifs and many details in common, tho they are essentially different in tone. ** Tieck nimmt den einen Richardsonschen Gedanken nach dem andern auf, aber er Ijiszt ihn sofort wieder fallen ; er weisz nichts damit anzufangen, 2^ See Shumway, The American students of the University of Gottingen, AG XII (1910) 173f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 475 eben weil seine Weltansicht von der hohen Sittlichkeit Richard- sons nicht getragen wird."' Donner shows, on the other hand, that Arnim's novel Armut, ^Gichtum, Schuld und Busze der Grdfin Dolores (1810) resembles -^icliardson's novels not merely, like Tieek's William Lovell, in ^rior details, but in its pervading spirit. He finds this view reconcilable with Scherer's assertion that Grdfin Dolores inspired by WiUielm Meister^ XJnter alien Nachfolgern Bichardsons zeigt sich der letzte, Arnim, als erste, der ihn verstanden hat. Die iibrigen, von Gellert und Hermes Sophie La Roche, mogen wohl auch von seinem Geiste durchdningen K3, insofern sie gleich ihm eine moralische Besserung beabsichtigten, von der einfachen Hoheit seiner Gesinnung ist bei ihnen keine Spur finden. Des Gedankens einer Clarissa, die lieber stirbt, als ihren tziichtiger heiratet, waren sie nicht machtig. Statt der Festhaltung es einfachen Grundgedankens, wie Bichardson ihn in seinen Bomanen gebracht hat, ergingen sie sich in der Erzahlung der unsinnigstcn Aben- ^er, die ihre Helden und Heldinnen befallen, und welche weit mehr an ^n deutschen Boman des 17. Jahrhunderts erinnern, als an die Empfin- Xjngsweise und die Komposition Bichardsons, dessen Stil und technische ttel wiederum nach reichstem Maszstabe zur Geltung gebracht .wurden. Eine Grundidee im Sinne Bichardsons hat aber erst Arnim wieder ufgenommen. Dies ware aber auch unmoglich gewesen, wenn er sich icht von Grund aus dem Wesen Bichardsons verwandt gefiihit hatte. iese Verwandtschaft besteht in der bei beiden Schriftstellern vorherr- ^chenden und lebendigen ernsten moralischen Weltansicht, in dem Glauben ^eider an die Moglichkeit, diese ernste moralische Weltansicht in einem menschlichen Einzelwesen verkorpert und alle seine Taten lenkend an- zutreffen, ohne dasz dies Einzelwesen darum die Freude am Dasein aufgeben musz, kurz gesagt, in dem Glauben beider an voUkommene Charaktere.<^ This Donner finds illustrated especially in the characters of Charles Qrandison and Graf Karl : Dieser Charakter (Graf Karl) ist es, der dem ganzen eine so wunderbare Biehardsonsche Stimmung giebt, die leichter zu f iihlen als zu beschreiben ist, eine Stimmung von Beinheit, von Glauben an Tugend, die zur Geniige sagt, dasz man die Gefilde Bichardsons betreten hat. Und in der Tat: in der ganzen zwischen Bichardson und Arnim liegenden Beihe von Bomanen findet sich nichts im dem Grade Ahnliches.<} 8 Donner [968] 7. * Scherer, Geschichte der deutschen Literature (Berlin 1885) 669. 5 Donner [968] 10-11. •Ibid., p. 15. 476 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 Dormer points out furthermore that these similar lofty ideas are exemplified by a similar novelistic scheme. In Amim'gnovd we have, as in Richardson's, several virtuous characters wbo demonstrate in various ways the same thot, and a profligate ^»^ serves at once as a foil and a means of bringing about the ^^' flict. Neither Goethe's Wilhelm Meister nor the novels of ^' nim's fellow romanticists are organized in this way. DoH^®^' however, calls especial attention to the fact that Amim's ^^"^ differs in one important respect from that of his predeceas^^ **Amim fangt es mit fertigen Charakteren wenigstens durcbl hends nicht an, sondem gerade inbetreff der Haupti)er80ii^^ (i. e. Karl and Dolores) mit erst werdenden."^ The subtler influence of Sterne permeated the novels of th^^ romanticists more generally, and its traces can be readily recog- ^ nized in the works of their successors, the Young Qermans. Czerny [346] has traced the influence of Sterne on Hippel and Jean Paul ; Kerr [345] brings the account down to the romantic school. He recognizes Cervantes as a predecessor of the entire group: **Will die Porschung die Quellen der romantischen Ironic genauer verfolgen so wird sie zwischen Cervantes und Jean Paul Halt machen bei Laurence Sterne. . . . Wie Sterne den Cervantes, so bewundert Jean Paul den Sterne."* In Siehenkds Jean Paul admits that it was Sterne who showed him **die rechten Wege des Scherzes.'*' Between Sterne and Richter Kerr recognizes chiefly quanti- tative differences: **Bei Sterne erscheinen die empfindsamen Elemente als Zutaten zum Humor ; bei Jean Paul erscheint der Humor als Zutat zu den empfindsamen Elementen. Immerhin audi bei dem Englander wird der Leser aus dem Dampfbade der Riihrung in das Kiihlbad der frostigen Satire getrieben. "^® The technik of Sterne's humor and of Jean Paul's is similar. The most frequent device is **da8 aus dem Stiick Fallen," as it 7 Ibid., p. 12. «Kerr [345] 72-73. 8 Jean Paul, SiehenKos Kap. XXIII S. 427, so cited by Kerr [345] 130. JO Kerr f345] 73. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 477 is called, whereby the author destroys the illusion by talking of the book within the book. Sterne tells the reader he is deter- mined to finish his chapter before going to bed. Jean Paul says that his manuscript is now so large that his sister uses it to sit upon when playing the piano.^^ Brentano remarks in his Godwi: ^^Diesist der Teich, in den ich Seite 266 im ersten Band falle/'"' and elsewhere : * * Dies war also der Godwi von dem ich so viel fireschrieben habe. . . . Ich hatte ihn mir ganz anders vorge- stellt.*'"*^ What the Schlegels and Tieck chiefly valued in Jean Paul his **Wmkiirlichkeit" and his * * Phantasie. ' * In the Athe- m Jean Paul was rated more highly than Sterne * * um seiner ^Ixantasie willen, die weit kranklicher, also weit wunderlicher "^^■^d phantastischer sei."^^ Under the guidance of ScUegel and -■-^ieck Brentano was led to take Jean Paul as a model. Bren- ^no did not plan his Godm (1801) as a humorous work. He «s by nature sentimental and morbid but was gifted with a iving sense of self -mockery. In the course of writing he found is Godwi becoming too sentimental and so anticipated the re- ^^^^iilsion of the reader by ridiculing the characters he had just ^^reated. Kerr does not lay stress upon the direct influences of Sterne on Brentano, but rather upon indirect influence thru ^ean Paul. A little later in the nineteenth century Sterne found a kin- dred spirit in Heine. Yet there was a markt difference between the two authors, as shown by their writings. Tho lacking in unity of form, Sterne's works, as Vacano points out, have a musical unity: "Jede Stimmung Stemes hat zwei konstante Dominanten, den Humor und die Empfindsamkeit, die bald in friedlicher Verschmelzung, bald in interessanten und haufig be- lustigenden Kontrasten auftreten.'* Heine had similar but stronger characteristics : * * Seine Empfindsamkeit ist allzuoft zu 11 Jean Paul, Hesperus I 332 **Leipziger Neudruck; '' so cited by Kerr [345] 129. 11' Quoted by Kerr [345] 78 without reference. ii*» Quoted by Kerr [345] 71 without reference. 12 Kerr [345] 65. 478 University of California Puhlicattons in Modern Philology £^^o^-^ wildem Schmerz gesteigert. . . . Der Humor ist scharfer • • • er erscheint mit Vorliebe als sarkastischer Witz und bi't:teTe Ironie."^' And unlike Sterne's compositions Heine's end ^^^ quently in a dissonance (Stimmungsbrechung). The similarity of their natures explains why Heine so rea ^3^*^ fell under Sterne's spell and why he remained under it so Ic^*^^' Vacano is able to show by quotations from Heine that the lai knew Sterne in the original, was well informed regarding literary position in England, and intentionally imitated h The influence, however, was not equally strong in all the th groups of his works which Vacano distinguishes thus : 1. Earzreise, Nordseehilder III, Das Buck Le Grandf Englische F mente: Es sind dies Werke aus jener Zeit, die durch den Beginn Beschaftigung mit Sterne und die oben besprochenen Briefe begre wird. Bei ihnen liegt lediglich die Vermutung nahe, dasz Stemese Einflusz obwalte. 2. Italienische Beisebilder: Hier ist der Einflusz Ste von vornherein bewiesen. 3. Die letzte Gruppe: Sie umfaszt alle na und neben den italienischen Beisehildern geschriebenen Prosawerke.^^ The testimony of all the special investigators tends to coi firm the earlier assertion of Julian Schmidt: **Der triibsel Humor, der heuer bei unsern Asthetikem allein Gnade find< hat seinen Vater in Sterne. Dieser Humor besteht aus einei bestandigen, mit Lacheln und Thranen gewiirzten Kopfsehiittel^^^--^^ liber das Thema Hamlets : * Es gibt mehr Ding im Himmel unc auf Erden als cure Schulweisheit sich traumt. ' Unsere deutschei Humoristen sind alle von diesem Vorbild inspiriert. "^* Thii type of humor, Schmidt says, has exerted a baneful influenci upon the works of Hippel, Hamann, Jean Paul, Amim, ancK Brentano. In Hoffmann it is exhibited in a state of complete decay. His is not a mingling of contradictory elements but merely a juxtaposition thereof, and the same is true of Immer- mann's Milnchhausen, of much of Heine's work, and of a great 13 Vacano [995] 16. 14 Vacano [995] 33f. Ransmeier [996] investigated the relations of Heine and Sterne before Vacano publisht his monograph. Vacano 's dis- cussion, however, appeared first in print. The two investigations present much the same evidence and arrive at the same conclusions. Bansmeier treats with greater detail the first two periods defined by Vacano, but does not touch upon the last. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 479 part of the most recent German literature (ea. 1851 ).^' As &Srainst these unhealthy tendencies Schmidt recognized a healthy reaction in Dickens, whose humor he compared with that of the ^icar of Wakefield and of Vosz's Siehzigster Gehurtstdg}^ The l^nxnor of this latter class of writers, in contrast to the **triibse- Uger Humor" of the former, consisted in deriving yet undiscov- ^I'^d pleasure out of the common things of daily life. This is ^i^ticism of a more discriminating type than that which pre- "^^►iled in the eighteenth century." Having thus taken account of the eighteenth-century English ^^^X"fluences that continued into the nineteenth, it might seem a ^i^nple task to summarize the new English influences that came ^Xxto Germany during the last hundred and twenty years. That ^Xach is not the case is due to the extremely complicated nature literary history in the nineteenth century. It was the era of **Weltliteratur" as Goethe used the term, e have no longer to do with simple influences but with recip- >rocal relations. That Goethe was susceptible to the trends of English thot is a fact that will presently be emphasized, yet his ^wn influence upon English and American literature, largely thru the advocacy of Carlyle, Emerson, and Margaret Puller, is of greater importance.^® Walter Scott, the first of the popular English novelists of the century, owed a debt to German liter- ature. Transplanting and acclimatization on a new soil is often healthful for a literary form. Weriher and La nouvelle 15 Gremhoten 1851 I 167f. i« Ibid., p. 164. 17 See Survey, chapter 12. 18 In his address of 1896 Kellner L^^^] combats the prevailing belief regarding Carlyle 's importance as an advocate of Goethe's works in England. Carlyle 's views of Goethe as exprest in the Goethe-Carlyle correspondence, he says, should be constantly compared with his opinion of Goethe frankly exprest in private correspondence. Sartor Resartus indicates that Carlyle 's spiritual recovery came from France rather than Germany. The Goethe-Carlyle correspondence indicates that Goethe and Carlyle were writing at cross purposes. Carlyle 's criticisms of Goethe's works are one-sided. Many of the most important have heretofore been disregarded. **Die verbreitete Ansicht, dasz erst mit Carlyle die eigent- liche Kenntnis Goethes in England begann, ist auch falsch." Since there is no suggestion that Goethe owed to Carlyle any literary inspiration extensive data are not called for in the bibliography. 480 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Heloise attest this fact, while Wilhelm Meister is a product of a mingling of the native stock with the foren. Qoethe's Odiz evoked in Germany nothing better than a sequence of mediocre * * Raubritterromane ' ' and * ' Ritterstiicke. ' ' Walter Scott read Gotz and translated it in his early years. It was perhaps one of the chief agencies that called forth his epic work in poetry and prose. In sending his novels into Germany Scott was repaying a literary debt. Bulwer Lytton, who succeeded Walter Scott as prime favorite in Germany, was also well acquainted with Qer- man literature. His Falkland shows clearly the influence of Wert her, and his Maltravers of WiUielm Meister}^ Bulwer often acknowledged his indebtedness to German literature and dedi- cated one of his works to the German people. He was feted on his visit to Germany; in honoring him the Germans inci- dentally honored themselves. In the case of Byron we have not to do with a specifically British influence. Contemporary British society would have hesitated to claim Byron as its liter- ary representative abroad. He was the personification of a spirit abroad in Europe at the time, and he chanced to have been bom in the British Isles; but the whole romantic movement was evi- dence of the fact that literature had now resolved itself into international movements to such a degree that one could speak only with the greatest caution of the influence of one national literature upon another. At the head of the conscious movement toward a world liter- ature stood Mme. de Stael,^^ Goethe, and Carlyle. The corre- spondence between the latter two^^ began June 24, 1824, when Carlyle sent Goethe his translation of Wilhelm Meister, which 10 Goldhahn, A. H., Vher die Einwirkung des Goetheschen Werthers und Wilhelm Meisters auf die Entwicklung Eduard Bulwers, Diss., Leipzig 1895. 20 It was apparently thru Mme. de Stael that Carlyle first learned about the work of Goethe. Regarding Mme. de Stael 's international literary position see Whitford, R. C, Mme. de StaeVs literary reputation in England (Univ. of Illinois studies in language and literature IV 1 191S) ; 60 pp. Jaeck, E. G.. Mme. de Stacl and the spread of German literature (N. Y. 1915) ; 358 pp. Kphler, P., Mme. de Stael et la Suisse (Lausanne and Paris 1916) ; 720 -f- pp. Wickman, J., Mme. de Stael och Sverige etc. (Lund 1911); 154-h pp. 21 See Norton [906]. 1920] Price: Engliah^German Literary Influences — Survey 481 Goethe acknowledged. About three years later Carlyle sent Goethe a copy of his Life of Schiller, which Goethe also acknowl- edged and warmly commended. On July 20th of the same year he exprest himself to Carlyle equally heartily in favor of inter- national interchange in matters literary. From now on the cor- respondence quickened its pace. The two authors made it their practice to send to each other their works. Carlyle also kept Goethe informed as to the growing appreciation for German literature in England. Goethe sent to Carlyle the volumes of his correspondence with Schiller as fast as they appeared, and sent him other works helpful to him in his studies on German literature. He also procured for Carlyle an election as hon- orary member of a society for foren literature in Berlin. Carlyle distributed personal souvenirs from Goethe to the little group of men who had done most to foster the appreciation of German literature in England, and a group of fifteen English men of letters, foremost among them Carlyle, sent an appreciative letter to Goethe on his last birthday, accompanied by a commemorative medal. The society for foren literature had already undertaken to publish a translation of Carlyle 's Life of Schiller and had re- quested Goethe to write a preface thereto. Goethe had first to ask Carlyle for some personal facts in regard to his past career and present manner of life. Particularly he askt him for a drawing of his home. Such a sketch was provided by Jane Carlyle and reproduced in the German version of Carlyle 's Life of Schiller, which was completed in October 1830. Goethe's introduction contained a personal account of Carlyle and his literary career as well as a plea for international comity in literature.^^ Goethe's support of such friendly relations served to benefit directly not only Carlyle but also Burns. On the 25th of Sep- tember, 1828, Carlyle mentioned to Goethe that he was about to publish an Essay on Burns, Burns, as Carlyle did not fail to point out, was born in Schiller's birth year and died in the first " Goethe, Wcrke I 42: 1, 185ff. 482 Umirertitp of Calif armia Fmblioitiomg im Modtrm FhOolon \yoL 9 year of the Goethe-Schiller friendship. In 1828 he was aearcdy known in (jermany. In his reply to Carlyle several months later (June 25, 1829) (Joethe said: Ihren Landsmann Bams, der, wenn er noch lebte, namnehr Hit Naeh- bar seyn wurde, kenn ich so weit, om iliii za sehatzen; die Enrahnnng denselben in Ihrem Briefe veranlaszte mich, seine Gedichte wieder Tor- zonehmen,:' vor allem die Gesehichte seines Lebens wieder dorekziileseny welrhe frevlich wie die Geschichte manches sehonen Talents, hoehst nner- frenlieh ist. Die poetische Gabe ist mit der Gabe, das Leben einzoleiten and irgend einen Zustand zu bestatigen, gar selten verbnnden. An seinen Gedicbten bab icb einen freyen Geist erkannt, der den Aogenblick kraftig anzufassen ond ibm zugleicb eine beitere Seite ab- zogewinnen weisz. Leider konnt icb diesz nnr von wenigen Stncken abnebmen, denn der schottiscbe Dialect macbt uns andere sogleieh irre, und zu einer Aufklaning iiber das Einzelne feblt ons Zeit and Gelegenbeit.s-* And indeed Goethe 's interest in Bums was by no means feigned for the occasion, for as early as the 3rd of May, 1827, Gkiethe had spoken enthusiastically to Eckermann of Bums.'* In the before-mentioned introduction to the translation of Carlyle 's Life of Schiller Goethe quoted from the Carlyle letter of Sep- tember 25, 1828, the phrases commendatory of Bums, taking occasion to add that since the Scot, Carlyle, had taken so much interest in Schiller, it was fitting that some member of the society for foren literature in Berlin should take the lead in a study of Bums. He also included in his introduction a translation of some significant passages from Carlyle 's Essay an Bums.^* Goethe informed Carlyle in a letter dated October 5th, 1830, of his election to membership in the society for foren literature. He was able to close this same letter with the announcement that a translator of Burns had been found ; * * ein talentvoUer junger Mann und gliicklicher Ubersetzer beschaftigt sich mit Bums ; ich 23 The study of the life of Bums is noted in Ooethe's Ttigebueher undfT date of Oct. 8, 1828: **Dcn Brief von Carlyle naher betrachtet. . . . Leben von Burns und schottische Balladen. " Goethe, Werlce III H 288. ' '-•4 Goethe Werke, IV 45, 304. 25 Eckermann, Geaprdche, p. 500. 26 Goethe Werke, I 42:1, 196flf. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 483 bin darauf sehr verlangend/**^ This translator was a certain Philipp Kaufmann. In his next letter, October 23, 1830, Carlyle expresses his hopes and misgivings regarding the success of the Bums translator and adds : * * If he fail, beyond the due limits of poetical and translatorial license, the highest kindness we can do him here will be to forget him/'^^' Goethe seems to have been the prime mover in securing C^^-lyle's membership in the above-mentioned society. He was ^Ixe intermediary between the society and Carlyle, the first to ^tiggest the need of a German translator of Bums and to an- nounce to Carlyle the finding of one. It would be no exagger- ation, therefore, to designate him as the one who brot about the Earliest Burns translation. Regarding the personality of Philipp Kaufmann little seems t:o be known. He was not of the same family as Angelika Kauflf- :xnann. His complete translation was not publisht until 1840, l)ut translations of individual poems began to appear as early as 1832.^® Almost simultaneously with the Kaufmann transla- tion two others were publisht, one by Heinrich Julius Heintze, the other by W. Gerhard. Gerhard was a descendant of Paul Gerhard, the hymn writer of the seventeenth century. He was a native of Weimar and favorably known to Goethe. It is not inconceivable that his translation of Burns was also stimulated in part by Goethe's appeal in the introduction to the German translation of Carlyle *s Life of Schiller, for he began to study Bums about three years later, as the opening of his preface shows. In this preface he apologizes for competing with Goethe's chosen translator, saying: Ich kenne das junge Mitglied einer hochachtbaren Gesellschaft nicht, das von Goethe aufgefordert wurde den schottischen Volksdichter Robert Bums in Deutschland einzufiihren; aber ich lebe der bescheidenen Hoff- 27 Ibid., IV 47, 279. 27* Norton [906] 233. 28 The Museum of foreign literature, science, and art (Philadelphia) XX (1832) 111 reproduces from the Englishman's magazine a one-page account entitled Bums the poet, which contains a specimen of Kaufmann 's work. See Goodnight [4] no. [883]. 484 University of California Publications in Modem Philology \SC^ nungy dasz die Manen eines Meisters, dessen freundliche Worte mir ^^^^ ahnlichem Falle, der Herausgabe meiner Serbischen Lieder, so sehmeieb haft und ermuthigend gewesen, nicht auf mich ziimen werden, wenn i( mit ihm in die Schranken trete.^s* Gerhard's translation was preceded by an introduction of forty ^^* eight pages giving the main facts of Burns 's life as recorded by-*^ James Currie, Walker, Lockhart, and Allan Cunningham. After having waited so long for recognition in Germany Bums was now to receive it in full measure. Translations and reprints were frequent and past thru many editions.*'* It seems safe to attribute the three reprints of the years 1831, 1834, and 1835 in part to Goethe's call for such works; the three of 1841, 1843, and 1846 were doubtless called into existence partly by the translations of 1840. The democratic movement of 1848 was also favorable to the appreciation of Burns in Germany, and Freiligrath 's interest in Burns was but natural. Thomas Moore attained only a moderate degree of popularity despite the sponsorship of Goethe and of Byron as well. His oriental poetry came first into prominence. Freiligrath later 28« jKo&crt Bums' Gedichte, deutsch von W, Gerhard (Leipzig 1840), p. viii. For Goethe's favorable comment on Gerhard's translation of the Serbian songs see Goethe, Werke I 41:2, 228; cf. E]ekermann, Gesprdche p. 178. 28" The following list of translations and reprints was collected by Hazel Katzenstein of the class of 1917 of the University of California: I. Translations: W. Gerhard, Leipzig 1840; P. Kaufmann, Stuttgart and Tiibingen 1840; H. J. Heintze, Braunschweig 1840, 2. ed. Braun- schweig 1846, 3. ed. 1859; A. von Winterfeld, Berlin 1857-1861; Pertz, Leipzig 1859; Bartsch, Hildburghausen 1865-1868, neue Aufl. Leipzig 1886; Silbergleit Eohert Bums * Lieder und Balladen fiir deuische Leser ausgewahlt und frei hearheitet, Leipzig (Reclam) 1868-1875 [accompanied by a five- page account of Bums based on Allan Cunningham's biography; Carlyle's and Goethe's exchange of compliments in regard to Bums and Schiller is quoted on reverse of the title page; Laun, Berlin 1869 and 1877, Olden- burg 1885; Corrodi, Burns' Lieder in das Schweiser Deutsch Obertragen, Winterthur 1870; O. Baisch, Stuttgart 1883; K. Bartsch, Leipzig 1883; Legerlotz, Leipzig 1889; Ruete, Bremen 1890; Prinzhora, Halle 1896. Besides these extensive collections there were also numerous translations of individual poems, especially by Freiligrath, whose Gedichte (1838) contain thirteen of the poems of Bums. IT. Reprints: Anspach 1831, 1834, Leipzig 1835, Berlin 1841, Niimberg 1843, Leipzig 1846. There were furthermore many of Burns 's poems in Freiligrath 's collection The rose, thistle, and shamrock, Stuttgart 1853. Bums's influence in Germany has recently become the object of investi- gation. See Bibliography [859]-[862]. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 485 translated about twenty-eight of his minor poems and imitated * fevr others. LaUa Rookh was the most popular of Moore's poems, to judge by the translations. It was translated by ^oixque in 1822, by Oelkers in 1837, by Mencke in 1843, and by -^Je^cander Schmidt in 1857. Most of these translations past ^^^t^o new editions after a few years.^® There were also reprints, ^^^Xislations, and school editions of one of its best known cantos, ^^^^^ise and the Peri. The earliest extensive translation of ^^^> 29 Of Fouqu^'s translation a **Nachdruck" is reported (Wien 1825) <1 a ''Neue unveranderte Auflage" (Berlin 1846); Oelker's translation Moore's poems in four volumes (Leipzig 1839) was extended to five ^^lumes in 1843. In 1846 a ^'Dritte durchgesehene Ausgabe" of his ^la Bukh was publisht in Leipzig by the Tauchnitz firm, which had >*inted his earlier translations; Schmidt's translation of LaUa Rookh V ^857) did not reach its second edition until 1876, while of Menckens ^-pparently no second edition appeared. For this and other bibliograph- ^;«cal information regarding Moore's poems in Germany I am indebted to ^fellen Deruchie of the class of 1918, University of California. 20* Phelps [855a] lists the following translations of Browning: Das ^remdenhuch {The inn-alhum), Leo (1877) ; Anthologie der abendldndiachen x^nd morgenlandischen Dichtungen, Graf von Schack (1893) containing eight ^f Browning's poems; Der Battenf anger von nameln, Schweikler (1893); Ausgewahlte Gedichte von Robert Browning y Buete (1894) containing thirty- eight short poems; Der Handschuh und andere Gedichte , Buete (1897) con- taining thirty poems; Mesmerism and In a gondola (in part), Spielhagen (1897) ; Brownings Leben und l^bertrdgungenf Boloff (1900) containing translations of six poems; Pippa geht voriiber, Heissler (1903) ; Die Tragodie einer Seele, Gerden (1903) ; ParacelsuSf Greve (1904) ; Brief e von R. Browning und E. B, Browning, Greve (1905); Luria, Buete, (1910). Albrecht [856] contains no information regarding Browning in Germany and should not have been included in the Bibliography. 29»» Translations of selections of Tennyson's poems were publisht by Freiligrath (1846), Herzberg (1853), Fischer (1853), Strodtmann (1868), von Bohlen (1874), and Harbou (1894); passages from In memoriam were translated by von Hohenhausen in 1851 and the whole by Herzberg in lS53;Enoch Arden was translated by Schellwien (1867), Weber (1869), Waldmiiller-Duboc (1869), Feldmann (1870), Hessel (1873), Eichholz (1881), Griebenow (1889), Mendheim (1892), Schroeter (1895), Prausnitz (1901), Haase (1905); Idylls of the king by Scholz (1867) and Feldmann (1872); Aylmer\R field by Weber (1870), Feldmann (1870), Griebenow (1893), and Zenker (1893); Locksley hall by Feis (1888); and Maud by Weber (1874). Busse [854] 6f; cf. Bibliography [1000]-[1002] and [854]. 486 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 more favorably received there than at home^** and possibly o^^ may say the same of Swinburne. It is reported that of Sw>^' burne's last volume of poems six hundred copies were sold, . which four hundred and eighty were bot in Germany a^^^^x the rest in England and elsewhere.^** It can hardly be asserte^^l however, that any of these poets have exerted any determiniiij, influence in Germany in the nineteenth century,*"' tho somethin^^ of the pre-Raphaelitic atmosphere seems to prevail in the Stephan^ Gteorge circle in Germany to-day, where art is cultivated for its "^ own sake, and the favor of the public is neither sot nor desired. Stephan George himself translates only such poetry as expresses his own moods and feelings, and he has included Bossetti and Swinburne in his Zeiigenossische Dichter.^^* If in literature outside the novel and the Shakespearean drama England no longer held an imposing place in the minds of the Germans during the nineteenth century, such was not the case with England politically considered. Now as in the eight- eenth century she was the cynosure of the constitutionalists,**' There is testimony from many sides to this eflFect and a quantity of it has recently been gathered and arranged in Whyte's Young Oermany in its relation to Britain [832]. Whyte has collected the views of Borne and of the five German journalists denounced in the famous decree of 1835. He takes up the different writers individually and records their attitude in each case, first toward British politics, second toward British literature, and third to- ward the Briton. The political views are of the highest interest. Borne held that the English system of government could readily be applied to Germany but for political oppression. He said of Raumer, one of his political opponents: So oft er die englischc Freiheit lobt, fiigt er hinzu: Die Freiheit in England sei alt un German Literary Influences — Survey 487 luiturlieh, denn in Deutschland konnte die Frelheit nie alt und zur ^eschiehte werden, weil man sie immer schon als Keim und im Entstehen *^srottete.»o prophesied a future conflict between the two democratic ^otintries, England and France, on the one side and reactionary Q'^rmany on the other, and he cried out joyfully : Es ware schon, wenn das wahr ware; dann ware es doch einmal dahin ^^^Lommen, wohin es friiher oder spater kommen musz, zum strengen "^gensatze der feindlichen Elemente: die Freiheit hier, die Despotie dort- ^*^d jetzt schlagt £uch, ich sehe zu.si Altho both Borne and Gutzkow made Paris, not London, their X>olitical headquarters, both strongly indicated the belief that ^^ngland was the country that made certain, if sometimes slow, X^rogress toward political liberty.'* Gutzkow told his country- >nen to keep their eyes on England ; the gains there would find 'tiheir way around the world. What the English won in the way of liberty they would never yield up again.** Even the Tories he did not construe as the opponents of popular liberty ; rather he looked upon Tories and Whigs as the necessary counterbal- ances of a healthy government: **Denn was ist der Sieg des Torysmus Anderes, als eine Chance des Fortschrittes, sich zusam- menzunehmen, als ein Signalruf fiir die zerstreuten Parteien, welche in ihrer Liebe zum Volke nicht einig werden konnten?"** Heine's views regarding England are, like his other political views, somewhat contradictory. A single characteristic passage will suffice : Der Englander Uebt die Freiheit wie sein rechtmasziges Weib, er besltzt sie, und wenn er sie auch nicht mit absonderlicher Zartlichkeit behandelt, so weisz er sie doch im Notfall wie ein Mann zu verteidigen, und wehe dem rotgerockten Burschen, der sich in ihr heiliges Schlafge- mach drangt — sei es als Galant oder als Scherge. Der Franzose liebt «o B'6me,Schrift€n VI 399. 81 Ibid., VIII 113. 82 For Borne see Whyte [832] 2. 83 Gutzkow, Bulwers Zeitgenossen^ (Pforzheim 1842), II 413-414; quoted by Price [857] 400. ^* Gutzkow, Gesammelte Werke^ (Jena n. d.), IX 83. 4.®.S University of California Publications in Modem Philology ['VoVS die Freiheit wie seine erwahlte Braut. Ep gliiht fiir sie, er flamr**^' *' I wirft sich zu ihren Fiiszen mit den iiberspanntesten Beteuerunij^ ■*• ^^ "-^ schlagt sich fiir sie auf Tod und Leben, er begeht fiir sie tausen ^icriei Torheiten. Der Deutsche liebt die Freiheit wie seine alte Grosnnut"*^®''* Wienbarg has little to say regarding English political lib^rtJ' but Laube and Mundt are emphatic in their expressions, ^^^ Whyte's collection controverts the common belief in the pred^^i^^* nance of French political ideas in the Young German polifci^^ movement of the thirties. This belief had been defined ^^ Schoenemann [838] among others, who says: er seelischen Halt**^* it «s Jn Lie is 1- Erst das Jahr 1850 stellt einen Wendepunkt in der seelisehen Halt**^*^^ der Deutschen England gegeniiber dar; England als Ganzes wird dem Deutschen auf einmal interessant, und zwar als geschichtlie? Wesen. . . . England ist Deutschlands letzte Liebe. Die erste war Fra. reich, aber nach der groszen Revolution von 1789 mit ihren Grei» begann das Erwachen. Doch die Julirevolution von 1830 und das Jahr 1848 zogen die Deutschen immer wieder in franzosische Kreise, sich endlich Aller Augen nach England wandtcn. Dorthin waren die v*^ folgten deutschen Demokraten gefliichtet, und von dort aus ward d durch sie und ihre Nachfolger das neue Evangelium einer Demokra gepredigt, als deren Paradies natiirlich England erschien.s* Against this view we have the fact that Gutzkow joined wi Borne in 1839 in calling England **das einzige freie hsxm Europas/*'®' and in 1837 referred to France and Germany ** Lander, die nie wahre Freiheit genossen haben."*** Toward the Briton individually the Young Germans wer^ frankly antipathetic. Most of them were content to draw th^ conventional pictures of the Englishman; but Mundt 's visit to England convinced him that these were but caricatures. Tho he dislikes the British sabbath he finds the British are not hypo- crites, and he even has a good word to say for the traveling Briton. Heine conceived, as is well known, a less favorable impression of the English people; but as Schoenemann says: **Einige Urteile Heines iiber England sind der Ausflusz schlech- 38 Heine, Werke V 80f . 8< Schoenemann [838] 661. Of. Bloesch, Das junge Deutsehland in seinen Beziehungcn zu Frankreich, UNSL I (1902). 36* Gutzkow, Gesammelte Werke,^ Jena n. d. XII 291. 36b Ibid., vm 346. 1920] Price: English^German Literary Influences — Survey 489 ter Laune."'^ Schoenemann also points out that certain books of travel determined to a large extent the views of the Young Germans in regard to England. Notably influential were Piiekler-Muskau's Brief e eines Verstorbenen (1830) and Rau- mer's England im Jahre 1835 (1836). Whyte is easily able to show a markt partiality on the part of the Young Germans for Shakespeare, Byron, and Seott.*^ Schoenemann expresses in striking terms the reasons for the Byron enthusiasm on the part of the Young Germans: Byron war ihr Held, well er aristokratisch-revolutionar, freiheitsbe- geistert und ichsiichtig, gliicklich-unglucklich, fanatisch und splienig zu- gleich Tvar, oder ihnen wenigstens so aussah. Und nicht zuletzt lebte er sich unbekiimmert vor den Philistem aus, was die meisten Jungdeutschen samt Publikum nur zu traumen wagten. So kommt es, dasz er taten- schwachen Dichtem und Schonschreibern neben Napoleon als Poet der Tat erscheint. Die geniale Freiheitspose iiber alles! Byron wurde hun- dertmal mehr als Kiinstler denn als Englander angesehen. Nur ober- flachlichere jungdeutsche Liebhaber der englischen Literatur nannten ihn echt-englisch. Heine allein sagte, er sei unenglisch.s^ But the preference of the Young Germans for English liter- ature had, as Schoenemann points out, a sound basis. All the popular literary movements of modem Germany were essentially Germanic. This was true of the ** Storm and stress *' movement and of much of the romantic movement. Poetic realism too was essentially **germanisch, unromanisch, ja antif ranzosisch, ' ' and toward poetic realism the Young Germans were consciously or unconsciously drifting. Whyte 's investigations cover the period 1830-1840. Regard- ing the attitude of the (Jerman publicists of the next decade toward England we are nowhere well informed. A study of the journals of that period would certainly be productive of interesting results. Schoenemann calls attention especially to Ruge's Hallische Jahrbiicher and Prutz's Deutsches Museum as valuable sources of information. 37 Wicnbarg here constitutes an exception, for he is unable to reconcile an approval of Scott's historical fiction with his well-known politico- literary principles. 88 Schoenemann in MLN XXXIII (1918) 170f. V 490 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 As to the tendencies of the decade 1850flf. we have adequate evidence. Few German critics of the nineteenth century have been better read in English literature than Julian Schmidt, bs^^ few have been guided by a surer instinct in connecting ^^ tendencies of life with the products of literature. His frequ^^ . articles on English literature in the Gremboien ( 1848-1862) a. his later collections of essays have a high value as contempor* ^ documents and his critical observations cover an interesti^^V. period. New favorites were constantly rising up to maintai England's primacy in the novelistic field, and Julian Schmk met them with a hearty welcome. The German interest in things English had always beei^^ bound up to a large extent with political liberalism; and even ^ after the humiliation of the Young Germans in 1835 and the failure of constitutionalism in 1848 that interest did not ce^se but merely sot a new direction. The literary articles of Schmidt in the Grenzboten set in strongly just then. His colleag Gustav Freytag said of him : Als die Politik nicht mehr das g^anze Interesse der Leser in Ansprach nahm, begann Julian Schmidt literarische Artikel gegen die Jungdeutaehen und Romantiker. . . . Der Grund seines Unwilleus war . . . der Hasz gcgen das Gcmachte und Gleiszende, gegen ungesunde Weichlichkeit. . . . Indem Schmidt verurteilte, was in unserer Literatur krank war, wies er auch unablassig auf die Heilmittel hin, und wurde dadurch in Wahrheit ein guter Lehrer fiir die jiingeren, welche falschen Vorbildem, die in unbekampftem Ansehen stehen, zu folgen bereit sind. . . . Er hatte an allem wohl Gelungenen eine tiefinnige Freude. . . . Die Darstellungnweise der englischen Dichter war ganz nach seinem Herzen; den Zauber der wundervollen Farbung bei Dickens empfand er so voll, wie nur ein Englander jener Zeit.8» An examination of the Ghremboien volumes during the period in question confirms Freytag *s statement.*® Schmidt was most unqualified in his commendation of Scott and contrasted Scott's type of historical romanticism with that of the Germans, always to the latter's disadvantage. The poetry of the **lake school," of Shelley, Bailey, Browning was distasteful to him. Here he saw the deplorable results of subjective idealism, of '*Paustic" 80 Freytag, Werlce I 162f. 1^20] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 491 t^^iidencies and other maladies that had their origin in Germany. <3f the notable recent British poets he endeavored to defend ^^Byron alone. He was also wont to compare the English liberals, trlie ** Young English*' writers, as he called them, Bulwer Lytton, rffhackeray, Charlotte Bronte, Charles Kingsley, Thomas Carlyle, «md others, with the Young (Jermans, always to the disadvantage of the latter. The plans for social betterment devised by the English group were more practical and sane and less phantastic than those of their German competitors. Dickens signalized, in Schmidt's opinion, the return of English literature to soundness, after it had indulged in certain vagaries under the spell of Sterne. Dickens showed English life and character at its best, with its *'Gemiitlichkeit,'' its humor, its pathos, and its hatred of hypocrisy. It would be easy to exaggerate Schmidt's influence upon his time: Scott and Dickens would have gained and maintained their popularity without his assistance; Gutzkow would have declined in popularity as a novelist even without his constant opposition ; and it may be freely admitted that any influence of Schmidt upon such poetic realists as Auerbach, Ludwig, Renter, and Keller is highly problematical.*^ Literary influence can be proved only in the case of Preytag. The relation of the editors to each other was well described by a contemporary observer, Hermann Marggraff, who said : Von Lessings dramatlschen Produkten hat man wohl gesagt. dasz sie gewissermaszen nur als Proben zu betrachten seien, die er gemacht habe, um die Richtigkeit seiner kritischen Rechenexempel zu priifen. Aehn- liches kann man von dem Redaktionspersonal der bekannten kritischen grunen Blatter in Leipzig behaupten, nur dasz die kritischen und pro- duktiven Fahigkeiten ... an zwei Individuen verteilt sind.^2 Marggraff's assertion is well justified. A recent investigation has shown that Freytag's Soil und Hdben is, to a surprizingly 40 Of. Price [845]. 41 Busse, A. JEGPh XVI (1917) 145 misquoted Price [845] as making such a claim in regard to Hebbel, Ludwig, and Keller. Hebbel's name was not included in the original assertion. See [845] 102; cf. 108-109. On p. 110 Schmidt is spoken of as an opponent of Hebbel. 42BLU 1885, p. 455. 49? University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 large extent, a practical exemplification of Schmidt's literary theory with its anglicizing tendencies.*' Julian Schmidt and his coUeag traced the superiority of <^^ English novel back to its true cause, as Resewitz had done ^ the previous century.** The English novelists, they said, parti ^. pated in the affairs of life and embodied experience in th^^' , novels. The German novelists wrote before they had experienc^^ anything worth recording and compounded their novels tc^^ largely out of reflexions and conversations. The influence of Dickens and Scott in Germany was so greatJ^" that it demands separate treatment in chapters to follow, and ^ the same is true of certain American influences. Not only Dickens and Scott, however, but lesser authors such as Bulwer Lytton, Charlotte Bronte, Gteorge Eliot, were more popular with the German public than were the native novelists. Bulwer Lytton succeeded to the popularity of Walter Scott soon after the appearance of his Pelham (1828). Julian Schmidt wrote of Bulwer : Von den deutschen Schriftstellern war nicht einer, dessen Popularitat gegen die seinige aufkam; nur etwa George Sand und Balzac konnten mit ihm wetteifern. Das dauerte von den ersten dreisziger bis in die Mitte der vierziger Jahre, bis Dickens, Eugene Sue und Thackeray ihn ablo8ten.*8 Julian Schmidt made some bold assertions regarding the influence of Bulwer, the most sweeping of which referred to the vogue of Pelham. He said: **Paszt man die Aristokratie ins Auge, die in Gutzkows Romanen oder bei der Grafin Hahn-Hahn auftritt, so erkennt man lauter verkleidete Pelhams, die neben den Masken aus Jean Paul figurieren. * **• Regarding the just- ness of this remark as far as the Grafin Hahn-Hahn is concerned no critic has apparently ever undertaken to pass an opinion. In view of Bulwer 's extreme popularity in Germany it seems 4s Price [845]; cf. chapter V, **SoU und Hahen and Freytag's partici- pation in the Grenzhoten movement." 44 Cf . Survey, p. 298f . 45 Schmidt [856a] 268. 46 Ibid., p. 285. J20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 493 ig^hly probable that he influenced German literature in some P'ay; but a recent investigation has demonstrated that Julian Jchmidt for polemic purposes greatly over-emphasized the ^ulwer-Qutzkow parallel.*^ The investigation suggests that the undoubted resemblances between Gutzkow and Bulwer Lytton J^ better accounted for by their common literary ancestry in •terne. Incidentally the article goes further and endeavors to efine in Gutzkow 's own words his attitude toward represent- tive English novels of the past and present. For Fielding, terne, and Goldsmith Gutzkow had a high respect. Of Bulwer ytton and of George Eliot and the writers of the English Qouvemantenromane" he is disdainful. Stage by stage the example of the English novel enlarged ie scope of the German novel in the nineteenth century. Walter 'Cott began the movement by presenting even in his romantic pics concrete and often accurate pictures of the historic past liat are not to be confused with the hazy abstractions of Uhland ^d the German romanticists. When he turned to the historical Dovel his artistic success won for him imitators in Germany.*^' In his steps followed Alexis and Spindler, Freytag and ScheflFel, Dahn and Ebers, and many others. Bulwer Lytton lifted for curious eyes the veil that had shrouded high life, and the petty iristocracy and **nouveaux riches'* of Germany became leading characters of the German novel. Then came Dickens, supported 3y Victor Hugo, Balzac, and Eugene Sue, and new types, the petty burgher class, the criminal, and the member of the prole- ariat, became themes of novelistic treatment. Meanwhile the iterature of village life was not being neglected. To a large ?ven tho indeterminable degree Walter Scott fostered the de- relopment of this genre, and thus his influence past down hru Gotthelf, Auerbach, and Immermann thru Storm, Keller, judwig, and Raabe to Polenz and Zahn.*^** In fact, wherever n the German novel we find the outward look upon life instead «T Price [857]. 47« See SuBVEY, p. 498f . 47b See Survey, p. 512, and Mielke [831a]. 494 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [^ ^^-^ of the inward look upon self there is reason to suspect in the last analysis some modicum of English influence. One mi^^tflit say, it is true, that certain portions of Wilhelm Meister t "lad already indicated the new trend, but more than one critic intimated that Goethe received his new impulse in part from British novelists of the later eighteenth century. The practical activities of English life imprest (Joethe in his last years. Sarrazin [847] has recently shown in a ing way how much of this interest is embodied in the clod — ^ scenes of Faust's life. Many surmizes have been offered regai ing the geographical background of his final acts but no jecture seems better supported by evidence external and intennr:^'^*^ than Sarrazin 's. He asserts that the lines: Nur der verdient sich Freiheit wie das Leben, Der taglich sie erobem musz; Und 80 verbringt, umrungen von Gefahr Hier Kindheit, Mann und Greis sein tiichtig Jahr. Solch ein Gewimmel mocht' ich sehn, Auf freiom Grund mit freiem Volke 8tehn,*8 have a quite particular reference to the British Isles generall>-«i^^' while Faust's final undertaking corresponds closely with a nine teenth century enterprize in Wales.*® Sarrazin relates some of the details of a great commei venture that was undertaken there about the year 1800. WiUiain^ Alexander Madock diked in, on the coast of Wales, about 200O acres and founded the village Tremadoc. Later he undertook a larger operation that gave rise to the present town of Port- madoc, which has now about 5000 inhabitants. The completion of this colossal undertaking required the services of two to three hundred laborers for seven years. Piickler-Muskau told the details in his Brief e eines Verstorbenen (1830). Goethe received from Varnhagen in the summer of 1830 the work of Piickler- Muskau. He spent three of the evenings between August 22nd « Goethe, Werkc I 15, 315ff. *^ Goebel [93] suggests that it was America Goethe had in mind when he let his dying Faust proclaim as the highest goal the effort to establish a free people in a free land. price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 495 :h reading the first volume, which contains the account of nding of Portmadoc.*^® Then he wrote a review of the vork for Varnhagen.'^^ Sarrazin says : * * Hier haben wir p nicht nur die eigentliche Anregung zum fiinften Akt iten Teils, sondern auch die Qrundziige der Szenerie, die fe von Karten und andern Reisebeschreibungen oder geo- chen Werken sich leicht der Wirklichkeit entsprechend n lieszen. ' '"** Sarrazin comments in conclusion upon s interest in England and English affairs in the last f his life : le ist in seinen letzten Lebensjahren zu seiner Jugendschwar- r England zuriickgekehrt. Vielleicht hat dabei initgewirkt, dasz e in England manche begeisterte Verehrer gefunden hatte, mehr ;h der Umstand, dasz seine sozialpolitischen und sozialethischen . ihn dem Volke wieder naher brachten, welches praktisehes mit poetischer Gestaltungskraft zu verbinden wuszte. Sicher seine Lektiire in den letzten Lebensjahren mit besonderer Vor- h nicht nur englischer Literatur von Shakespeare bis auf Walter ndern auch englischer Geschichte, Geographie und Sittenschil- niwandte. Weltdichter, der so echt deutsch in seiner Bewunderung des is war, der seine Phantasie bis nach dem fernen Orient hin hatte n lassen, der Italien heisz geliebt und das Land der Griechen mit 3 gesucht hatte, wandte am Schlusz seines Lebens und Strebens t mit heimlicher Sehnsucht wieder nach dem Lande der Tat, nach en meerumspiilten Albion. jthe, Werke III 12, 292-294; cf. p. 296. d., 142; 1, 55-63. razin [847] 121. 496 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Chapter 20 SCOTT Einerlei welchen Maszstab wir anlegen, die Wirkung Waltjsr 0^^^ ist ungeheuer. Ja, ich nehme keinen Anstand, es auszusprechen: »»* ^^ die groszte, die irgend ein Schriftsteller des neunzehnten Jahrhun^®"* ausgeiibt. Der einzige, der mit ihin rivalisieren konnte (Gk)ethe in n^^^^ wirkaamen Schriften rechne ich zum achtzehnten Jahrhundert) , I-^^ Byron, hat zwar schneller geziindet, aber das Feuer, das er erregty ^^ auch schneller voriibergegangen.i So Julian Schmidt wrote in 1869. Julian Schmidt is, on ^'^^ whole, the most satisfactory authority regarding the influence ^ Walter Scott in Germany. He belonged to the generation tt^^ devoured Walter Scott's novels in its youth, and in its matur^i**^ saw Scott's influence producing its best results in Gtenna^^^" Schmidt was an omnivorous but critical reader with a natu:^*^ gift for tracing the connexions between literature and life. Tn^ ^'^ much of his criticism was journalistic and polemic; but his e^^" mates of Scott seem deliberate and unbiast. These estimat^^ are found in his essay on Walter Scott [972], in the various editions of his Geschichte der deutschen Literatur,^ and in hi* scattered criticisms in the Gremboten, 1848-1862. His comments have now been collated and systematized [845] and may properly serve as a starting point, for they seem to have given direction to a number of special investigators, who have, in the main, only confirmed his original assertions with citation and quotation in a way that he, in his more popular criticism, was not called upon to do. Schmidt finds little difficulty in accounting for the fact that Scott was more popular in Germany than the Qerman romantic historical novelists, who were quite independent of him at the outset. Scott and they represented two different phases of the 1 Schmidt [972] 149. 2 See Price [846] llOf. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influetices — Survey 497 European romantic trend. The German romanticists bored their readers by seeking to abstract the idea out of history; Scott, on the other hand, fascinated the public by reproducing the picturesk phases of the past. The German romanticists mysti- fied their readers by trying not only to acquire but also to adopt the middle-age point of view when writing of the middle ages ; Scott wrote of past periods from the point of view of an interested observer of the present time. Furthermore Scott was more realistic and more optimistic than his German contempor- aries. **Der Realismus in der Poesie," Schmidt held, **wird dann zu erf reulichen Kunstwerken f iihren, wenn er in der Wirk- lichkeit zugleich die positive Seite aufsucht, wenn er mit Freude am Leben verkniipft ist, wie friiher bei Fielding, Goldsmith, spater bei Walter Scott und theilweise auch noch bei Dickens."' Finally Scott gave his novel a form superior to that hitherto prevalent. Schmidt desired to establish this form as a standard : **Wenn der Roman seinen Zweck erfiillen soil, so musz er sich denselben Gesetzen fiigen, wie das Drama, einem Gesetz, das z. B. in den Bomanen W. Scotts stets sich geltend macht, seine schonste Form aber in Goethes Wahlverwandtschaften erreicht."* Schmidt's colleag on the Grenzboten, Freytag, adopted this standard in his criticism*^ and prepared himself for his own work by a study of Scott's technik.* Julian Schmidt laid more stress than later critics upon Walter Scott as the reformer of history writing in Europe : Am Ende des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts herrschte in der Geschicht- schreibung die schottische Schule. Von der Aufklarung des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts ausgegangen, hatten Hume, Robertson und die iibrigen sich vor alien Dingen bemiiht, diejenigen Fragen, welche der politische Ver- stand als das Wesentliche im Fortschritt der neueren Zeit begreift, an die Vor zeit zu legen und so klar als moglich zu beantworten. Ihre Methode war der entschiedenste Rationalismus mit alien Vorziigen und 8 Gremboten 1855 II 55. *Ibid. 1847 IV 208; cf. ibid. 1851 II 53, and Schmidt [972] 206. B See Freytag 's review of Hacklander's Namenlose Geschichten in Gremboten 1851 IV 266, and his criticism of Willibald Alexis Grenzboten 1854 I 320-328. « See Survey, p. 610. 498 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vo\.^ Schwachen dieser Bichtung. Von einer colorierten Barstellung der £i^^' tiimlichkeiten einer bestimmten Zeit, der Irrationalitaten in den gro^^^ historischen Gharakteren, war bei ihnen keine Bede. Ihre Helden tr^^**^ ohne Unterschied im Kostiim und in der Bedeweise des achtzehnten J0>^^ hunderts auf. Dasz in der neuesten Zeit die Geschichtschreiber den ^^^ gegengesetzten Weg eingeschlagen haben, dasz sie sich iiberall bemut»^**] jedes Zeitalter mit seinem eigenen Masz zu messen, jeden histohscft' Charakter als ein Kunstwerk fiir sich zu betrachten, und die Lokalfarb^ in lebendigen Schilderungen wiederzugeben, anstatt sie im glatten scheinbar erzahlenden Baisonnement zu verfliichtigen, ist unstreitig der Hauptverdienste unseres Dichters.** Schmidt says elsewhere of Walter Scott: **Qanz seinem Ei flusz hat sich kein einziger der modemen Geschichtschreib^^ entzogen."^ His assertion, **mit Ivanhoe (1819) beginnt die europaisc Beriihmtheit des Dichters Scott,''® is doubtless correct. The co ious quotations by Wenger* of criticism appearing in Menzel Liieraturhlatt before that date scarcely prove the contrary^ Much of that criticism is, as Wenger says, **rein referierend' and gives little sign of an appreciation of the important rol^ **the great unknown" was later to play in German literary de — velopment. Julian Schmidt gives in his Scott essay a list oC early German novels that showed the influence of Walter Scott^ He includes Willibald Alexis's WaUadmor (1823), Tieck's Auf- ruhr in den Cevennen (1826), Spindler's Der Bastard (1826)^ and Hauflf's Lichtenstein (1827). **Nach 1831," he says, **geht die Zahl der Nachahmungen ins Grenzenlose. "*® The relation of nearly all of these authors to Walter Scott has been discust in special investigations. Wenger 's object [974] is to arrive at a better understanding of Scott's novels and the historical novels of the German romanticists by dint of a com- parison and contrast of the two types. As representing the German historical novel he discusses the works of Fouqu6, Amim, and Tieck. The influence of Scott on Fouqu^'s representative «• Grenzboten 1851 II 60. 7 Schmidt [972] 160. « Ibid., p. 227. • Wenger [974] 23ff. 10 Schmidt [972] 237. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 499 H^orks he excludes on chronological grounds. The influence of Seott on Amim's Kronenwdchter, the first part of which ap- peared in 1817, is, on the other hand, chronologically possible. . Scott's Waverley (1814), Guy Mannering (1815), Antiquary (1816), and Tales of my landlord (1816) had already appeared *^^>Tidled and this shows itself in the relative formlessness of his Xiovel. Arnim, unlike Scott, seeks to make use of symbolism and Vmlike him makes his individuality felt on every page. The conclusion agrees with that of Julian Schmidt, who, however, expresses himself in a more partizan fashion : In einzelnen Szenen, die uns Arnim aus der Zeit der Beformation darsteUt, geht uns eine so grosze Fiille wahrhaft geschichtlichen Lebens auf, ein so tiefes Verstandnis der Zeit bis in ihre kleinsten Nuancen hinein, dasz wir nur mit dem lebhaftesten Bedauern ihn in die Abwege geraien sehen, die ihn von der Bahn eines Walter Scott entfernt haben.12 In the novels of Tieck, on the other hand, there is some evi- dence of Walter Scott's influence. Tieck was somewhat conde- scending in his criticism of Scott's novels. To quote Julian Schmidt-: Tieck stellte die groszen Vorziige des schottischen Bomanschreibers keineswegs in Abrede. Es scheine ihm nur eine Kleinigkeit zu fehlen. 11 Die Ehenschmiede (ca. 1804) centers about the famous Gretna Green. The story Owen Tudor takes place in Wales. !!• Wenger [974] 63. 12 Grenzboten 1852 IH 261. 500 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 aber diese Klein igkeit, setzte er hiDzu, ist gerade das, was den IMchter vom Nichtdichter unterscheidet. Die Dichter der (deutschen) roman- tischen Schule, sehr gefeiert aber hcrzlich wenig gelesen, konnten sieh des dringenden Verdachts nicht erwehren^ dasz ein Schriftsteller, der die rohe Monge zu gcwinnen wisse, Dothwendig mit dieser Menge verwandt sei.is Wenger similarly asserts, **dasz Tieck es unter seiner Wiirde gehalten hiitte, fiir eineii Schiiler unci Nachahmer Scotts ange- sehen zu werden ; ' ' but he adds : * * Dennoch miissen Tiecks hi- storisehe Novellpii als Konzessionen an den Zeitgeist aufgefaast werden, der sieh, vor allem unter Walter Scotts Einflusz, mit neuer Enorgie der Vergangenheit zugewendet hatte."** Of Tieck's tales Der Aufruhr in den Cevennen (1826, begun in 1820) comes first into consideration, and Scott's Old Mortality (1817) suggests itself to Wenger as a counterpart, since both novels treat of a religious insurrexion. Here as elsewhere Wen- ger finds that it is Tieck 's main desire to give **den Sinn der Qeschichte'' while Scott tries to reproduce **da8 Bild der Gte- schichte.*''*' From this difference many other differences follow, which need not be recapitulated here. In Tieck 's Der wieder- kehrende gricchische Kaiser (first draft 1804, completed 1830) and in Hcxensabbath (1832) Wenger finds more of the manner of Scott : Das philosophische Element, das psychologische Problem tritt nicht so deutlich und nicht so hauptsachlich in den Vordergrund, Mrie im Aufruhr f . . . dem rein Tatsachlichen wird groszere Bedeutung einge- raumt. Damit ist cine pittoreske Behandlungsweise im Sinne Scotts Ton vornherein moglich. . . . Ein korperliches Bild der Welt entrollt aich in einer Breite, eriod primarily in question. The developing movement there- fore in reality formed the dramatic centre of these novels. As ICorff says: **Das Fortschreiten einer Entwicklung in der Qe- Schichte der Massen macht auch im Roman ein Fortschreiten inoglich. . . . Die geistige Entwicklung der Qeschichte wurde das, was fiir Scott der Held war. ' ' As a picture of a past epoch together with the forces that produced it the next novel was not inferior to its predecessors. It was superior to them in that it possest a concrete object, on which attention was focust from the beginning by the title. Die Hosen des Herrn von Bredow (1846) . Unfortunately this whim- sical solution of a difficult problem was not one that permitted of repetition, as is shown by Werwolf (1848), which, as far as subject matter is concerned, is associated with its immediate pre- decessor. Korff characterizes Werwolf as **ein groszes dreitei- liges Tafelgemalde, dessen einzelne Bilder fast voUig fiir sich bestehen, die aber in ihrem bestimmten Nacheinander den Fort- gang der historischen Idee, die zunehmende Reformation in Brandenburg, anschaulich zur Darstellung bringen. Es sind drei Einzelerzahlungen, in deren tiefem Hintergrunde das dro- hende Werk Luthers steht."^'" One may say then that these two novels have not primarily a personal unifying element, but the earlier one has a concrete object as the centre of interest, the latter an historical movement. It stands therefore on ap- proximately the same plane with Der Roland vo7i Berlin and Der falsche Woldemar, 23* Ibid., p. 129. 506 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [V^«I-^ As compared with its predecessors Alexis's next novel, R-t^^ ist die erste Burgerpflicht (1852), represents a precipitous^-^ in technik. The disaster was inevitable because of the fact i\^ . Alexis chose here not a developing but a static period, which j^ per se without interest. The passively observing hero of Sco* has also been given up, so the whole novel falls into a series o. episodes told in a disconnected fashion and is entirely devoid oi dramatic unity. Isegrimm (1854) denotes, according to KorflP, the beginning of **ein langsames Sich-zuriickfinden zu den Errungenschaften Walter Scotts."^* Alexis condescends again to elect a hero as the centre of his novel ; but even this brings no relief, for neither time nor hero advances and the approaching end of the novel finds nothing altered as compared with the beginning. Seventy pages from the end Alexis writes, **Unsere Qeschichte ist hiermit eigentlich .zu ihrem Schlusse gebracht,*' whereupon he supplies the hitherto lacking action with a chronicle-like narration of many pages. In his final novel Darothe (1856) Alexis chose a central figure, as indicated by the title, and let her go thru interesting experiences which taken together give a picture of the times. But this means, after all, nothing more or less than a return of Alexis to the plan of Scott's novel which he had once treated so ironically, which he had later improved upon and which still later he failed utterly to equal. As compared with Alexis's relation to Scott, Hauff's might seem a comparatively simple matter, since no development is involved and only a single novel, his Lichtenstein (1827), is in question. Nevertheless quite divergent views are exprest in the small group of critical articles that has grown up round tbis problem. Eastman [908] opened the discussion in 1900 with a parallel between Scott's Ivanhoe. and Lichtenstein. Carruth [981] responded in 1903 by drawing a still closer parallel be- tween Hauff's novel and Scott's Waverley. Schuster [982] showed that because of Hauflf 's limited education and romantic 24 Ibid., p. 134. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 507 tendencies it was impossible for him to develop the character ^f his hero out of his historical surroundings, as Scott would '^ave done. Drescher [983] compared Hauff 's Lichtensiein with ^ven of Scott's historical novels.** Thompson [984] finally brot t^te discussion to a satisfactory conclusion by an all-sided treat- ment of HauflP in his relation to Scott. Hauff consciously patterned his novel after Walter Scott ; he Admits his indebtedness himself. The problem that has inter- ^Eted his critics is the relative importance of the various novels Of Scott in Hauff 's work. Before he began his Lichtensiein he studied with care twelve of Scott's novels and in his preface he declared his admiration for Scott. Thompson compares Lich- ienstein with a typical Scott novel in respect to plot, novelistic technik, use of historical sources, characters, structures, general characteristics, and diction. The chief difference developt is that with Hauff the love story plays a more essential role than with Scott. It was Hauff 's own personal experience that led him away from his model here. In his discussion of analogous scenes and situations Thompson mentions the fact that ''as far as any single novel is concerned, Quentin Durward has the largest number of analogies, ninety- eight, the next being Old MortaUty with eighty-three.*® Either of these novels, he finds,*^ fits into the formula that Carruth uses in describing Lichtensiein and Waverley, but he proposes the Ahhot as a still closer parallel to Lichtensiein. Substituting Mary Stuart for the prince the following formula describes the plot of both novels : The hero joins the government with no great enthusiasm; is suspected of being a spy; joins the prince's side thru a sense of wrong, the fas- 2s The novels were not chosen arbitrarily, as Thompson [984] asserts. Drescher limits himself to the historical novels of Scott mentioned by Hauff in a critical study publisht after his death by H. Hoffmann. They are: Waverley (1814), Old Mortality (1816), Ivanhoe (1819), Monastery (lS20)yAhhott (1820), and Kenilworth (1821); but Drescher includes also Quentin Durward in his comparison, as Hauff mentions this novel else- where and as a translation of this book was in his library at the time of his death. According to Drescher [893] 55 it is not probable that Hauff read English. 26 Thompson [984] 564. 27 Ibid., p. 567. 508 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 cination of the prince, and the influence of the heroine, whose father is also on the prince's side; spends some time at a castle with the heroine and prince; fights in the losing battle of the prince; the prince flees the land, the hero is pardoned (with others), marries the heroine and retires to an hereditary ca8tle.2« Thomson nevertheless believes that the Abbot is, to a particular degree, the model of Lichtcnstein, for it is the one novel of Scott **in which the prince motive is subordinate, to the weal of the lovers. ' '=» Brenner [916a] has establisht the fact that Cooper's Spy (1821, translated into German in 1824) was an additional source of Hauff^s Lichtenstein. Cooper is mentioned by Hauff in his Biichcr und Lesewelt in connexion with Scott and Irving. Bren- ner begins by quoting his predecessors Eastman, Carruth, Thompson, and Drescher to the effect that they were unable to find an equivalent in Scott for the Pfeifer von Hardt in Hauff 's novel. Drescher considered the character to be quite original with Hauff, but Brenner proceeds to show that Hauff 's piper is endowed with practically the same gifts that Cooper's Harvey Birch, the title character in the Spy, possesses; that the role of the two spies is practically the same in both novels and is carried out in a similar fashion, and that verbal parallelisms are not lacking. Brenner goes further and finds general analogies be- tween the two novels in plot, structure, and content. Some of these similarities, he admits, involve Scott as well as Cooper, but not all. Characteristic of Cooper are such motives as the strong friendship existing between men fighting on opposite sides, the two chief female figures with their love for men on the opposing side and the befriending and rescuing of opponents by the hero. Cooper's share in Lichtenstein is a minor one as compared with Scott's, but Brenner's findings are important, touching as they do a character that had puzzled those who had been seeking a model exclusively in Scott. While Hauff 's Lichtenstein is under discussion reference may be made to another interesting connexion between it and 28 Ibid., p. 568. i!o Ibid., p. 566. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 509 £2n^lish literature, which has recently been pointed out by Platli [940]. Hauff's acquaintance with the early works of Irving is a-ttested by his own critical remarks. Plath holds that he pre- surrxably knew at least the Sketch book, Bracebridge Hall, and the Tutes of a traveller, Plath asserts a connexion between Das ^essart, and Irving 's similarly constructed story The liaUan ^^^Tiditti in the Tales of a traveller. The evidence of a close Connexion consists not only in parallel plot and incidents but also ^^ a large number of closely parallel passages. The abundant literature on the sources of Hauff's literary "^ork tends to distract attention from the essential facts regard- ing his relation to his chief literary predecessor, Scott. The basis for generalization is a narrow one. Hauff 's entire literary career covers only a period of about two years. During that time he was so much engaged as a tutor, traveler, editor, critic . that he had scant time in which to write his sixteen or more comprehensive works. To judge his relation to Scott by his Lichienstein is perhaps as unfair as it would be to judge Alexis's relation by his Cdbanis, but clearly enuf Hauff desired to do for Suabia what Scott had done for the Highlands and Alexis for Prussia. Like Scott Hauff tried to be true to the facts of history and truer still to its colors. Furthermore, he not only adopted the new type of hero invented by Scott but declared himself against the hitherto prevalent German type, the wandering artist, the roaming adventurer, the subjective dreamer, saying: **Man woUte unter Roman nicht mehr die Lebensbegebenheiten des Helden verstehen sondern die Aufstellung und Entwicklung der menschlichen Ansicht iiber Kunst oder sonst ein Thema des geistigen Lebens, die sogenannte Geschichte war Nebensache. ' '^® »o Hauff, Studien; quoted by Thompson [984] 557 without page refer- ence. 510 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 In contrast with Alexis's critical bearing toward Scott, Gustav Freytag was, from beginning to end of his career, an admirer of **the father of the modern novel,'' as he called him." Freytag began reading Scott when a boy of fourteen at the Gymnasium at Oels. **Die Fiille und heitere Sicherheit dieses groszen Dichters," he says in his Erinnerungen, '^nahmen mich ganz gefangen. ' '^^ Cooper later rivaled Scott in Freytag 's favor : **Beide sind mir noch heute Hausfreunde geblieben,** he wrote in 1887, **mit denen ich oft verkehre, und ich habe ihrer freu- digen frischen Kraft vieles zu danken."" Freytag began his literary career as a dramatist. As such he was largely under the influence of the Young-German dra- matists, as has recently been demonstrated.'* In the re-adjust- ment of the revolutionary period he found himself, from 1848- 1862, the colleag of Julian Schmidt on the Grenzboten. Schmidt, the opponent of the Young Germans and the admirer of English institutions and English literature, doubtless had much influence upon his co-worker. The thot was exprest at the time that Frey- tag was, to a large extent, the creative demonstrator of Schmidt's literary theories.'* It was a foregone conclusion, however, that when Freytag turned from the drama to the novel* Scott would become his model. It was about the year 1853 that Freytag began to realize that the novel was now the proper vehicle for the conveyance of his views of life:^* **Mir war es ein Bediirfnis (Soil und Haben) zu schreiben, nebenbei um zu versuchen, wie man einen Roman macht. ' '^^ The future author of the Technik des Dramas naturally had a strong interest in novelistic form as well ; more- over he regarded it as the especial merit of Walter Scott that 31 Freytag, Werke XVI 220. r.' Ibul., I 73. 33 Cf. Mavrhofer, GuMav Freytag und das junge Deutschland, BDL I (1907); 56 pp. 34 H. Marggraff BLU 1855 I 446; quoted in Survey, p. 491. 35 G. Freytags Briefwechsel mit E. Devrient (Braunschweig 1902) p. 135. 36 Ibid., p. 137. Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 511 lad introduced the dramatic form into the novel.*^ A close allel can consequently be drawn between the form of Prey- 's novel and that of Scott's. Ulrich, in his third chapter, '€r Aufbau der Handlung,"'* has made such a comparison 3er the captions: **Die Exposition/' **Der Hohepunkt/' **Die igende und fallende Handlung/' **Der Schlusz.'* The com- Tison is close, too close to be recapitulated here, and the devi- ions are interesting. We have here rather to inquire what personal characteristics ? the two authors were responsible for similarities and dissimi- Crities. Scott wrote abundantly and without effort in his idle ^ours; Preytag was a conscious artist. The form which Scott ^it upon at the outset and followed thereafter as being the line ^f least resistance, Preytag recognized as resulting from the toature of the novel, and he adopted it consciously. Both Scott ^nd Preytag had an antiquarian interest in the past, but Prey- tag omits on principle the scholarly ballast and the footnotes, ^th which Scott overloads his novels. Both were interested in the historical development of the present out of the past. If certain of Scott's novels are put together they constitute an **Ahnen" series. But Pre}i;ag's **Ahnen" series is again more the result of intention than Scott's. In Preytag 's novels as in Scott's we find the passive somewhat commonplace hero and the historical one, but Preytag keeps the latter more in the background than does Scott. It happens that both Scott and Preytag, perhaps as a result of some common personal trait, avoid love scenes in their novels as much as possible. This lends a similar austerity to their works. In his Ahnen Preytag was merely developing further, accord- ing to his artistic conception, the historical novel introiluced by Scott and already imitated in various ways by various German novelists. His novel SM und Haben, on the other hand, helpt to usher in a new phase of Scott's influence in Germany. To 37 Grenzhoten 1851 IV 266; cf. Freytag, Werke I 180. »8 Ulrich [976] 82-121. 512 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 demonstrate this it is necessary to return to a distinction made by Julian Schmidt. He divided the Wavcrley navels into two classes. One class headed by Ivanhoc (1819) was based ^^rvation. In such original characters as Pix and Specht in ^o^i ^fifi Haben and Gabriel and Hummel in Die verlorene Hand- rift the influence of Dickens has been suggested/* It is not ays easy, nor is it especially important, to distinguish Scott's ^^^Cuence from Dickens's in a matter like this. That Ludwig owed much specifically to Scott we may well ^^^ubt.** It is true that a close comparison can be made between ^*> e two authors touching upon their purposes as novelists, their t^^rtrayal of characters, their picturing of landscapes, their moral ^^:>ne, their humor, and their technik in general/® It is true that ^Xi his Roman-Siudieii Ludwig cites the practice of Scott with an ^.Imost uniform approval, frequently recognizing his authority "Vvhere it conflicts with Dickens's.*^ In the Roman-Studien, how- ever, Ludwig was looking back upon his own past work and find- ing sanction for it where he could. The references do not prove that Scott was Ludwig 's acknowledged master in the novelistic art. Striking similarities of incident may also be brot to bear upon the question, but how misleading these are is shown by the fact that the Antiquary and the Heart of Midlothian lend them- selves most readily to such comparisons, yet precisely these works Ludwig seems not to have read until he had completed his novel- istic work.*® It can only be stated with certainty that Ludwig in his youth read with zeal the Waverley navels, that they made a deep impression on him, and they may have helpt inspire him ^♦Ulrich [975] 79f. 4R Such indebtedness seems to be implied bv Julian Schmidt in Grenz- hoten 1860 TI 289; quoted by Price [845] 67. " Cf . Busse in JEGPh XVI (1917) 145. <« Such a comparison has been made by Mary E. Lewis, University of California A.M. 1918 in her typewritten thesis entitled A comparative study of Otto Ludwig and Walter Scott, a copy of which is in the library of the University of California. « Ludwig, Schnften VI 71 and VI 94. *8lbid., VI 83 and VI 91; the fact has been pointed out by M. E. Lewis in the thesis mentioned above. 514 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 to describe his Thiiringer people as Scott had described his fel- low-countrymen, that is to say in such a way as to procure sym- pathy for their virtues and indulgence for their faults." In connexion with Walter Scott, Julian Schmidt gave ex- pression to the hope that German novelists should not merely write but live, should first associate with their fellow citizens and observe their characters.*** Freytag too asks the question regarding the German novels: **Weshalb so gar wenig von dem Leben der Gegenwart darin zu finden istt" and answers: **Die Antwort darauf ist leider weil unsere Romanschriftsteller in der Mehrheit sehr wenig, ja zuweilen so gut wie gar nichts von uns- rem eigenen Leben, von dem Treiben der Gegenwart verstehen." He cites Gotthelf as an exception and holds up the career of Scott as an example for German novelists : Al8 Walter Scott anting, seine Romane zu schreiben, war er selbst schon lange Gutsbesitzer, Landbauer, Jager, Kommunalbeamter seines Bezirkes, nebenbei freilich auch gelehrter Altertumsforscher und Litera- turhistoriker. Und durch eine Reihe von Jahren hatte er mit all den UrbiMern seiner Gestalten, im den Landschaften, welche er fiir die Kunst lebendig maehte, in Wirkliohkeit verkehrt, hatte sich selbst kraftig und tatig geriihrt. Daher ist auch Mannerarbeit geworden, was er geschrieben hat, eine Freu^nt-up works of two British poets began to flood the continental ^^arket. Scott made a more permanent conquest of his foren ^^aders, but the passion for Byron was more evident at the out- set. Julian Schmidt emphasized in 1851 the international char- acter of his public : Lord Byron war der Mann, wie ihn sich die vorhergehende Zeit in llirem Dichten und Denken getraumt hatte, namentlich unsere deutsche X^oesie; auf den Hohen des Lebens geboren, und doch voller Begeisterung ^VLT die Freiheit; ein Bezauberer aller Herzen, und doch mit ungliicklichem Streben fortwahrend einera bestandig schwindenden Ideale >nacheilend. . . . Ein groszer Teil seines Buhmes gehort seinen Schwachen an, welche zugleich die Schwachen seines Zeitalters waren, aber er hat durch die Kiihn- heit und Energie seines Geistes die zerstreuten Verirrungen seines Zeitalters gewaltsam zusammengefaszt und sie dadurch ihrer Heilung zugefiihrt. . . . Sie Bind in ihm in einem classischen Bilde zum Abschlusz gekommen.^ The publication of the first two cantos of Childe Harold's pilgrimage (March 1812) made Byron the literary lion of his day in England. His fame was enhanced by the Oiaour and the Bride of Abydos (1813), The corsair and Lara (1814), the Hebrew melodies (1815), the Siege of Corinth, and Parisina (1816). Circumstances in connexion with his separation from his wife in that year so aroused the opposition of the British public that he left England to pass the rest of his days on the continent. Some of his best work now began to appear : Prom 1816 to 1822 the third and fourth cantos of Childe Harold, The prisoner of Chillon, Manfred, Cain, Heaven and earth, not to mention the less serious Don Juan (1819ff.) ; further his Mazeppa, Marino FaUero, Sardanapalus, The two Foscari, The deformed transformed, and others, which did the most to establish perma- 1 Grenzboten 1851 IV 41 and 54. 518 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 nently his literary reputation on the continent. All these later works had to contend against a prejudice in England. The English public was furthermore offended at Dmi Juan and shockt at Cain, Byron showed the sincerity of his enthusiasm for free- dom by espousing the cause of the Greeks. He died of fever at Missolunghi in April 1824. The Greeks begged for the honor of burying him on their soil, but his body was returned to Eng- land and cared for by his sister after having been refused ad- mission into Westminster Abbey. In Germany, on the other hand, Byron had many adrairew even during his* lifetime. Among the earliest and most enthusi- astic of these were Friedrich Jacobsen and Elise von Hohen- hausen. While residing in Ravenna Byron received a letter from an admirer unknown to him. He noted in his diary: In the same month (July or Aug. 1819) I received an invitation into Holstein from a Mr. Jacobsen (I think) of Hamburgh, also by the same medium a translation of Medora's song in the Corsair by a Westphalian baroness, . . . with some original verses of hers (very pretty and Klop- stockish) and a prose translation annexed to them on the subject of my wife:^ as they concerned her more than me, I sent them to her together with Mr. Jacobsen '3 letter. It was odd enough to receive an invitation to pass the summer in Holstein, while in Italy, from people I never knew. The letter was addressed to Venice. Mr. Jacobsen talked to me of the **wild roses growing in the Holstein summer.'' Why then did the Cymbri and Teutones emigrate f2» Friedrich Johann Jacobsen prepared in 1820 a work entitled Brief e an eine deutsche Edelfrau iiber die neuesten englischen Dichter, He is said to have gathered the materials for this work in England. It was a handsome book, illustrated with copper engravings of tjhe leading English poets ; the music to six of the English songs was given, and among the poems so provided was Byron ^s Fare thee well. The careers of Moore, Wordsworth, Southey, Scott, Crabbe, Rogers, and Byron were recounted; Shelley and Keats were not included. Many quotations and translations from the authors were discust, together with several 2 A translation of Byron 's Fare thee well, Cf. Survey, p. 520. 2" Engel, Lord Byron: Eine' Autobiographie nach Tagebiichern und Brief en^ (Minden 1884), p. 160. '920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 519 *^^itical opinions; Byron was left to the last. and treated with ^h^ greatest care. Prom this work one could derive a fairly ^Ocjurate opinion of Byron's personality and of the background ^S^inst which he stood. The account of Byron contained several ^^3ccerpts from the leading English magazines regarding him; ^V"alter Scott's comments in the Quarterly review headed the Collection. The work was a rather expensive one and was sold lt>y subscription. Among the subscribers were the Hamburg lt>Tothers Salomon and Henry Heine. Their nephew Heinrich Vindoubtedly read one of these copies. Goethe studied Jacobsen's l^ook carefully and compared it with Byron 's English bards and Scotch reviewers}^ When in the year 1828 the first complete t;ranslation of Byron's poems was produced by the joint efforts of thirteen authors,' three of these collaborators made use of Jacobsen's work and commended it highly, and the Hallische Literaturzcitung described it as **das Vollstandigste und Lehr- reichste, was in Deutschland iiber die neueste Dichterperiode unseres Schwesterlandes geschrieben ist. ' '* This work was Jacob- sen 's only contribution to the cult of Byron in Germany ; he died two years later.* The **deutsche Edelfrau" to whom the thirty-nine letters of Jacobsen were addrest was Elise von Hohenhausen, as the con- temporary critics correctly surmized. She was also the West- phalian baroness who sent greetings to Byron in Ravenna to- gether with the poems mentioned above. She became widely known as a Byron enthusiast and as the translator of several 2" See Survey, p. 537. 3 Lord Byrons Poesien (Zwickau, Gebriider Schumann, 1821-1828) in 31 Bandchen. One of the brothers Schumann was the father of Bobert Schumann. This August Schumann translated the first cantos of Childe Harold for the collection. With the exception of Elise von Hohenhausen most of the translators are not well known. Many renderings of indi- vidual poems had preceded this complete translation. Other complete translations were by Bottger, 1839, and Gildemeister, 1865. For further bibliographical information see Flaischlen [863]; cf. Ochsenbein [902] 29f. * Quoted by Ochsenbein [902] 44. 5 Melehior [900] 5 speaks of Jacobsen ^s work rather disparagingly as an undertaking, **da8 er in selbstloser Begeisterung fiir die Sache, aber ohue rechten Beruf dazu, auf eigne Kosten veranstaltete. ' ' 520 University of California Puhlicaiions in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 of Byron's minor poems (1818) and of his Corsair (1820).* She past the Slimmer of 1818 in Hamburg, where she associated with the circle of rich merchants to which the Heines belonged. Mel- chior surmizes that it was she who first called the attention of the young Heine to Lord Byron 's poems.®' He surmizes further that Heine's translation of Fare thee well was written at her suggestion or possibly in competition with her, since a trans- lation by her appeared in 1818. The latter would seem an un- necessary conclusion, since translations of this poem were spring- ing up everywhere at just about this time.' Heine came into association with Elise von Hohenhausen again in Berlin in 1821, where he found that she had establisht a salon devoted largely to the cult of Byron. Elise translated later (1827) Byron's Cain and Prophecy of Dante and certain other poems and also wrote poems celebrating or describing the events of Byron's life.' **In spateren Jahren," says Ochsenbein, **wandte sie sich immer mehr einer religiosen Richtung zu, welche 1847 in der Schrift Rousseau, Goethe und Byron, ein kritisch-Uterarischer Umrisz aus ethisch^christlichem Standpunkt deutlich zutage trat. ' '• Of the essays on Byron's influence listed in the bibliography, Weddigen's [867] is the broadest in scope and the most super- ficial in treatment. Discussing as he does Byron's influence on the entire European literature,^® Weddigen has only twenty-five pages to devote to a cataloging of the numerous (Jerman authors whom he associates with Byron, often by a thin thread of con- nexion. He includes in his list several German authors merely because they have made Byron the theme of literary works. His oPublisht in 1820, according to Ochsenbein- [902] 10 and 31; possibly written in 1818, as stated by Melchior [900] 6. 6* Melchior [900] 6. 7 Ochsenbein [902] 56 mentions several of these. He makes no ref- erence to the early relations of Heine and Elise von Hohenhausen, but he gives 1819 as the date of Heine's first translations of Byron. He evidently discredits Melchior 's surmize. 8 Ochsenbein [902] 10 and 31-37. 0 Ibid., p. 9; cf. von Hohenhausen [885]. 10 Weddigen [867] devotes brief chapters to Byron's influence on the literatures of England, America, Germany, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, France, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Bumania, Poland, Bussia, Bohemia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, and Greece. »] Price: English'^German Literary Influences — Survey Utd^ lection under this category is far from complete." He in- i-des a number of Ocrman poets who have used Bjnron's themes C€r him" and those who were attracted especially by the ori- "tal coloring of Byron's poems." There remain the three really important groups: the first >inpo6ed of those who were inspired like Byron with a zeal to id the liberty of opprest races, the second of those who sot to flFect political improvements in their own country, the third of -hose who were bound to Byron by a like '^Pessimismus,'* ** Welt- 3«chmerz,'' **Blasiertheit/' or * * Verzweiflung. ' ' The groups are of course not mutually exclusive. Platen with his PolenUeder, Qustav Pfizer with his Griechen-und Polenlieder, and Ferdinand Gregorovius with his MagyarerUieder contributed distinctly to the new poetry of national independence. **Philhellenismus'' was prominent with Wilhelm Miiller and Wilhelm Waiblinger as leaders. The larger number of Oerman political poets, how- 11 The following list is taken chiefly from Porterfield [12]: ' ' Novellen ' '— 1820 £. T. A. Hoffman, Walter Scott und Byron (in Seraphions- hruder) . 1835 Laube, Lord Byron (in Beisenovellen) . 1839 E. H. Willkomm, Lord Byron, Bin Dichterlehen (in Zivilisa- tionsnovellen) . 1862 Bueher, A., Byrone letete Liehe, 1867 Zianitzka(=Kathinka Zitz) Lord Byron, Bomantische Skie- zen au8 einem vielhewegten Lehen, Dramas — 1847 B. Gottschall, Lord Byron in Italien, 1850 Elise Schmidt, Der Genius und die Gesellschaft, 1886 Karl Bleibtreu, Lord Byrons letzte Liehe. 1886 Karl Bleibtreu, Meine Tochter. 1900 Karl Bleibtreu, Byrons Geheimnis, This list does not include the occasional lyric poetry such as that referred to in Survey, p. 539. 12 Der Gefangene von Chillon was the theme of M. Hartmann in 1863. Anastasius Griin 's Der Turm am Strande is reminiscent of The prisoner of Chillon, A. Bottger in Die Tochter des Cain treats of Byron's theme in Heaven and eartK 8. Mosenthal in Parisina has his subject matter also from Byron, as does G. Kastrupp in his Cain, Marino Faliero was the theme of A. Lindner in 1875, of H. Kruse in 1876, and M. Greif in 187&. Regarding Grillparzer see Bibliography [899]. 18 To this group belong especially Wilhelm Miiller (1794-1824) with his Gricchenlieder, Wilhelm Waiblinger (1803-1831) with his Erzdhlungen aus Griechenland ; also Biiekert, Daumer, Bodenstedt, Hammer, Leopold Schefer, Heine in his Beisehilder, Zedlitz in his Todtenkrdme, and Adolf Fr. yon Schack in his Lothar, 522 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 ever, directed their attention to internal German conditiwis. Among the leading political poets in Austria were Zedlitz, Ana- stasius Griin, Lenau, Karl Beck, Moritz Hartmann, Alfred Mei8^ ner, and Robert Hamerling ; in Germany, Herwegh, Dingelstedt, Prutz, Hoffmann von Pallersleben, Preiligrath, Strachwitz, and Max Waldau. All of these poets Weddigen connects with Byron in the sweeping statement : * * Byron war der Vater der modernen politischen Lyrik." In the individual cases Weddigen bases his assertions upon similarities of the most general nature. The essay of Gudde [843] shows that Preiligrath turned to political poetry quite uninfluenced by English examples and that altho there are, in his political poetry after he turned thereto, echoes of the English poetry he knew so well, reminiscences of Byron are rather less frequent than those of Moore and others of less note. What is true of Preiligrath is quite possibly true of others in the list mentioned. Weddigen connects the Young Germans with Byron by simi- lar generalities: **Seinen Hohepunkt erreichte der Byronismus durch das junge Deutschland, welches zu Byron in ahnlichem Verhaltnisse steht, wie die Stiirmer und Dranger zu Shakespeare. Das war die Bliitezeit des Radikalismus, der Preigeisterei und des Weltschmerzes in der deutschen Literatur. "^* In proof of this assertion he makes such statements as the following : ' ' Boraes Brief e aus Paris (1832-1834) sind in einer witzigen, geistreichen Sprache abgefaszt, aber verneinenden Geistes, und von Byro- nischer Skepsis;*'^* or again: Karl Gutzkow erfiillte tief eine beunruhigende Byronische Skepsis. Seine Novelle WaUy, die Zwciflerin erregte durch ihre antichristliche 14 Weddigen [867] 49-50. 15 Weddigen [867] 39. Borne 's own view of his relation to Byron is quoted by Whyte [832] 6: "Vielleicht fragen Sie mich verwundert, wie ich Lump dazu komme, mich mit Byron zusammenzustellen f Darauf musz ich Ihnen erzahlen, was Sie noch nicht wissen. Als Byrons Genius auf seiner Reise durch das Firmament auf die Erde kam, eine Nacht dort zu verweilen, stieg er zuerst bei mir ab. Aber das Haus gefiel ihm gar nicht, er cilte schnell wieder fort und kehrte in das Hotel Byron ein. Viele Jahre hat mich das geschmerzt, lange hat es mich betriibt, dasz ich so wenig gewor«len, gar nichts erreicht. Aber jetzt ist es voriiber, ich habe es vorgessen und Icbe zufrieden in raeiner Armut. Mein Ungluck ist, dasz ich im Mittelstande geboren bin, fiir den ich gar nicht passe." Borne, Schriften VIII 113; 15. Brief, Dec. 3, 1830. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 523 "^en-denz allgemeines Aufsehen. Sein Trauerspiel Nero ist die Ausgeburt ®in«r Skepsis; der Held in seinem Uriel Acasta krankt an einer inneren ^x^befriedigung. Die Ein¥rirkung Byrons liegt iiberall auf der Hand.i^' Passing over a list of rather unimportant authors who occa- sionally imitated or were inspired by Byron we come to Wed- ^i gen's final assertions regarding Byron's influence upon the I>liilosophy and theology of Germany: **An Byron lehnt sich <3>«r theologische und politische Badikalismus an. In Arthur Schopenhauers Philosophic ist alles Dissonanz und Schmerzens- Brchrei. OflFenbar findet zwischen Schopenhauers und Byrons Ideen ein innerer Konnex statt."^*** Diihring [904] had been more extreme in his assertion. With the extremists Melchior cloes not agree. He says: **Man musz den Ausspruch E. Diih- rings, dasz Schopenhauers System ohne Byron undenkbar sei, cum grano salis verstehen. "^* The last group of Byronists contribute a theme that is at once interesting and elusive. This group is made up of the German Byronists who were associated with their leader by a like temperament or a like **Weltschmerz." Some of the earlier users of the term **Weltschmerz" unscientifically and indiscrim- inatingly applied the word to personal as well as altruistic grief on the part of the poet. Admittedly much that goes by the name of Byronism did not owe its origin exclusively to the poet. Byronism was a disease that was endemic as well as epidemic; but by our definition influences can occur only where a pre-disposition exists, hence certain treatizes of a less specific nature belong within the scope of our survey.^^ Heine, Lenau, Grillparzer, and Grabbe afford problems within this last group of Byronists. In comparing the works of Grabbe and Byron Wiehr says: A number of very important features that both these authors have in common cannot be at all attributed to literary influence, but are due to "•Weddigen [867] 50. le" Ibid., p. 53. i« Melchior [900] 127. 17 For example, nos. [876] and [877] in Bibliography. 524 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 similarity of character and disposition. Skepticism, dissatisfaction witk life and contempt of it, hatred of the conventional, an attitude of defiance toward society, admiration for strong individuals, and a general low estimate of women are the most important points we find in both.^?* Wiehr then points out essential differences between the two poets : regarding the existence of a benevolent deity Byron alter- nately doubts and hopes, while Grabbe consistently denies. The difference in the poetic quality of the two vn'iters is, in small part at least, explained by their different situations in life. Wiehr plausibly surmizes that Byron's influence was oper- ative in Grabbers Herzag Theodor von Ooihland, which Grabbe had written before coming to Leipzig in 1820, but which he revised before publishing in 1822. During the period 1820-1822 Byron became popular in Germany, and it is likely that Grabbe read, among other poems of Byron, his Cain, Grabbers Ootklandf Wiehr says, is very loosely constructed, and especially those passages that remind of Cain are not an organic part of the whole but may have been inserted later. There is extiernal evidence of Grabbers familiarity with Byron before the beginning of his second poetic period. Grabbe begins his essay Vber die Shakespearo-Manie as follows : Lord Byron sagt in seinem Don Juan etwas spottisch, Shakespeare sey zur ''fashion" geworden. Ich gestehe vorlaufig, dasz mir in der englischen schonen Litteratur nur zwei Erscheinungen von hoher Wich- tigkeit sind: Lord Byron und Shakespeare, — ^jener als die moglichst poe- tisch dargestellte Subjectivitat, dieser als die ebenso poetisch dargestellte Objectivitat. Lord Byron, in seiner Art so grosz als Shakespeare, mag gerade wegen seines verschiedenen dichterischen Characters nicht das competenteste Urtheil iiber ihn abgeben.i7»» Other references of Grabbe to Byron could be quoted, but the testimony of Grabbe 's friend Ziegler is sufficient, to the effect that during Grabbers furlo in 1834 Grabbe and Ziegler often read Byron together. Weddingen sums up the entire relation with one of his sweeping generalities: Christian Dietrich Orabbe hat Byronische Ideen in sich aufgenommen. Er ist ein Dichter von zerrissenem Gemiit; schon in seinem ErstUngswerk i7* Wiehr [897] 134. i7»» Grabbe [404a] 439. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 525 ^CT2og von Gothland ist Grabbe von bitterstem Skepticismus angefressen, ^iu Don J'uan und Faust erinnert una in manchen Seiten an Byrons Don ^iehr maintains on the contrary that there are no significant ^J^tnilarities between Byron's Don Juan and Grabbers Don Juan ^^d Faust. There are strong resemblances however between ^3nx)n*8 Cain and Grabbers Don Juan, and Grabbers work con- ^^Jns elsewhere reminiscences of Byron's Manfred, Lucifer, and ^hUde Harold, Wiehr adds that echoes of Byron are to be found ^^ the Hohenstaufen dramas and that. Grabbers Napoleon (V, 1) "Was suggested by Byron's stanzas on the battle of Waterloo. Heine's surmized early interest in Byron in Hamburg (1818- 1819) has already been mentioned. Regarding the Gottingen period 1819-1820 we have our first definite facts. Heine came into personal relations with August Wilhelm von Schlegel, then professor in Gottingen. Schlegel challenged Heine to translate the words of the spirits in the opening scenes in Manfred and highly commended the work when done. In 1821 Heine was in Berlin and attended the gatherings of the Byron admirers in the salon of Elise von Hohenhausen where on occasions he read his own poems. They were rather coolly received by the majority of his hearers" but were lauded by Elise herself, and it was she who first proclaimed Heine as the German successor of Byron. In his first publisht book of poems (1822) Heine included some translations of Byron, thus challenging a comparison, which was promptly instituted by Immermann"* and **Schm." (= Schleier- macher ?)."** During the next year or two Heine has little to say about Byron, and he does not participate in the **Philhellenismus" of the day, which was perhaps becoming too much of a common- place for him. In his Harzreise Heine represents himself as talking to two ladies on the Brocken in the following ironical fashion : i»Weddigen [867] 38. i»Ochsenbein [902] 83-84. !»• Kunst- und Wissenschaftsblatt des Bheinisch-Westfalischen Ameigers, May 31, 1882, no. 23. !»«» Ibid., June 7, 1822. 526 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 Ich glaube, wir sprachen auch von Angorakatzen, etniskischen Vasen, tiirkischen Shawls, Makkaroni iind Lord Byron, aus dessen Gedichten die altere Dame einige Sonnenuntergangsstellen, recht hiibsch lispelnd und seufzend, reziterte. Der jiingern Dame, die kein Englisch verstand und jene Gedichte kenuen lernen wollte, empfahl ich die Cbersetzungen meiner schonen, geistreichen Landsmannin, der Baronin Elise von Hohenhausen, bei welcher Gelegenheit ich nicht ermangelte, wie ich gegen jun^ Damen zu tun pAege, iiber Byrons Oottlosigkeit, Lieblosigkeit, Trostlosigkeit, und der Himmel weisz was noch mehr, zu eifern.20 More unequivocal is Heine's private correspondence on the occasion of Byron's death in 1824. He wrote two letters to friends in both of which he lamented the death of his ** cousin" Lord Byron, and a letter to his friend Moser in which he said : Byron war der einzige Mensch, mit dem ich mich verwandt fiihlte, und wir mogen uns wohi in manchen Dingen geglichen haben; scherze nur dariiber soviel Du wiilst. Ich las ihn selten seit einigen Jahren: man geht lieber um mit Meuschen, deren Charakter von dem unsrigen verschieden ist.^i Heine did his utmost to persuade Moser to write an article for one of the leading literary journals in which he should herald him as Byron's successor. Moser refused, and eventually Heine could thank him for it, for now Willibald Alexis and even Wilhelm Miiller and Karl Immermann, former admirers of Byron, were beginning to warn against the Byronic fever. Im- mermann in 1827 made some comparisons between Byron and Heine in the latter 's favor.^*' For a time Heine is now chiefly concerned to differentiate himself from Byron. He writes early in 1827 : Wahrlich, in diesem Augenblicke fiihle ich sehr lebhaft, dasz ich kein Nachbeter oder, besser gesagt, Nachfrevler Byrons bin, mein Blut ist nicht 80 spleenisch schwarz, meine Bitterkeit kommt nur aus den Gallap- feln meiner Dinte. . . . Von alien groszen Schriftstellern ist Byron just derjenige, dessen Lekture mich am unleidiglichsten beriihrt.22 Yet on his visit to England he is full of disparaging words for tlie people that does not know how to value its second greatest 20 Heine, Wcrke IV 57. 21 Qiiotechsenbein has taken cognizance of the work of his predecessors, Ixas rigidly excluded from consideration accidental similarities ^liat have their origin in a like temperament or in the common ^rend of the time, and has thus been able to write the authori- "tative treatize on the specific influence of Byron on Heine. Dis- «igreeing with Melchior 's surmize Ochsenbein'* places Heine's earlier Byron translation in the year 1819. XuBzere Anhaltspunkte fiir eine Kenntnis des englischen Dichters sind vor 1819 nirgends gegeben. Auch innerliche Beeinflussung werden wir fiir diese Zeit leugnen miisseii, wenngleich der junge Heine Stimmungen aufweist, welche mit der Diisterheit des jungen Lords verwandt scheinen und die Teilnahme erklaren, mit der er alsbald die Poesie dieses * * Vetters ' * in sich verarbeitete.85 Thus Ochsenbein is able to take as his starting point the young Heine uninfluenced by Byron, and even in him he finds much that was Byronic. Heine's early reading gave him such a trend. The satirists Cervantes and Swift pleased him most, together with gruesome literature, wherever he could find it, from the hand of Vulpius or Hoffmann or in the folksongs. His early acquaintance with Josepha, the daughter of the Diisseldorf ex- ecutioner, further encouraged this inclination, and an unfortu- nate love affair with his Hamburg cousin inclined him to mel- ancholy and to morbid introspection. Heine's early translations of Byron left their traces on his poetic productions of the next period. In To Inez and Oood night, lyric passages of Childe Harold and Manfred, Heine had to do with the hero of Byron's earlier period, the one who made a display of his grief and melancholy and appealed for sympathy. The later Byronic hero was more defiant in tone. It was to the 8» Brandes, Die Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts etc., VI 39 and 213. 8* See SuEVEY, p. 520. 85 Ochsenbein [902] 136. 530 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 influence of the earlier type that Heine was susceptible. There he found sanction for the unreserved display to the world of his inner emotions, and after misfortune in love he carried the Byronic note over into his own personal lyric poetry. In the poetry of Heine's next following period Ochsenbein is ready to recognize Byron 's influence but does not forget, as some of his predecessors have done, that German trends, especially those of the romantic school, were also effective: '*da8 Port- wirken jener phantastischen und schauerlichen Elemente seiner friiheren Dichtung, jener Traum-, Grab-, und Spukpoesie niit ihren bleichen und wilden Menschen,'*'* and likewise '*da8 kran- kelnde Hinschmachten nach dem Vorbilde der Uhlandsehen Jugenddichtung. "^^ Heine's own sufferings sufficiently account for most of his poetry : unhappiness in love ; the perpetual tor- ment of an aching head ; the vexations of a hum-drum earning of daily bread thru hated occupations (this gives a note that differs from Byron's) ; the feeling of being regarded as an out- cast by his own people, without a compensating acceptance (m the part of the Christians; finally the conviction that he was the object of persecution, which was with Heine no idle affecta- tion. **Armut, Krankheit, Judenschmerz, " so Ochsenbein sums up the causes of Heine's melancholy, and he further finds that Heine's attitude toward his fellow men was different from Byron's: An occasional thrust at the world suflSced Byron, who occupied an independent position; Heine was constantly at sword-points with the * * Philister, " to whom he was compelled to be subservient. In view of these considerations Ochsenbein is disposed to deny Byron's influence on Heine during this period except in details. In this part of his work he acknowledges indebtedness to his predecessor Melchior, some of whose most interesting conclusions he, however, discredits.'^ In compensation Ochsenbein devotes 30 Ibid., p. 150. 3T Ibid., p. 151. 3« Among them the association of Heine 's Ein Fichtenhaum steht einsam with The wild gazelle in Byron ^s Hebrew melodies (compare Melchior p. 88 with Ochsenbein p. 153). He regards the resemblances of passages in 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 531 ^ chapter each to Heine's Almansor and Rat cliff, two tragedies ^^^•itten when Heine's enthusiasm for Byron was in its zenith. -*^he8e dramas Melchior had mentioned merely in passing. Aside from the Spanish sources of Almansor Heine was ^^miliar with Fouque 's treatment of the theme in the Zauherring ^^ well as with Byron's use of the motif. In order to lend a dramatic tone to the theme Heine, as Ochsenbein points out,'* X^ade use of typical situations and characters such as are found in Byron's Oiaour, Bride of Ahydos, Corsair, Lara, and Siege of Corinth. There is further evidence of influence in the similar- ities of the names of the characters, in certain technical peculiar- ities, and in the poetic style. Heine was dissatisfied with the diction in Almansor and wrote to a friend: **die vermaledeite Bildersprache, in welcher ich den Almansor und seine orienta- lischen Konsorten sprechen lassen muszte, zog mich ins Breite." ** Dieses Miissen," says Ochsenbein, **wird ihm von der zwin- genden Macht seines Vorbildes auf erlegt worden sein. ' '*** He finds further imitation of Byron in some of Heine's descriptions of landscape, and in his comparisons and metaphors. While Melchior called especial attention to the influence of Byron's Dream on Heine's Traumbilder, Ochsenbein lays more emphasis upon the relation of Byron's poem to Heine's Ratcliff, After Byron had been divorced from his wife he wrote the poem. The dream, in which he imagines himself to be visiting the home of the love of his early youth, Mary Chaworth. He finds her surrounded by beautiful children, but unhappy in her marriage. The unhappiness leads finally to madness. Heine assimilated the mood of the poem and applied it to his relations with his Hamburg cousin. By suppression of rime and verse Heine suc- ceeds in producing the same effect as Byron, that of severely restrained passion. The portraits of the women in the two Childe Harold's pilgrimage to passages in Heine's Tannhduser (Melchior p. 166), the resemblance of Byron's Belshazzar to Heine's Behazer, and the common theme of Hebrew melodies and Hebrdische Melodien^ as being without great significance. He finds Byron's Dream influential in Heine's poetry- but in a different way from Melchior. 8» Ochsenbein [902] 198. -»olbid., p. 205. 532 Univergiiy of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 instances are quite different. In Byron she is calm and of a forced cheerfulness on the occasion of the visit. With Heine the madness has already set in. Heine's pictures of the landscape and house resemble Byron's. Ochsenbein says: Bezeichnender Doch als diese stofflichen Entlehnungen ist der Versueh Heinesy die ganze Stimmung des Dream wiederzugeben. Hier und in der Gdtterddmmerung stoszen wir auf dasjenige, was Heine selbst ein G^fuhla- plagiat nennt und was uns berechtigt, diese Gedichte als direkte Nachah- mungen Byrons zu bezeichnen. Wenn blosz stoffliche Entlehnungen noch keine allgomeine Abhangigkeit, keinen tieferen poetischen Einflusz dartun, so zeigt uns diese Stimmungskopie, wie auch die schon friiher behandelten, dasz Heine sich wenigstens in einzelnen Stunden dem Banne des groszen englischen Dichters vollig hingegeben hat.^i Heine characterized his RcUcliff as **eine Hauptkonf ession. " In it he laid bare his grief at the loss of his cousin's love and his hatred of his preferred rival. Such a subjective work must necessarily be original, and the influence of Byron here is, as Ochsenbein says, more deep than broad and all-pervasive. Ill- fated love leads Heine 's hero to slay in turn two more successful suitors of his Maria. Wounded by a third suitor he rushes to her home and slays first her, then himself. Such a theme brot Heine within the realm of the fate drama and subjected him to the influence of the type, but the hero of the tragedy is Byronic, a fallen angel become a devil. He resembles Childe Harold and Lara rather than Byron's later heroes. In the same volume with Byron's Dream was a poem, Dark- ness, which described the misery of man at the end of the gradual cooling of the earth. This was a theme that had already ap- pealed to Heine; Byron may have first shown him its poetic availability. Furthermore there are a large number of paral- lelisms of form between it and Heine's Ootterddmmeruny*^ Melchior's unique contribution to the subject of Byron and Heine is his discussion of Heine as a poet of the sea. In this respect Heine thot himself an innovator, as many references in his private correspondence show. But he was not entirely with- 41 Ibid., p. 179. 42 Ibid., pp. 182-189. ^^20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 533 ^vit German predecessors. True, most of the earlier sea poetry ^^^, like Goethe's, to do with the Mediterranean. The Gudrun ^^kd left the North Sea almost undescribed, and Brookes had de- ^^sribed it only in his usual minute way. But Herder had been ^nuinely inspired by the North Sea, on whose bosom he was first ble fully to appreciate the poetry of Ossian. In the private Ciorrespondence of the eighteenth century the sea is admired in %erms often poetic, as by Lichtenberg, while in Fr. Leopold von Stolberg we find a genuine sea poet. For the romanticists the sea had chiefly a symbolic value, but Wilhelm Miiller was an immediate predecessor of Heine with his sea poetry. Melchior concludes, **da8z den deutschen Dichtern damals die Poesie des Meeres zwar nicht voUig verschlossen war, dasz man aber doch bis dahin immer noch in den ersten Anfangen stecken geblieben war.''"' In sea-girt England the poetry of the sea was naturally further advanced ; it had reacht its culmination in the works of Shelley and Byron. It is the Mediterranean again that domi- nates in Byron's poems, while Heine describes the entirely dif- ferent North Sea. Yet Melchior holds that the inspiration of Byron is present here and assumes Elise von Hohenhausen as a medium of communication. His external evidence is not with- out weight. He quotes August von Schindel's testimony concern- ing Elise von Hohenhausen : Besonders ziehen sie Byrons Gedichte an, die sie ins Deutsche iiber- setzen will, und in Beziehung auf die sie im Jahre 1819 eine Reise nach Hamburg unternahm, um sich an den Ufern des Meeres durch eigene Anschauung die malerischen Schilderungen des britischen Dichters leb- hafter zu vergegenwartigen.*8 Elise von Hohenhausen not only translated Byron on this journey but publisht (1820) a book describing the scenes that had imprest her on this occasion. Melchior takes it for granted that Heine knew of this work and infers : 42* Melchior [900] 106. 43 Schindel, Die deutschen SchriftsteUerinnen des 10. Jahrhundcrts (Leip- zig 1823), I 220. 534 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 Wenn wir nun wissen, dasz der junge Dichter im Kreise der Hohen- hausen bald zum erston Male als ein deutscher Byron ausgenifen -wurde, iind wonn wir ihn bald darauf seine Nordseehilder entwerfen seben, so konnen wir wohl kaum der Annahme entraten, dasz er auf diesem Wege, also iin letzten Grunde durch Bvron zu seiner Seedichtung an^regt worden ist. Dazu kommt aber schlieszlich noch, dasz sich bei Heine auch wirkliche Spuren der Entlehnung finden.'*-* Melchior offers several rather convincing parallel passages but lays more stress upon the similar feeling of both poets to- ward the sea. For both it is a benignant element. It is a last refuge from persecutors, it awakens happy memories of child- hood, and its soft monotonous beating can lull even the SLngry winds to rest. The indebtedness of Lenau and Grillparzer to Byron has never been comprehensively defined. The relation of the two German poets to him was of a similar nature : both were suscept- ible to Byron's influence because their prevailing moods were somewhat similar to his ; in both cases material parallels can be shown; and in neither case has any definite influence in the proper meaning of the term been demonstrated. Weddigen generalizes on the Byron-Lenau relationship as follows: Von dem diisteren Weltschmerze und der Skepsis des englischen Dichters ist Nikolaus Lenau . . . wesentlieh beeinfiuszt worden. £r ging in Byro- nischer Zerrissenheit unter. Lenaus Sehwermut hat indes den Gnind in seinem Schmerze um ein verlorenes Paradies des Glaubens; seine Zerrissenheit ist kein koketter Weltschmerz wie bei Heine. Lenaus erste groszere Dichtung, der Faust, erinnert in ihrem Geiste wie in ihrer Form an Byron. Sein Savonarola (1837) und Die Alhigenser zeigen una die dustere Skepsis des Englanders; ebenso ist Lenaus Bon Juan (1851) . . . blasiert und sensualistisch^ wie manche seiner poetischen Gestalten. Der Zweifel, das Unbefriedigtsein trieben Lenau 1832 durch die vereinigten Staaten; aber auch hier fand seine Seele keine Ruhe. Wir sehen in ihm etwas von Byrons ungestilltem Verlangen.**' Strangely enuf Weddigen seems to have overlookt Grillparzer in his wide search for Byron's followers. The oversight has been made good by Wyplel [898] and [899], who found many verbal parallels and parallel motifs connecting the two poets 44 Melchior [900] 108. 44* Weddigen [867] 47 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 535 I^^ssages in Ein treuer Diener seines Herm closely resemble lines Marino Faliero, The two Foscari, and Sardanapalus, Accord- to Wyplel, Grillparzer read most of Byron's works after he t^^^d finisht Blanka von Casiilien and before he wrote Die Ahn- f^^axL **Fast alle poetische Erzahlungen Byrons, diese leiden- ^ut The corsair, Lara, The Oiaour, and The siege of Corinth all Ciontribute something, probably for the most part without Grill- X>arzer being conscious of the process. In discussing the various phases of his literary influences in Oermany, Byron the critic should not be entirely overlookt. It is well therefore that Brandl has reminded us that Byron's opinions of his countrymen are still a force in Germany: ** Byrons Urteil iiber seine Umgebung, seine Angriflfe auf Coler- idge und Wordsworth, wie seine Achtung fiir Moore ist uns dadurch so maszgebend geworden, dasz wir uns nur allmahlich und zogernd zu einer unbefangenen Wiirdigung dieser Manner erschwingen.'**' It has already been noted that Goethe men- tioned, along with Byron, his two literary friends Scott and Moore as the pre-eminent literary heroes of Britain.*® It cannot be said that Goethe owed to Byron any positive new literary direction ; he was already too far advanced in years for that. At most Byron helpt to quicken his enthusiasm and rekindle his literary zeal.*^ But an account of the communica- tions that past between the two poets may nevertheless not be omitted, for it reveals certain lines of literary traffic between Germany and England, and it shows again that active zeal for literary reciprocity which Goethe had already shown in his cor- respondence with Carlyle about Burns, Schiller, and other men of letters.-*^' 44bv^ryplel [899] 27. « Brandl [892] 3. -»« Cf. SUEVEY, p. 472. 47 See Eckermann, Gesprdche p. 59, under date of Nov. 16, 1823 ; re the poem Elegie zum Marienbad. Cf. letter to Kinnaird quoted below. 4T* Cf . SUEVEY, p. 480f. 536 Univergity of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoV.^ The beginning of the Byron-Goethe relation was not ausl>i^" ious. Byron purpost to dedicate his Marino FaUero (1821) ^^ Goethe. His phrases no doubt exprest genuine admiration, l>vit the general tone was so flippant that the publisher wisely omit^^^^ the dedication entirely. Byron then desired to inscribe to l:».i^ his Sardanapalus (1821) and askt his friend Kinnaird, a forc*:^.^^ student at Gottingen, to secure Goethe's exprest consent. 'Pirmis gave Goethe his first opportunity to convey to Byron a perso:*:^"-^ expression of his regard ; he wrote to Kinnaird : Seit' seinem ersten Erscheinen begleitete ich, mit naheren und neren Freunden, ja mit Einstimmung von ganz Deutschland und Welt, jenes charakter-gegriindete, granzenlos productive, kraftig una^' haltsame, zart-liebliche Wesen auf alien seinen Pfaden. Ich suchte mM.^^^ mit ihm durch 'Cbersetzung zu identificiren und an seine zartesten G^fiilm '^ wie an dessen kiihnsten Humor mich anzuschlieszen; wobey denn, nur des letzteren Falles zu gedenken, allein die Unmoglichkeit iiber Text ganz klar zu werden mich abhalten konnte, eine angefangene t)^b< setzung von English bards and Scotch reviewers durchzufiihren. Von einem so hochverehrten Manne solch eine Theilnahme zu erfahren, solch ein Zeugnis iibereinstimmender Gesinnungen zu vernehmen musz um desto unerwarteter seyn, da es nie gehofft, kaum gewunscht werden durfte.*8 Kinnaird had sent to Goethe a copy of the proposed dedi- cation of the book in Byron's handwriting. Goethe would gladly have retained it as a keepsake. Die Handschrift des theuren Mannes erfolgt ungern zuriick, denn wer mochte willig das Original eines Documentes von so groszem Werth ent- behren. Das Alter, das denn doch zuletzt an sich selbst zu zweifeln anfangt, bedarf solcher Zeugnisse, deren anregende Kraft der Jiingere vielleicht nicht ertragen hatte.^s Meanwhile Goethe was becoming thoroly familiar with the poetry of Byron. He had begun his readings in May 1816. The Corsair was apparently the first of the longer poems that he read,*« May 22 and 23, 1816. In 1817 he probably read the Siege of Corinth, Pansina, and The prisoner of ChiUan,^^ It was Manfred that filled him with the greatest interest. He read it 48 Goethe, Werke IV 36, 204; letter of Nov. 12, 1822; quoted by Valentin [893] 242. *o Goethe, Werke III 5, 233. BO Ibid., Ill 6, 62. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 537. ^^ the 11th and 12th of October, 1817*^ and wrote his review of *t Xio doubt about this time, tho the review was not publisht until ^^20*" Meanwhile he wrote in December of 1817 a translation ^^ the parts of Manfred that appealed to him most strongly.'^' ^^^ the spring of 1820 he read Don Juan, translated the intro- ^'^^ctory lines, and wrote a review of it, which appeared in Vber ^^Xdnst und Alterthum in 1821.** In January of 1821 he read ^^xjobsen's Brief e an cine deutsche Edelfrau etc. and this led him ^^^ consult Byron's English bards and Scotch reviewers,^^ which ^^ planned to translate, as shown by the letter quoted above. Two years later direct communication began between Goethe ^aid Byron when in 1823 a young Englishman by the name of Sterling past thru Weimar from Genoa bearing a letter of per- gonal greetings from Byron. Goethe responded, June 22, 1823, with the sonnet beginning, **Ein freundlich Wort kommt eines :iiach dem andern.'*'® The letter bearing this poem reacht Genoa after Byron had left, but it overtook him in Livorno. Byron's death occurred not long after. Goethe paid homage to him in his Euphorion lament in Faust II. He once showed to Ecker- mann a red portfolio in which he had carefully preserved every- thing that connected him in any way with Byron.*^^ After Byron's death Goethe sot to perpetuate the memory of his connexion with him. On the fifteenth of June 1824 he dictated to his secretary John some memoranda on the subject, which were destined for Medwin's Conversations of Lord Byron,^^ 51 Ibid., Ill, 6, 121. 02 Compare Goethe's letter to Knebel, October 13, 1817, with his review of 1820 in tyher Kunst und Alterthum, Werke IV 28, 277 and ibid., I 41:1, 189. Goethe says: ''Dieser seltsame Dichter hat meinen Faust in sich aufgenommen und hypochondrisch die seltsamste Nahrung daraus gezogen. Er hat die seinen Zwecken zusagenden Motive auf eigene Weise benutzt, so dasz keins mehr dasselbige ist, und gerade deshalb kann ich seinen Geist nicht genug bewundern. '' 63 Goethe, Werke I 41:1, 192; cf. Brandl [892] 7 and 9. 6* Ibid., 1 41:1, 244-249; cf. Brandl [892] 15. 65 Ibid., Ill 8, 8 and 9. 56 Ibid. Ill 9, 65; cf. Eimer [895ax]. 57 Eckermann, Gesprdche p. 140f . 58 Goethe, Werke in 9, 230. The ''Aufsatz iiber Lord Byron" was handed to Soret June 16, 1824. It is included in Medwin's Conversations of Lord Byron (London 1824), p. 278flf. 538 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9 He served on a committee which was seeking to erect a statue of Byron in London and contributed £20 to its erection ;" the statue was completed by Thorwaldsen in 1829. At the same time Goethe planned to set up to his friend a memorial of his own, which was to be based on the contents of the before men- tioned red portfolio and to be a document in the history of **Weltliteratur'' as (Joethe used that term. It therefore in- cluded an account of how Goethe's works became known in Eng- land and so eventually to Byron. The plan of this account is still in the Weimar archives and has been reprinted by Brandl;** it is interesting in that it shows the gaps in Goethe's knowledge of the history of his own works in England. The evidence that Goethe and Byron owed to each other any definite literary inspiration is slight. Byron owed to Goethe no doubt some of the supernatural su^estions in his poetry. A more specific indebtedness may be perceived in the opening scenes of Manfred and in the Deformed transformed,^^ It has also been surmized that Goethe borrowed a little from Byron's Heaven arid earth in the angel scene of Faust 11.^* Byron, however, owed largely to Goethe the high esteem in which he was held in Germany. Continental critics have always reproacht England with lack of sympathy for her great poet. It is proper to point out then that the curve of his fame might have taken a similarly abrupt descent in Germany but for the word of Goethe. Byron reacht the height of his popularity in Germany about 1817; but reports of his declining fame in Eng- land were repeated in the German journals,®' and when Beppo (1818) and Don Juan (1819) appeared Willibald Alexis and Friedrich Schlegel protested and even Goethe called it *'das ao Valentin [893] 243. «oBran(U [892] 29. Ai Be Goethe and Manfred see Sinzheimer [891], Brandl [892], Valentin [893], and Richter [895x]. «2 Brandl [892] 21. osOchsenbein [902] 22ff. ^20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 539 ^xxsittlichste, was jemals die Dichtkunst vorgebracht."'* The German journals also echoed the English opposition to Cain ixitil Goethe exprest himself in praise rather than in defense ^:f it in Kunst und Alterihum^^ This was the turning point of iiriticism in Germany, and the German journals hoped that they Kiight save Byron for England as they claimed to have saved Shakespeare.'* Goethe thus became the chief support of Byron ai Germany. Byron knew of this and promist by letter to come bo Weimar on his visit to Germany and express his gratitude. BUs death in Greece, which followed not long after, rudely cut across this plan but increast the enthusiasm for Byron in Ger- many. Byron's death was sung by Elise von Hohenhausen, Wilhelm Miiller, Platen, Chamisso, Heine,'^ and by Goethe him- self in his lament over the death of Euphorion in Faust II, «« Goethe, Werke I 41:1, 249. «»Ibid-, I 41:2, 94-99. •« Ochsenbein [902] 25; regarding the "saving" of Shakespeare see Survey, chapter 14. •7 For the titles of the poems see Ochsenbein [902] 27. \ 640 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [V^^-^ Ch.\pteb 22 DICKENS 8 Dickens became a household name in Germany almost promptly as in England. His popularity in Germany is atteste ' by the numerous translations, by the large sale of his works the original and in the German language,^ and by the frequer^^^ comments of contemporary German journalists and author^^ Freytag lays stress upon the new atmosphere that Dickeni^"' brot into (Jermany. He tells us how his countrymen began to see in every Englishman a Pickwick, a Pinch, or a Traddles, or at least **einen guten und tiichtigen Kerl . . . vielleicht steif aber von sehr tiefem Gemiith, wahrhaftig, zuverlassig, treu.*'-' He tells how everyone began to look upon his neighbors even with a new interest, and to find attractive characteristics unsuspected before, and how the narrow bonds of social prejudice began to yield to this new influence. In telling of the interest aroused in Germany by David Copperfield Julian Schmidt says: **So sehr uns damals (1849-1850) die Politik in Kopfe lag, wurde im Ganzen iiber Dora und Agnes mehr disputiert als iiber Rado- witz und Manteuflfel.*'^** Despite the continued popularity of Dickens in Germany, however, no serious attempt was made until a few years ago to estimate his influence upon the German novel- ists ; but at last the way has been paved for such a study by two or three good monographs dealing with phases of the subject. The first adequate discussion of the influence of Dickens on an individual German author was that of Lohre [928]. In order to be productive of the best results, such a study of influences must direct attention not so much to the finisht work as to the work in process of growth, that is to say to the psychology of the 1 For the bibliography of Dickens *s works in German translation, school editions, English reprints in Germany, etc., see Geissendoerfer [923] 28-50. !• Freytag [922] 243. i** Schmidt [921] 113f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 54] ^^eative author, and Otto Ludwig admits us into his workshop "^^ith more than customary intimacy. The first portion of Lohre's "^^^ork formulates Ludwig's opinions of Dickens. This task was ■^3^ no means easy; for Ludwig 's Romanstudienf like his Shake- )€are'Studien, appear as disconnected sentences and paragraphs his notebook, and one comment is often corrected or modified ^y another several pages later. Ludwig judged Dickens as one ^ireative artist judges another. The two authors had much in common. With both of them the creative process was preceded \)y what Ludwig called **eine musikalische Stimmung." Char- acteristic of both authors is the minute observation of character irith a detailed reproduction of every outward gesture and inti- mate thot. In the case of Dickens this observation and repro- duction was the free play of his fancy ; in Ludwig 's case one has the feeling that it is accompanied by an almost painful tension of the nerves. The typical English novel was, like Shakespeare's dramas, a norm for Ludwig. In fact the two forms of literature had much in common. Ludwig recognized the Shakespearean spirit : In dem sittllchen Grundgedanken, der kunstlichen Yerflechtung meh- rerer Handlungen in elne, in der plastischen Groszheit, der Charakteristik realistischer Ideale, der Darstellung des Weltlaufs, der Illusion, der Ganz- heit des Lebens, in der Mischung des Komischen selbst in das Ernsteste, ohne dasz es diesem schadete, in dem Abwenden von aller Schwarmerei and hohler Idealitat.2 What first imprest Ludwig in Dickens's works was the mimic element. **Die Bozischen Bomane sind wahrhafte Schauspieler- schulen, ' '' he said, and he commented on the range of expression of Miss Nipper's nose, of Captain Cuttle's hook and of Mrs. Sparsit's eyebrows. He admired Dickens's ability to let inani- mate objects participate in the drama of life, but regarded this dramatic by-play chiefly as a means of throwing a stronger light on human types. He commented on the one-sidedness of Dickens's characters, their * * Borniertheit, " resulting from their 2 Ludwig, Schnften VI 65. «Ibid., p. 67. 542 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. ^ training, their occupation, their age, their passions, or their edu- cation. This one-sidedness Dickens could make attractive, harm- less, or repulsive at his will.* Ludwig finds, however, that Dickens's picture of the lifo of the common man is partizan and unsatisfactory : Nie sprechen Leute aus dem Volke ihre eigene Sprache oder deuken ihre eigenen Gedanken, immer nur in einer der Volkssprache angenaherten konventionellen Weise die Gedanken des Autora iiber das VoUc; tind wie man oft fiirchten musz, gemachte, zum Behufe, seiner Partei za gefallen, gemachte. . . Man wird von solcher Babulisterei oft wider Willen ge- zwungen, stellenweise Partei gegen ihn und das Yolk, seine Klienten, za nehmen. . . . Wie tief steht er in diesem Stiicke unter Shakespeare.* With this exception Ludwig admired the dialog in Dickens's works : * ' Eine Hauptsache, womit Dickens sich wie Shakespeare von z. B. Goethe und Schiller unterscheidet, ist, dasz seine Figu- ren nie wie ein Buch sprechen diirfen. Es ist wunderbar, die reiche Variation der Mittel zu sehen, durch welche den beiden Englandern gelingt, den Dialog vom Buchartigen zu emanzi- pieren."' Dickens confirmed Ludwig 's view that the hero of a novel should be a passive, observing one : ' ^ Im Romane ist das Ausle- ben der Figuren der Zweck, nicht das Handeln, wie im Drama; . . . Der Dramenheld macht seine Gkschichte, der Romanheld erlebt die seine, ja man kann sagen: den Romanhelden macht seine Geschichte. ' '^ Lohre remarks that this theory fits Dickens's heroes admirably, but is in contradiction to Ludwig 's own prac- tice : ' ' Schon diese Unstimmigkeit weist darauf hin, dasz Lud- wig, als der Tod ihm die Feder aus der Hand nahm, iiber die Grundforderungen der epischen Gattung wohl nicht sein letztes Wort gesprochen hatte. ' '* In the second part of his essay Lohre makes a comparison of Ludwig 's novelistic work with Dickens's in the light of the 4 Ibid., p. 66. 6 Ibid., p. 71f.; but cf. VI 80. •Ibid., p. 159. 7 Ibid., p. 145; cf. VI 168. 8 Lohre [928] 36. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 543 f crmer's comments on Dickens's art. The works of Ludwig that oome under consideration are Die Heiterethei and Zwischen Simmel und Erde, Die Heiterethei is, it is true, a short story x-ather than a novel, but Ludwig said in his essay on Dickens -^ind die deutsche Dorfgeschichte: **Die Dorfgeschichte ist wie «in einzelnes Glied des Dickensschen Romans zu einem Ganzen geschlossen, ein Charakterbild aus jener Menge herausgenom- men, eine Stimmung aus jener Mannigfaltigkeit von Stimmun- gen, eine Reflexion aus jenem Reichtum ; sie ist der Qeist jenes Romans in Form der Anekdote.*** In the main characters of Die Heiterethei Lohre finds.no traces of Dickens's influence, but there are minor characters drawn in his best style : * * Die Mor- zenschmiedin, " who is compared with a * * Schwarzwalder Uhr," and whose movements are always described in terms of clock works ; the watchmaker Zerrer, who has learned to talk from his clocks, ''aus seinem Knarren und Schnarren ist kaum klug zu werden;" and the Valtinessin with her stereotyped phrases and gestures. The serious Zwischen Himmel und Erde is neither perfused with Dickens's atmosphere nor does it present any humorous minor characters, but Lohre suggests that Dickens's influence may nevertheless be present : Ludwig describes the technicalities of the work of repairing a slate roof in as detailed a fashion as Dickens would have done ; and he enters into Fritz Nettenmeier 's guilty thots with a convincing precision that Dickens could scarcely have surpast. Liider's dissertation [929], which appeared shortly after Lohre 's essay, treats of the actual parallels between Dickens and Ludwig more exhaustively, the usual statistical method prevail- ing. Lohre 's starting point was Ludwig 's theory; Liider took as his basis Ludwig 's actual practice. He arrives independently at much the same conclusions as his predecessor. He leads up to his comparison with an analytical study of Ludwig 's narra- tive art during the period before he knew Dickens's works. Then follows a similar analysis of Dickens's qualities as a novelist. • Ludwig, Schriften VI 78; =[922a] 78. 544 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. Liider finds the first signs of Dickens's influence in the frag- ments Das March en von dem tot en Kinde and Es hat noch keinen Begriff. As far as Die Heiterethci and Zunschen Himmel und Erde are concerned Liider 's findings do not go much beyond Lohre's. Lohre, however, made no mention of Ludwig's Aus dem Reg en in die Traufe (1854), and here Liider sees the strong- est evidence of Ludwig's dependence on Dickens in theme, com- position, and style. Nearly every person in the narrative is char- acterized by some bodily defect or some blemish. Liider says : Ludwig musz durchaus in der Dickens 'schen engen, kleinlichen Welt befangen gewesen sein, dasz der Kiinstler in ihm so verstummt war. Und im Zusammenhang mit seinem ubrigen Schaffen empfindet man diese Erzahlung als etwas Fremdes, Unludwigsches, vielleicht hat er sich des- halb spiiter nur ungern und dann ungunstig iiber seine Erzahlungen ausgesprochen.io The question of Frey tag's relation to Dickens has also at- tracted some attention recently. It has been demonstrated that Scott was Frey tag's chief model in respect to novelistic form." In regajrd to ch«|,racter drawing Freytag accorded Dickens a place second to Walter Scott 's. For him Walter Scott was * * ein groszer Dichter, dem es gelingt, sehr verschiedenartige Personlichkeiten mit guter Laune lebhaft zu empfinden und darzustellen, und das Ganze der menschlichen Qesellschaft . . . mit liebevoUer Zunei- gung zu verstehen.'' Dickens, on the other hand, was **ein glanzender Dichter, dem es gelingt, einen gewissen groszeren Kreis von Personen und Schicksalen mit ausgezeichnetem Humor zu empfinden.''*' Freytag first became interested in Dickens's works in Berlin in 1836, as is evident from certain references to the Pickwick Papers in his Erimxemngen}^ He evidently read Dickens in translation, for as late as 1865 he found it difficult to read a review of his own Verlorene Handschrift in the Times^* His loLuder [929] 124. uUlrich [976]; but cf. Freymond [926]. 12 Grensboten 1851 IV 264. 18 Freytag, IVerke I 90. 1* Freymond [926] 14flf. iP20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 545 ^^tei*est in Dickens was renewed about the year 1850. It was th^xx that David Copperfield's life history was being translated ^^to German, and Freytag, like his fellow countrymen, was con- cex-Xied about his fate. Furthermore three of Freytag's coUeags t^^lie Orenhoten were Dickens enthusiasts. Julius Seybt trans- many novels of Dickens;^'' Jacob Kaufmann helpt prepare ^"^ translation of one volume; and Julian Schmidt was Dickens *s it whole-hearted advocate in Germany. The beginnings of Soil und Haben date back to precisely this >e, and investigators have not lookt in vain for traces of David ^ ^^"jpperfield in Freytag 's first novel. The search was first for- ^^^^i.lly begun by Volk [925]. Her paper begins with a clear and ^'^cjcinct statement of general resemblances between Dickens's -*^ai?id Capperfield and Freytag 's Soil und Haben, Both authors ^^ek the people at labor, tho Dickens is interested in a slightly '^^ore impecunious class than Freytag. Both authors, as a rule, present main characters, who are either distinctly good or dis- tinctly bad. Characteristic of both authors is **die liebevoUe Versenkung in das Kleine und Kleinste, die Beseelung lebloser Dinge und vor allem eine Fiille mitfortreiszenden Humors. ''^' In connexion with this trait one usually thinks of Sterne and Jean Paul, but in Freytag 's case the stimulation seems to have come directly from Dickens. One finds little of this type of humor in his earlier works. Volk supports her first two points by an abundance of page references, the last point by quotations. The humorous effect is produced, she says, **(!) durch drollige Vergleiche, (2) durch (Jbertreibung, (3) durch Umschreibung, (4) durch erlauternde oder das Gesagte korrigierende Nach- und Zwischen- satze etc.*' Eleven artifices are named in all. It will be seen that Volk lays the chief emphasis upon form. But what Dickens introduced into Germany was not a new form but a new atmo- loFreymond [926] 17 gives evidence that it was the Seybt translation of Nicholas Nickleby that Freytag read. In his private correspondence Freytag spells the hero's name **Nikolaus'' and refers to the **Gebriider Wohlgemuth'' (i.e. Cheeryble). i« Volk [925] 6. 546 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 sphere. To define atmospheres and compare one with another is a baffling task, and one with which the traditional methods are unable to cope. The work of Freymond [926] is more successful. He bases his argument not on a minute comparison of stylistic peculiar- ities but upon the general structure of the novels in question, upon a comparison of characters and their roles, and of the material used by the two authors. The study is preceded by a valuable introduction which shows how Freytag came into close literary relations with Dickens. Both authors were liberal in their politics, and Frejrtag, tho to a less degree than Dickens, was an agitator for reforms: '*Der Kaufmann in SoU und Eabtn redet gegen den bevorzugten Stand, der Professor in Der ver- lor en en Handschrift gegen die Tjn-annen auf den Thronen.'*^' Dickens's sympathy is with the lower middle class, Freytag '« with the upper. Both argue for their opinions by letting indi- viduals represent classes. The triumph of honesty and a good heart over selfishness and dishonesty is with both authors a fore- gone conclusion. Harmony of sentiment is, however, of more importance than similarity of view. Freytag demands of an author that he possess * * ein starkes und f reudiges Qemiit, voU von gutem Zu- trauen zur Menschheit, nie verbittert durch das Schlechte imd Verkehrte, dazu die Kenntnis des Lebens und menschlicher Charaktere, welche durch reiche Beobachtung gefestigt ist.""* Again he demands that the true poet possess above all a joyful heart * ' das aus der tjberf iille seiner warmen Empfindung Freude mitteilt.'*^® Freytag was here advocating the well known Chreiuh boten optimism, but Freymond remarks justly that he was at the same time characterizing both himself and Dickens.*^ Tho no one claims that Freytag possest the inexhaustible fund of overflowing good humor from which Dickens was able to draw, 1' Freymond [926] 5. i« Freytag, Werke XVI 218. 10 Freytag, GcsammcUc Aufsdtze (Leipzig 1888), II 242. 20 Freymond [926] 10. 1Q20] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 547 "tile conscious art with which Preytag constructed his novel was some slight compensation for this inferiority. The characters of XDickens seem to have created themselves spontaneously and com- piletely in his imagination, while Freytag thotfuUy created action and character by consistent pondering during a period of weeks or months. During this pre-natal period, as Freymond points out, the characters were exposed to influences from without. Regarding the nature of exterior influence Freytag once gave expression to a thot that is worth quoting for its own sake : Fast aus jedem Romane (von Dickens) blieben riihrende oder lebens- frohe Gestalten fest in der Seele des Lesers. Denn wer da meint, dasz die Traumgebilde eines Dichters nur wie fiuchtige Schatten durch die Seele gleiten, der verkennt die beste Wirkung der Poesie. Wie alles, was wir erleben, so lazst auch alles Wirksame, das wir gern lasen, seinen Abdnick in unserer Seele zuriick. Auch die Sprache des Dichters geht in unsere iiber, seine Gedanken werden unser Eigentum, auch der Humor lebt in uns fort.-^ Writers whose creative process is intellectual rather than temperamental are particularly susceptible to material influences. Lessing admitted: **Ich fiihle die lebendige Quelle der Poesie nicht in mir,"^^ and critics have never tired of seeking his **Vorbilder." Freytag 's productive process was not unlike Les- sing's. The idea was the first essential for him; form also stood high in importance, and the subject matter was relegated to third place* For his subject matter and characters too Freytag like Lessing sot models. For a time Freytag drifted with the young Qermans, as Robert Prutz asserted as early as 1858,-* and the truth of the assertion has since been demonstrated by Mayr- hofer.-* Freytag became aware of the error of his course and broke with the young Germans. It was about this time that he wrote to Tieck: **Mein Ungliick ist, dasz ich allein stehe, sehr allein, ich entbehre der Forderung durch Mitstrebende zu ggjjj, »»26 ^Q^ jQjjg after writing this he came in contact with 21 Freytag, Gesammelte AufsdUe II 239. 22 Lessing, Schrifien IX 209. i^DeuUches Museum 1858 II 441-458; cf. Price [845] 88. 24 Mayrhofer, Gusiav Freytag und das junge Deutschland, BDL I 1907. 2^^ Quoted by Mayrhofer, ibid., p. 9. 548 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol- -^ *, Julian Schmidt, the warm admirer of Dickens. Shortly alt--^^ that he began to read David Copperfield, and then only a bri^^^^ period elapst before the beginning of Soil und Hdben. All attending circumstances make the assumption of an influem of David Copperfield on SoU und Hdben seem quite plausibl* Fre3anond parallels the characters Steerforth and Fink, Uria7 Heep and Veitel Itzig, David Copperfield and Anton Wohlfahr^ ^ Dora Spenlow and Lenore Rothsattel, calling attention to th^ Md^^ household inefficiency of the last named two and contrasting their^^^^^ in this respect with Agnes Wickfield and Sabina Schroder. H( draws some further parallels from David Copperfield^ which le^s convincing. He also finds for certain situations in SoU ui Hdben previous instances in other novels of Dickens. In vie^ of the fact that Ulrich [976] lays stress upon Scott as Preytag's model in respect to form, it is fortunate that Freymond empha- sizes Dickens. A close comparison of the technik of David Cop- perfield and Soil und Hdben shows many resemblances. Both exhibit the stages of development that have become conventional for the drama.^* Freymond says definitely that the influence of Dickens on Die verlorene Handschrift is slight, and most other investigators seem at least tacitly to agree with him.*^ Mielke has thrown out several suggestions in regard to Dickens's influence in Germany, most of which have not been adequately workt out as yet. Dickens, together with Eugene Sue, opened up a new novelist ic field. The criminal novel and the ' novel of the proletariat came into vogue thru them. Dickens's main impulse therein was his sympathy with the poor and op- prest. Sue preceded as an agitator would.*® Even the aristo- cratic Ungern-Sternberg shares with Dickens the hatred of the lawyers and of the power of money. Like Dickens he defines the attitude of classes by means of individual representatives, and Berlin is for him what London was for Dickens.** Wher- 26 Freymond [926] 22. 27 Cf. Ulrich [976] 80. 28 Mielke [831a] 96. 29 Ibid., p. 100. 1920] Price: English'^Gernian Literary Influences — Survey 549 ever one finds in the works of Baabe, Polenz, Ernst, Keller such pictures of poverty, one is reminded of Dickens. In reality, lowever, the whole broadening of the social basis of the novel took place simply because the time was ripe for it. Dickens's influence is more easily establisht by a comparison of his charac- teristic technik with that of his followers. Mielke makes Jean Paul and Dickens the starting point of his description of Baabe's art: Aber wenn Jean Paul mehr oder minder Phantast, so ist Baabe gleich Dickens Realist, er stellt sich in die wirkliche Welt hinein, er sucht sich seine Originale zusammen, wo cr sie findet: in der Schuhwerkstatte, der einsamen Dachstube, hinter den Aktenstoszen, und wenn es notig ist, hinter dem Zaiin. Er wascht sie nicht und kammt sie nicht, sondem riickt sie nur in das rechte Licht und entwickelt mit humoristischem Behagen, das freilich oft zu weit und breit sich ausspinnt, ihre Sonder- barkeiten, ihre Schnurrpfeifereien, ihr innerstes Gemiitsleben. Kein an- derer deutscher Dichter hat eine solche Fiille merkwiirdiger Kauze aus alien moglichen Standen in seinen Werken beisammen.ss Qeissendoerfer finds similar resemblances between Raabe and Dickens. He believes that Dickens influenced Raabe in respect to composition, technik, and method of characterization, but refrains from saying whether the influence went farther since he recognizes that there are evidences that Baabe learned some- thing from Sterne, Fielding, and Thackeray as well.'^ On Fritz Renter the titles **der deutsche Boz" and **der plattdeutsche Dickens*' were conferred as early as 1865 and 1867'* and with much appropriateness. It has been sufficiently demonstrated that Renter drew his characters from literary models as well as from life^ and since he was, like Dickens, a hater of sham and hypocrisy, an advocate of the down-trodden, and a sympathizer with the poor ; since in his nature tenderness and rude humor were blended ; he was particularly sensitive to the influence of Dickens, and exhibited the effects thereof to the 82 Ibid., p. 191. 83 Geissendoerfer [923] 24. «♦ Berliner Eeform, Dec. 22, 1865, and Literarischer Handweisery No. 59 of 1867. 85 See Bibliography [913ax], [929ax], [930], [935], [940x],and [954x]. 550 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 fullest degree. Fritz Reuter read the works of Dickens, prob- ably in the translations of Seybt, Roberts, and Moriarty,** and during the time of his imprisonment he learned portions of Dickens's work almost by heart. His biographer Warncke says: Un wo girn hiirten de Ollen un de Jungen em tau, wenn hei von sine lange Festungstid vertellte, wenn hei an de Winterabende 'ne richtige Kemedi upfiihren ded in de ein Stuw, wo von wegen de KuH en Vorhang anbrocht wir, oder wenn hei ut de Englanner Charles Dickens un Walter Scott ehre Banker vorlesen ded. Dat kunn hei binah ahn Bank, blot ut'n Kopp, indent dat hei de Geschichten up de Festung lest hadd und so 'n behollern Kopp hadd, dat hei sei man iimmer so herseggen kunn.'^ Qeist calls attention to the vain attempts on the part of critics to identify one or another of Renter's associates with Brasig in Ut mine Stromtid despite the fact that Reuter himself said only Pomuchelskopp, Slus'uhr, and Moses were drawn from life.^® That Mr. Pickwick was the chief model for Brasig, Qeist has demonstrated quite clearly. The Pickwick papers appealed to Reuter most strongly and characters and situations therefrom recur frequently in his works. The first conception of Inspektor Brasig dates back to a time soon after the appearance of the Pickwick papers. Presumably Ut mdne Stromtid was begun about that time, tho it was not publisht until 1862. In the in- terval the character appeared from time to time in certain of Renter's minor works.^® Meyer had already pointed out the con- nexion between the certain characters and their adventures,*** but Qeist draws the comparison in detail. Other tales of Dickens have left their undeniable influence on Reuter 's literary work. The leading character in Woans ick tan 'ne Fru kamvi goes to sleep and wakes up a reformed and recreated individual as in Dickens's Christmas carol and The chimes. Barnahy Rudge has also left its traces in Renter's 30 Geist [930] 5. 37 Warncke, F. Eeuter: Woans hei lewt un schrewen hett^ (Stuttgart 1906), p. 275. 38 Geist [930J 25. 39 Ibid., p. 26. 40 Meyer [929x] 131. X920] Pric^: Engli8K> German Literary Influences — Survey 551 JSiromtid. Simon Tappertit, Dolly Varden, her father, and Joe billet, and Miss Miggs all have their counterparts in Renter's mStromiid; their relations to each other are similar and their <2haracteristics are similar. Dickens and Renter each wrote one work variously judged T)y different critics but manifestly apart from their usual type of productions. These works were Hard times (1854) and Kein Husung (1857). Tho written in verse, Renter's work is in many respects analogous to Dickens's. Both works are manifestos of social reform, and tho Renter may well be credited with a spon- taneous impulse to a work of this kind Dickens was not without his influence here as well. As Qeist says: **Die Idee zur Be- handlung eines sozialen Stoffes lag in der Zeitstimmung gegeben, das Dickenssehe Vorbild ermunterte zur Aufiihrung und gab manche Anregungen, die deutsche und speziell mecklenburgische Geschichte hot den Stoflf dar."** Geist supports this assertion by paralleling the characters and general and particular situa- tions described in the two stories in question. Examples of bor- rowing of character and situation on the part of Renter in other novels are also presented in abundance. It is of more importance to note the extent to which the form of Dickens's novels was influential on Renter's. These questions Qeist treats specifically and adequately. Fritz Renter began as a **hochdeutsche" narrator, wavering between verse form and prose. Dickens wrote from the begin- ning in prose. He wrote in normal English, but in his earliest works, particularly in Pickwick papers, he introduced a large number of street types and members of various working classes who spoke their various dialects. In his later works Dickens diminisht the number of dialect-using characters. Renter on the other hand developt into a dialect author of the pure type, but there was a transitional period during which he wrote '*hoch- deutsche Romane," but with numerous dialect-speaking charac- ters. When Klaus Qroth took him to task for this mixt form *t Geist [930] 33. 552 University of California Publicaiions in Modem Philology [Yo^ -"^ 1 Renter responded by claiming the sanction of Scott, Dickecr^^:^^ Lessing, Goethe, and Schiller. The reference to Dickens ^ especially significant, Geist says, since the use of dialect i^^ ^ Dickens's earliest works and Renter's transitional works so near^t^^? corresponded.** Renter was like Dickens, furthermore, in his manner oic:^ ^^ • presenting characters. Both present a complete view of thei S^ "^^^ characters at their first entrance, thns precluding the possibilitj^^*^ « of all further development. As the characters reappear th^ ^^^ authors usually repeat the original characterization in a mor^**"^^ or less varied form.** Both authors endow their figures witl*=^-*' characterizing, often humorous names. One humorous means^*^* with both is the distortion of foren words** in the months of the half-educated, another is '*das Hervortreten der Subjektivitat des Antors."** This last of course is part of Dickens's heritage from Sterne, which may have descended also to Renter thru the romanticists.*® Geist himself, in support of his contention as to form-influence, lays his chief stress on the manner in which dialect is employed and on the method of introducing characters. In summarizing the extent of Dickens's influence G^ist does full justice to Renter's originality: Es ist unmoglich, dasz Reuter, ' ' der unter den diiniigesaten Humoristen Deutschlands an erster Stelle steht, und der als plattdeutscher Diehter uraltes Volkstum vor dem Untergange bewahrt hat,"*^ nun etwa nur der sklavische Nachahmer von Dickens oder irgendeines fremden Yorbildes Bonst hatte sein konnen. Wenn er auch unbedenklich daa Muster der Dickensschen Technik auf sich einwirken liesz, und seine G^estalten manch- mal an die des Englanders erinnem, wir haben gesehen, dasz wir im allgomeinen nur mit Reminiszenzen, nicht mit direkten Entlehnungen zu rechnen haben, und dasz er alien Figuren, die solchem literarischen Einflusx ihre Entstehung mit verdanken, ein durchaus originelles G^wand gegeben und neue Seiten abgewonnen hat.^s « Ibid., p. 13. *3 Ibid., pp. 14 and 17. 4* Ibid., p. 22. ♦5 Ibid., p. 23. 4« Cf. Survey, p. 476f . *T AUgemeine deutsche Biograpnxe XXVIII 319f. (Boesz). "Geist [930] 42. 1.920] Price: English"^ German Literary Influences — Survey 553 Skinner in his brief article [931] has indicated in a general ^way Spielhagen's indebtedness to Dickens. Spielhagen admitted liis admiration for the English novel and for Dickens in partic- ular; he called Dickens, Goethe, and Goldsmith **die Epiker von Gottes Gnaden'' and held David Copperfield to be a model novel.** The **Ich-Roman'' Hammer und Ambos presents a striking parallel to David Copperfield, Its hero Georg has a childish passion for Constanze, who, like David Copperfield 's Emily, is ensnared by a beguiler of a higher station in life and elopes with him. Georg 's second love is Hermine, a spoiled child whom he marries, but who, like David's Dora, dies not long after. Georg then marries Paula, a quiet, peaceful, serene friend, whom he has long known, and who corresponds closely to David's Agnes. There are also resemblances in minor characters. Other similar notes are a common interest in prison reform and a like contempt for the business of the lawyer. The persons are characterized by individual, grotesk, or striking peculiarities after the manner of Dickens. Skinner closes his article with a detailed parallel between the shipwreck scene in David Copperfield, in which Ham loses his life, and the one in the twentieth chapter of Spielhagen 's Noblesse oblige, Geissendoerfer supplements the picture of Dickens's influence to a slight extent by his parallels of the English humorist with certain German writers. His conclusion in regard to Raabe has been quoted above. His conclusions in regard to Ungern- Stemberg and Hesslein are of no great interest since they deal with imitations by third-rate authors. In the case of Ebner- Eschenbach he has also only a close comparison between Oliver Tivist and Das Oemeindekind to offer. The general theme of the two novels is the same but the treatment is quite different.*® Finally Mielke may be quoted to the effect that Thomas Mann *» Spielhagen, Beitrdge zur Theorie und Technik des Bomans (1883) 226- 227; cf. 228 and 240 and Finder und Erfinder (1890) I 377 and II 395; quoted by Skinner [931] 499. so Geissendoerfer [923] 24 554 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol. 9 makes use of Dickens's technik especially in his method of intro- ducing characters."^ The recent studies taken together give a fairly good quanti- tative view of the influence of Dickens in Germany. The investi- gators have probably overlookt no important follower of Dickens. But when a final summary of Dickens's influence on Germany is undertaken, it is to be hoped that the essayist will lay less stress upon form and subject matter than Volk and Geissen- doerfer have done, and rather more upon the new atmosphere which Preytag and his contemporaries felt to have been intro- duced by Dickens. The problem of Dickens's influence in Ger- many is after all an elusive one which can scarcely be solved by the ordinary methods of procedure. 51 Mielke [831a] 337. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 555 Chapter 23 AMERICA IN GERMAN LITERATURE America appealed to the Germans from the first as a new idea, a new realm for the imagination to lay hold of, a new hope. It provided inspiration for the ** storm and stress'' dramatists; it was the land of freedom from restraint for which they sighed ;^ to many liberal journalists and poets of the time it was the home of political liberty.^ Later it became, as (Joethe said, the Eldo- rado of those who felt themselves restricted in their present circumstances.' From these practical considerations it is con- venient to treat of American influences apart from the common current of English literature. After Cooper had attracted attention to the existence of an American literature, comments thereon were numerous in Ger- man journals and were especially frequent about 1850. The Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes,* the Blatter fiir liter- arische Unterhaltung,^ and the Deutsches Museum* were unani- mous in stating that an independent national literature did not exist in America. Julian Schmidt, the editor of the Orenzboten, said: ''Die junge (amerikanische) romantische Schule, die jetzt in der Poesie sich immer mehr ausbreitet, beruht ganz auf Beminiszenzen der jung-englischen und der deutschen Liter- atur."^ The works of Longfellow, Bryant, Poe, Dana, Halleck, 1 It is significant that the scene of the drama which gave its name to the movement, Klinger's Sturm und Drang (1776), should have been laid in America. 2 Schubart and Schiller took sides directly with the colonists at the time of the American war for independence, while Wekhrlin believed England to be the bulwark of political liberty and order. See Walz [97] reviewed in Survey, p. 185f. » Goethe, Werke I 29, 156. 8* Cf. conclusion of this chapter. 4 Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes, Oct. 1856, p. 470. A writer for the same magazine April 15, 1876 (p. 228), was of the contrary opinion; see Vollmer [803a] 13. 5 BLU 1852, p. 426f . « Deutsches Museum 1854 I 364f . 7 Grenehoten 1854 I 79. 8BLU 1857, p. 739; quoted by Price [845] 42. 8*Barba [813] 194. 8 The full title of Duden's work was: Bericht uber eine Beise nach den vestlichcn Staaten Nord-Amerikas und einen mehrjdhrigen Aufenthalt am Missouri in Bezug auf AvLswanderung und Vhervolkerung oder diu Lehen im Innern der Vereinigten Staaten und dcssen Bedeutung fiir die hdusliche und politische Lage der Europder darge^tellt: a, in einer Sammlung van Brief en; b. in einer Abhandlung iiher den politischen Zustand der Nord-Amerikaner; r. in einem Nachtrage fiir auswandemde'^deutsche Ackerwirthe u. diejenigen^ uelche an Handelsuntemehmungen denken. Von Gottfried Duden, St. Gallen 1832. 556 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol he added, **sind durchaus nicht aus dem nationalen Leben herr ^^^^' vorgegangen. Wir horen in ihnen Byron, Shelley, die SchuB^-*^^ der Seen, Goethe und andere deutsche Dichter heraus.*' Het^*^^* mann Marggraff took the most hopeful view of the situation an(^ -^^^ discovered at least, ^' Ansatze zu einer wirklich originellen Literrac ^r- atur." **Trugt uns unser Blick nicht,'* he said, **80 werdeirm:'^!^ kiinftige Zeiten jenseits des Ozeans eine Literatur entwickehr^KJ^ sehen, welche die Vorziige der deutschen und der englischeEd^^^^ Literatur verschmelzen und die Fehler und Einseitigkeiten deirx: -^r einen wie der andern vermeiden wird."® It would be an ex- aggeration to assert that a melting process of just this selective nature had taken place, but it is certainly true that from the outset American literature was to a large extent adopted and adapted and this should make us wary of speaking definitely of the influence of American literature on European. In speaking of America as a subject matter one is, however, on secure ground. The most influential factors in drawing the attention of Ger- many to America ^yere economic hardship and political unrest at home. In 1817 twenty thousand Germans were driven by hunger to America. Between 1820 and 1830 fifteen thousand more followed. Between 1830 and 1840 the number reached one hundred and fifty thousand, chiefly as a result of the unsuccess- ful uprising of 1832-1833 ; and, as Barba points out,*' there was scarcely a family in Germany thereafter but had near or remote relatives in America. The emigrants looked to descriptive works and the prose fiction of emigration for guidance. One of the most influential works in directing emigration to America, par- ticularly to the Missouri valley, was that of Gottfried Duden;* 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 557 but the stories of Cooper and his German imitators were also important factors, for the settler in the new country and the native Indian appealed above all to the romantic inclination of German readers. We are indebted to Barba for making acces- sible the facts in connexion with the emigration literature. His investigations have dealt with Cooper in Germany [915], the -A^merican Indian in German fiction [812], the sources of Seals- field's novels [828], the works of two followers of Cooper, Moll- ha.iasen [917] and Strubberg [919], and emigration to America ^^flected in German fiction [813]. These studies need be repro- duced here only in outline. For the most part American frontier life has been reflected Only in German fiction of no great literary value ; but it had as its first sponsor no less an author than Goethe. He was well informed in regard to American geography and American con- m ditions. He received visits from Americans and read books about America from 1816 on. Among the books he read were 1822 Struve's North American mineralogy and Ludwig Gall's Auswan- derung nach den Vereinigten Stoat en and 1823 Irving 's Sketch hook. His interest in America was heightened when Herzog Bernhard von Sachsen- Weimar-Eisenach, the younger son of Karl August, left for America. Herzog Bernhard kept a diary especially for his parents and relatives, but this was later pub- lisht in Germany.*' We find Goethe on April 26, 1826, asking for permission to read some of the pages of this diary.*** This renewed interest in America set in shortly before Goethe pre- pared the last book of the Wanderjahre for the **Ausgabe letzter Hand" and is exprest thru the character of the Oheim. Goethe read three of Cooper's novels during the month of October 1826, at the time when he was finishing his Novelle: the Pioneers, the La^t of the Mohicans, and the Spy. He fol- 9* Beise Sr. Hoheit des Herzogs Bernhard zu Sachsen- Weimar-Eisenach durch Nordamerika in den Jahren 18£5 und 1826, Weimar 1828; 2 vols. An English translation was publisht in Philadelphia the same year. »* Goethe, Werke IV 41, 17; cf. ibid., IV 41, 206, also 42, 259, and Briefwechsel swischen Goethe und Zelter (Berlin 1834) IV 341, the poem beginning, * * Amerika du hast es besser / Als unser Continent. ' ' See Cams [817x]. 558 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Va"* -^ lowed these up with the Pilot November 4, and the Prairie Red Rover during the next thirteen months, as is shown by Tagebiichcr. He had begun to write Die Jagd thirty years fore, and he told Eckermann that his Novelle was a continuati^ of that work.®* It is the Pioneers that especially influen< Goethe in his Novelle, as Wukadinovie [916] in a close compa ison of the two works has shown. He finds evidence of tl influence in the grouping of characters, in the landscape painting ^ and in the language of some of the persons in the Novelle. In an article entitled Stoff und Oehali zur Bearbeitung vorg^ "^ schlagen (1827) Goethe commends America as a worthy them-^cr for young authors, and suggests helpful reading on the subject He makes a definite, practical suggestion as to the hero of sucl a tale : Die Hauptfigur, der protestantische Geistliche, der, selbst auswande?? rungslustig, die Auswandernden ans Meer und dann hiniibergefiihrt un oft an Moses in den Wiisten erinnern wiirde, miiszte eine Art von Di — Primrose sein, der mit so viel Verstand als gutem Willen, mit so vie " Bildung als Thatigkeit bei allem, was er unternimmt und fordert, dockz immer nicht wcisz, was er thut, von siBiner ''ruling passion" fortgetrieben* dasjenige, was er sich vorsetzte, durchzufiihren genotigt wird und ers'f am £nde zu Atem kommt, wenn aus grenzenlosem Unverstand und uniiber- sehbarem Unheil sich zuletzt noch ein ganz leidliches Dasein hervorthut.i<* It would almost seem that Willkomm in his novel Die Euro- pamUden ten years later (1837) consciously made use of Goethe's suggestion; for he chose as his main figure a clergyman who profest to lead the discontented from the moribund Europe to a free land. As a counterpart to Die Europamiiden may be mentioned here the much later work of Kiirnberger Der Amerikamude (1858). This is a novel of disillusionment as Die Europamiiden was of hopefulness. It commanded much attention because it was held to be a reliable picture of American life, and because it was thot that Lenau's unhappy experiences in America formed the basis of the story. It has later been discovered that the author B^ £ckermann, GesprdchCf p. 160; conversation of Jan. 15, 1827. 10 Goethe, WerJce I 41, 2, 293. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 559 liad never seen America and that Lenau did not become his model until the novel was well advanced." Other writers of greater literary merit who, without ever Tiaving seen the land, have laid the scene of portions of their novels in America are Spielhagen with his Deutsche Pioniere (1870), Auerbach with Das Landhaus am Rhein (1879), and Stifter with his Kondor (1840). Gutzkow has one of his American characters in Die Bitter vom Geiste come from the **Urwald" near Columbia, Missouri, and Freytag's Prick in Soil und Hdben has past part of his life in America, to the detriment of his character. The scene of Die Pilger der Wildnis (1853) lies wholly in America. Here the author, J. G. Scherr, treats of King Philip's war, the theme of Cooper's Wept of Wish-ton-Wish, Tho there are numerous reminiscences of the Leather-stocking tales in the story, it is written on the whole in an independent and original fashion."" Fanny Lewald's Diogena (1847) also deserves men- tion. In this satirical novel she lets her supercultivated rival, the Grafin Hahn-Hahn, journey to America to be there humil- iated by a redskin of the type that Cooper created."** That Stifter was more advantageously influenced by Cooper than any of the other authors named above has been shown by Sauer [918]. Beared in a remote forest Stifter was susceptible to the attraction of Cooper's novels. Tho he nowhere mentions Cooper it is clear that America possest for him a strong allure- ment. There are suggestions of Sealsfield also in his writings, but the Cooper note is stronger. Even the posture of Gregor in the Hochwald is made to resemble Natty Bumpo's favorite attitude of resting on his gun. This is mere imitation, it is true, but there is genuine influence as well; for it was Cooper who releast Stifter 's tongue and let him express his ever felt love of the forest solitude. As Sauer says, **durch Coopers Eingreifen ist aus einem mittelmaszigen Maler ein hervorragender Dichter geworden. ' '" "See Mulfinger [820]. "^Ibid., p. 12f. "•Barba [915] 14f. 12 Sauer [918] 51. 560 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol - — - ^ Cooper was the first to satisfy properly European curiosil about America and the first to make American literature gei erally known abroad. The American inventor Morse reporte^-^^^ having seen Cooper's works in thirty-four different places i«^-*^ Europe, and he added: **They have been seen by Americai^K^--^^ travelers in the languages of Turkey and Persia, in Constanti- ^- -^" nople, in Egypt, at Jerusalem, and Ispahan."^* More than any other European people the Germans were^^*^® interested in Cooper, who rivaled his contemporary Scott^* forr«:^>r first place in the affection of novel readers. The earlier journal — ^' istic reviews of Cooper scarcely rose above an unfruitful com -•• parison of Cooper with Scott. The better considered remarks of Goethe and Borne are more interesting. Goethe wrote in his diary June 26, 1827: **Den zweiten Teil der Prairie geendigt. . . . Las den Cooperschen Roman bis gegen das Ende und be- wunderte den reichen Stoff und dessen geistreiche Behandlung. Nicht leicht sind Werke mit so groszem Bewusztsein und solcher Consequenz durchgefiihrt alsdie Cooperschen Romane."^' Borne repeats the question now familiar to us and answers it in the usual fashion :**' Warum haben wir keine guten Romane, da wir doch aUe geborne Bomanhelden sindf Wir haben keine, weil der Grundsatz wahr ist: Um etwas zu erfahren, musz man etwas tun, wir miissen gehen, dasz etwas una begegne. . . . Die ganze Menschheit ist ein Yolk, die ganze Erde ist ein Land; Gaben, Miihen und Geniisse sind verteilt — die Englander schreiben Romane und wir lesen sie. Ja, wenn es blosz die Englander waren! Dasz aber selbst die Amerikaner es uns zuvorgetan, so ein junges Yolk, das kaum die schwabische Reife erlangt, das beschamt, das entmutigt. Washington Irving, Cooper und noch andere! Ware Cooper ein ausgezeichneter Kiinstler wie Walter Scott es ist, das mochte uns beruhigen. . . . Solch ein Genius ist Cooper nicht. Manche Deutsche kommen ihm gleich an Kunstfertigkeit; er hat nur vor ihnen voraus, dasz er ein Amerikaner ist.i<^ IS Quoted by Lounsbury in his life of Cooper; requoted by Barba [915] 53. ^* Cooper 's Spy appeared in German translation in 1817, while Ivanhoe, the work which establisht Scott's reputation (see Survey, p. 498), did not come out until two years later. IS Goethe, Werke III 11, 76. 15* Cf . Survey, p. 298f . i« Borne, Schnften Y 236. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 561 Cooper's popularity was due in large measure to the two xiew types which he introduced into literature, the Indian and "the settler. The Indian, it is true, was not a wholly new theme. Chateaubriand had conceived him as the unspoiled child of nature in the Bousseauistic sense.**' The native refinement of the Indian in Atcda (1800) and ReJie (1802)*® put the corrupt European to shame. The final work of the series was delayed until 1826 and was coolly received, in Germany at least. A realistic age had begun that believed no more in the existence of such a paragon as the noble aborigine of Chateaubriand. Cooper's Spy (1821) marks the opening of a new phase as far as the picture of the Indian was concerned. The Indian of Cooper first imprest the public as being intensely realistic. Needless to say this impression soon wore off, but the vogue of Cooper, continued thruout the century in Germany.*® Of Cooper's new motifs the one that appealed most strongly to American and European publics was the tragedy of the dying race. For a brief time Cooper was without competitors, but soon a school of writers developt that answered to Borne 's challenge. Sealsfield, Gerstacker, Buppius, Strubberg, and MoUhausen may be considered imitators of Cooper in a particular sense, for they became frontiersmen, travelers, and adventurers in America, studying the life of settler and Indian at first hand and making use of their observations in their novels of American life. It will be of some interest to note the slightly different method in which these authors treated first the Indian and second the settler, but it is first necessary to note the nature of their contact with frontier life. i«*Cf. von Klenze [807]. 17 See Bibliography, nos. [915] ff. 18 Both were translated into German in the year of their publication. IB Barba 's monograph on Cooper in Germany closes with a list of German translations and adaptations (1824-1911). It effectively answers Goedeke's question in Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung III (1881), p. 1345: ** Coopers Roman e — Wer liest sie nichf " There are several trans- lations for every year from 1824-1851. The non-producing years of the entire period, 1824-1911, are 1852, 1854-1861, 1863-1865, 1867-1873, and the year 1885. The most productive year was 1853, which doubtless accounts in part for the pause thereafter. 562 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9 Carl Postl (Charles Sealsfield), an Austrian monk, tiring of his monastic bonds, fled into Switzerland, wrote there a book which exposed Metternich, and was compelled to flee from Europe to America. The years 1823-1830 he spent chiefly in New Orleans, New York, and Mexico, but he saw little frontier life during the period. He made visits to America again in 1837, 1850, and 1853, the latter two after his literary career was practically finisht. As early as 1827 Sealsfield was advocating American institutions as against German ones and as late as 1862 after long residence in Germany he was referring to America as his country ,^° and he caused to be written on his tombstone ** Charles Sealsfield, Burger von Nordamerika. " His actual knowledge of American conditions, particularly of frontier con- ditions, was deficient. He covered up this defect by extensive borrowings from current American literature, acknowledging his loans in terms in terms so ambiguous that they have been dis- regarded until recently. In the past few years Heller, Bordier, and Barba^^ have discovered some of the sources of his Tokeah or the white rose (1829), the German version of which (1833) was called Der Legitime und der Republikaner, George Howards Esq. Brautfahrt (1834) (= Transatlantische Reiseskizzen, 1834), Christophorus Bdrenhduter (1834), Der Fluch Kishogues (1841), and Das Kajiitenbuch (1841). The source of Der Fluch Kishogues was a story of a similar name by Samuel Lover. In the other works he borrowed Judiciously from Chateaubriand, Cooper, and Irving, but more recklessly from the current pro- vincial American literature.^^ Thompson [826], on the other hand, counterbalances these discoveries in some measure by showing that the novel Morton oder die grosze Tour (1835) is based to a large extent on personal observation ; and that Cooper, Irving, and Scott, much as Sealsfield admired the last named author, were but slightly influential on the style of this novel. In the case of the other members of the group of exotic writers the question of literary influence scarcely comes up at aoGoebel in GAA I 3 (1897) 96f. 21 See Bibliography [823]-[828]. 22 Cf. Heller [823] and [824]. 3920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 563 «11. Despite their tremendous productivity (Sealsfield publisht over a hundred and fifty volumes, Strubberg over fifty, and MoUhausen over one hundred and sixty), they were primarily men of affairs rather than men of letters. Gerstacker was **at various times a hunter, sailor, cook, silversmith, manufacturer, and hotel proprietor, ''^^ but always a traveler. Strubberg was a frontiersman and colonizing agent.^^ MoUhausen was a scien- tist and explorer ;^* and writing was the occupation of their few idle years. The career of Ruppius was slightly different from that of the others but not less interesting. In 1848 he was a journalist in Berlin. He was condemned to imprisonment on account of an article publisht in his paper. He fled to America, gained a small fortune as a musician, but lost it in a fire in 1853. Then he began a successful literary career, the best known products of which are Der Pedlar (1857) and Das Vermachtnis des Pedlars (1859). An amnesty having been declared in Prussia, he returned in 1861 to his fatherland. From this time on until his death in 1864 he produced novels of American life in rapid succession. He claimed little knowledge of the Indian or of frontier life, but he had studied the German settler well and sympathetically.^* In addition to these there were numerous other German authors who became personally familiar with American frontier life and who described it for their countrymen. Among these Barba mentions Karl Theodor Griesinger, Adalbert Graf von Baudissin, Karl Friedrich von Wickede. Two others of the same literary group eventually associated themselves with America. These were Therese Albertine Louise von Jacob (Talvj) and Reinhold Solger, the author of Anton in Amerika: Seitenstiick zu Freytags ''Soil und Haben'' (1862).=^ Not one of the group of German frontiersmen described the Indian with consistent realism. Sealsfield 's Tokeah is a piece 23 Barba [813] 205. 24 Ibid., p. 208ff. (cf. Barba [919]). 2«Ibid., p. 213ff. (cf. Barba [917]). 2«Ibid., p. 202ff. 27 Ibid., p. 220. 564 University of California Publioations in Modem Phiiology [VoV^ of pure Chateaubriandian romance, which fact signifies li^^^^ regarding the author, since it was a ** borrowed'' tale. E^" where Sealsfield avoided the subject, presumably because of L ^^ of familiarity with it. Buppius also seems to have had littl^^ ^ say regarding the Indian and for a similar reason. GterstacI^I^^^ knew the Indian well and was often realistic to the point ^ coarseness, but he was inconsistent in his realism and often ha^* ^' back to the sentimentality of Rousseau. This is more evident his **Siid8eeromane" Tahiti (1854) and Die Missionare (1861 Strubberg's novels of Indian life have an ethnographic v but he too is inconsistent. Barba says: ** Where he has de^^aJ with masses of Indians or introduced them as minor character- M ■ he has portrayed them realistically enough ; however, in instan(r^» where the Indian is an important factor in the development o/ the story there is a tendency to idealize. ' '^* While Strubber^ ' liked best to portray the Indians in groups, Mollhausen pictures individual types with a larger measure of realism, but even with him there are occasional lapses into romanticism. The writers mentioned above also treated of the German emigrant in quite diverse ways. Sealsfield, the earliest of the novelists in question, portrayed all manner of people, Indians, Yankees, and various types of settlers. The German settler, how- ever, plays a minor role in the narratives, and on the whole it is clear enuf that Sealsfield held the German emigrant to be stupid and worthy of little esteem. With Buppius, on the other hand, the German settler was a paragon of virtue and industry, whose life stood in markt contrast to that of the dishonest Yankee, who sot to take advantage of him. It is little wonder that the works of Ruppius were popular in Germany and that his version of American life and emigrant character soon became the ac- cepted one in Germany. Of Gerstacker's one hundred and fifty or more novels several deal with American frontier life. Gerstacker was less prejudiced than his two predecessors. His works were essentially true to the facts and could serve as a safe guide to emigrants. He held 28 Barba [812] 159. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 565 out no glowing prospects. Indeed the stories he told of the deceived emigrant rather tended to discourage emigration; but some of his Yankees are honest, and some of his Germans are rogues. None of the authors just mentioned had so good an oppor- tunity to study frontier life in detail at first hand as had Strub- "berg and MoUhausen. Strubberg's theme was life on the Texas frontier. MoUhausen 's tales were less localized, for he was an explorer. Strubberg deals with colonists, especially German col- onists, in masses; MoUhausen pictures types. Barba has pro- vided us with a monograph upon each of these authors.^® Interesting as their writings are to students of international cultural relations, one has the feeling that Gerstackers and Moll- hausens signify nothing definite in the way of literary influences. They were simply German authors with a love of the romantic or exotic who chose the American frontier as one of their chief themes. One turns with hopeful expectation therefore to the article by von Krockow [811], which propounds a real problem of literary influence: **What has been the influence of national embodiments of home characters upon descriptions of the same by foreign writers T' She makes the question more specific and asks to what extent German novelists have adopted the American novelists' pictures of Americans. Von Krockow divides American fiction into two large groups, the old romantic school and the modem realistic school. She con- siders the novels of Hawthome^^ and Cooper the best examples of the romantic school. Cooper brot a * * fresh assortment of per- sonages" in his Indian and war novels, wherein the knights and lairds of Walter Scott appear disguised in homespun or buck- skins and moccasins. They are essentially romantic characters (Harvey. Birch is an example) who, in the absence of a sub- stantial reason for sacrificing their lives, offer their lives up for anv or no reason. ^^ 29 Barba [917] and. [919]. 30 von Krockow [811] 824-825. 31 Ibid., p. 826. 566 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VcA-^ As characters whom the Americans recognize, on the otl:>^^ hand, as being essentially true to life von Krockow mentio ^ Mark Twain's Colonel Sellers and the western prospectors ^ Bret Harte. HoweU's characters approach reality, but a^— *^ rather too conscious of class differences to be genuinely America (e.g. Silas Lapham and Lemuel Barker, the latter in The mi\ istcr's charge). Now the notable fact to von Krockow 's mind is that thj Germans have been preoccupied by the romantic type of litei ature in America and have paid little heed to the realistic chai acters. Cooper's novels are epics of the most primitive sort, th< kind which make heroes or demi-gods of the principal characters The next stage is that which contrasts the national type with foren one. This, the author notes, is practically absent froi American fiction in spite of the confrontations of different nation- alities in American life. We have no counterpart, in other words, of the Frenchman who plays 80 ridiculous a rdle in English novels, or of the Jew who is the cheap villain of German and Russian literatures; no analogues of Debit and credit and the historical novels of Gutzkow; no duplicates of Anton, whose transparent honesty is made plain against the dark career of Itzel Veitig (8ic).»2 The German painters of American emigrant types, von Krockow says, have pursued a different course: The outlines of Cooper's heroes are filled out by Gerstacker, Buppius, MoUhausen, Spielhagen, and Schiicking>8 with German occupants. Native Prussians, Bavarians, Wiirttembergers supplant the early Yankee colonists as masters over Indians, enemies, and fate. Indeed often the tables are turned wholly against the original Yankee. His shrewdness becomes unscrupulousness while the pure virtues are shown up in the German hero of the story. From the beginning to the end of the tale American license is set in contrast with Teutonic civil order and conscientiousness.'^ 32 Ibid., p. 827. 33 Neither Spielhagen nor Schiicking visited America. The former has some American characters in his novels. Von Krockow comments else- where in her essay on these, but she leaves the inclusion of Schiicking unmotivated. 34 von Krockow [811] 834. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 567 This is an interesting observation, but its value diminishes on closer inspection. If we drop the names Spielhagen and Schiick- ing as not being in any important sense followers of Cooper, and if we substitute Sealsfield and Strubberg for them, the statement is no longer true. For Sealsfield, as has been shown, treated the German emigrant with contempt, and even the Gerstacker of von Krockow's original statement was by no means prejudiced in his favor. This somewhat indiscriminate method of generalization makes one slightly suspicious of the value of von Krockow's assertion regarding the modern American girl in German fiction. Amer- ican literature has no doubt created some new types of woman- hood. Howells's American girl is one type. Instead of conceding and yielding everything to the man she loves in German fashion, she is austere and insists that her lover shall measure up to her standard in all things. This, von Krockow says, is a true picture at least of one type of an American girl. Henry James painted another type in Daisy Miller. The American public was ready to accept her lack of breeding and admit the veracity of the portrait because it was still free to claim maiden purity as a national racial trait. These pictures, von Krockow says, have not been without influence. In general the result has been a com- promize between preconceived ideas and the American pictures. ** Frankness as a trait of American girls is made to figure con- spicuously in foreign literatures and is often shown in German fiction to have its source in a general physical and moral courage.''^' The Germans have accepted the crudities and the freedoms of Daisy Miller, however, without comprehending that they can be combined with immunity to temptation, **nor is the American girl represented as clinging to the maiden period with zest and keen appreciation of its superior freedom. ' ' The heroism of the American girl in German fiction is the familiar **ewig weibliche" literary heroism of self -surrender.^* This sounds plausible and is no doubt true, but the author supports it in 35 Ibid., p. 837. 568 Univergity of California Fublications in Modem PhUology [Vol 9 detail by only one instance and not a notable one at that, namely by the case of Miss Webster in Die Amerikanerin by Sophie Junghaus. As a final characteristic of Americans in German fiction von Krockow mentions the American sense of superiority. "The Yankee or the Americanized German feels himself better, smarter, and freer than Bismarck 's Prussians. . . . Sometimes this char- acteristic is introduced, as by Gustav Freytag, to be put to shame, but it is there.''" The author says in conclusion : The traits that are prominent in our portraiture of ourselves are faith- fully raised in relief by German fiction. The modeling touches put upon them bring forth different individuals, but their species is the same- The hero is middle-aged and material, the elderly matron invalid, aod the heroine young and independent. There are no heroines of thirty, uor are there any naive Margarets. These prevailing types are set aside once for all whenever Americans are represented.a^ In his investigation of The American novel in Germany VoUmer [803a] treats only of the period since 1871. Such a limitation is justified not only by the new political phases upon which the two countries were entering, but also by the fact that the older group of American writers past off the scene at about that time and gave way to a new group. Harriet Beecher St owe 's famous novel belongs, it is true, to both periods, as MacLean [999] has shown, but Hawthorne, Cooper, and Irving had ceast to write by 1871. Alcott's Old fashioned girl was first trans- lated into German in 1870, and about the same time Mark Twain's Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer, Bret Harte's Tales of California, and Henry James's Daisy Miller made their ap- pearance in Germany. Vollmer does not seek to define the impression that the American novel has made in Germany, but he is able to show that it is widely read there. His evidence consists of a long bibliographical list of translations and reprints of American novels in Germany. He restricts his attention to American 86 Ibid., p. 838. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 569 novelists who have come to the fore in America since 1870 and whose works have been translated or reprinted in Germany since then. It is not surprising to learn that Mark Twain stands foremost with one hundred and thirty-five translations or re- prints and that Bret Harte follows him with one hundred and seven. Then follow Anna Katherine Green with eighty-two, Frances Hodgson Burnett with seventy-two, and P. Marion Crawford with sixty. Lew Wallace with thirty-six owes his popularity almost exclusively to Ben Eur, of which thirty-one reprints or translations have appeared in Germany. Only eight other authors have attained a total of twenty translations or reprints. They are in order of apparent popularity John Heb- berton, Henry James, R. H. Savage, L. M. Alcott, H. H. Jackson, Gertrude Atherton, Edward Bellamy, and W. D. Howells. In many cases a high degree of popularity has been attained by an American novelist in Germany in spite of the fact that his works were disregarded by the German critics. Not the least interest- ing part of Vollmer's article is the account it gives of the grad- ual recognition of the existence of an independent American literature. Yet on the whole the statistics of Vollmer are as little satis- factory as the generalizations of von Krockow. Prom an analysis of both one derives the impression that the American novel has exerted little influence over the German and one still enquires what has hindered such an influence. Answers to this question are indirectly suggested in an address of Schoenemann [813x]. His object was to draw a comparison between the novels of the two countries. The comparison falls for the most part to the disadvantage of the American novel and thus affords a summary of the negative qualities which have made the American type of novel unacceptable to German men of letters. The greatest hindrance has been Puritanism, which is a frame of mind that closes the heart to many of the joyful phases of life, shuts the individual up with himself, and lays an often prudish restraint upon his expression. Puritanism and art are therefore scarcely compatible. Another stumbling block to German readers is the 570 University of California Puhlicaiions in Modem Philology [\c>^'* excessive amount of attention to class distinctions based ^^ wealth. This comes as a surprize to most American reader ^^ who think the American novel more democratic than the Eu^^^^ pean, but American novelists have sometimes exprest a diflfere '^^^ view of American life. Churchill's Richard Carvel and Crewe's career, P. Hopkinson Smith's stories of the south, ai Howells's Rise of Silas Lapham are referred to as evidence the recognition of the existence of classes within American ciety. Churchill is quoted as saying : * * There is an empire an<^ -^ a feudal system did one but know it ;" and Howells to the effect ** There's no use pretending that we haven't nobility." Man; popular novels, Schoenemann says, make the accumulation o:M wealth by their hero a main theme or important side issue. He gives as examples Westcott's David Hanim and Ford's Peter Stirling; these he sets in opposition to the **ganz aufs Innere gerichteten Lebensgeschichten Baabescher Qestalten." Such generalizations are, to be sure, in their nature dangerous since so much depends on the examples one selects as a basis. Schoene- mann implies also that the Germans find the American novel superficial in its philosophy. The American novel is prevail- ingly optimistic, the German novel often pessimistic. It is not the optimism itself to which exception is taken, but its insecure foundation. It expresses itself chiefly in the confidence that virtue or hard work will eventually bring rewards. This is, as Schoenemann would concede, a natural frame of mind for a people which is still young and which still has unsettled land at its disposal. Another colonial characteristic is the assignment of a commanding role to woman. The German would be more inclined to acquiescence in this arrangement if the women acted on the principle of ** noblesse oblige," but for the most part in American novels they are represented chiefly as prizes to be gained, not as beings who share with men the responsibilities of life. Finally, the American novel rarely represents man in com- munion with nature. Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona and Booth Tarkington's Gentleman from Indiana are mentioned as partial exceptions to this statement, but **die innige Durchdringung von 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 571 Natur und Menschenseele/' such as one finds in certain works of Lndwig, Prenssen, Clara Viebig, Ernst Zahn, and Peter Rosegger, is rare in the American novel. Schoenemann makes also by implication certain criticisms on the German novel, but these strictures do not concern us here. His review would make it appear that our novel is becoming less puritanical, less colonial, more philosophical, in other words that in essentials it is itself gradually assuming European characteristics. Nor is this to be wondered at. It is usual that the more primitive literature lends to the older ones new subject matter, **Stoff," but accepts from the older in return * * Form ' ' and * * Gehalt. ' ' Of the poets of America, Longfellow, Poe, and Whitman have attracted most attention in Germany. According to Roehm [802] the translations of Longfellow make up about half the bulk of the German renderings of American poetry. Longfellow and Poe are the only American poets whose complete works have been translated into German ;'^ but Bryant, Whitman, and Taylor are represented by extensive selections.'® There are also about twenty-five anthologies devoted exclusively to American poetry, in which Whittier, Lowell, Holmes, Emerson, Joaquin Miller, Bret Harte, Aldrich, Stoddard, and many less well known poets are represented. Roehm shows that American poets are not neglected in Germany as far as quantity of translations is con- cerned. Unfortunately many of the translations are poor, and the poor ones are equally successful with the good ones. As one example of this he mentions the history of Evangeline in Ger- many. Gasda's translation of this poem (1863) was the third of its kind and by far the best that had yet appeared. It never past into a second edition, and was succeeded by eleven other attempts before 1898, all of which experienced likewise but one 87 Longfellow, Sdmtliche Werke by A. Simon (Leipzig 1883) ; Poe, Sdmtliche Gedichte by Etzel (Leipzig 1909). 88 Bryant, Gedichte by A. Neidhardt (Stuttgart 1855) and A. Laun (Bremen 1863); Taylor, Gedichte by Karl Bleibtreu (Berlin 1879). Re Whitman see footnotes 42 and 46. 672 UniverHiy of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 edition and no one of which remotely approaeht Gasda's in poetic value. The ease is cited as typical of the fate of American poems in Germany. It cannot be said that either Poe or Longfellow exercised any appreciable influence in Germany, despite the great popularity of both. The popularity of Poe is readily explicable. Readers fond of the mysterious and shuddery could find in him much the same atmosphere that drew them to Hoffmann. Two formal monographs have been written upon the subject of Longfellow's relation to German literature, [946] and [948]. In spite of their promising titles they deal only with German influences on Longfellow. They do not even attempt to list the German trans- lations of Longfellow's poems. That something might be said in regard to the favor Longfellow found in Germany is clear from the recently publisht letter of Elise von Hohenhausen to Longfellow [949] telling of her translation of the Golden legend. The letter is followed by two others by her daughter dwelling in equally delightful English upon her mother's admiration for Longfellow's poetry and bearing witness to the high regard in which Longfellow was held in Germany. Whitman alone of American poets formed a cult in Germany, but from the first his admirers advertised him not wisely but too well. Regarding the ascent and decline of his reputation Lessing's discussion [1006] informs us. Thorstenberg [1007] speaks only of his rising star, altho his account appeared after Lessing's completer one. Preiligrath's endorsement of Whitman was maladroit and premature.*® Its ardor aroused suspicion instead of inspiring conviction and the Germany of 1868, as Thorstenberg points out, was still too romantically minded to appreciate Whitman. The general acceptance of Darwinism and a further development of industrialism with its concomitant socialistic ideas were necessary antecedents to such a consum- mation. Another strong Whitman protagonist announced him- *o Cf. Augsburger aUgemeine Zeitung April 24 and May 10, 1868, and Freiligrath, Gesammelte Dichtungen (Stuttgart 1877) IV 75-89. FreUi- grath includes translations from Drum taps. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 573 self in 1883. This was Edward Bertz, the **Whitmanite" of Greorge Oissing's Thyrza. During his sojourn in America Bertz Ixad become personally acquainted with Whitman, and in 1889 1x6 devoted an enthusiastic article to Walt Whitman zu seinem siehzigsten Gcburtstag,*^ but when Whitman began plying him 'with photographs and newspaper articles Bertz *s ador cooled and soon changed to antipathy, as will presently be seen. Other attempts by dint of advocacy and translation*^ to gain favor for Whitman in Germany before his death were relatively un- successful. Schlaf 's ill-fated advocacy began with an unoriginal article in the Freie Biihne (now Neue Rundschau)^^ written at the time of Whitman's death and based on the views of Rolleston, Knortz, Freiligrath, and Bertz. By the year 1904 he had estab- lisht himself as a Whitman authority and undertook to write the Whitman monograph for Die Dichtung, This led to ex- posure of the fact that even at this late date he had read only about one-fifteenth of the writings of Whitman and of that none in the original, for he could read no English.** Meanwhile the Whitman cult had feacht its height. Karl Pedem, an Austrian critic, publisht in Die Zeit an essay in which he com- pared Whitman directly with Moses and Buddha and indirectly with Jesus. Extravagant praise was also coming from the pen of Julius Rodenberg (1899), and from Benzmann, Lentrodt, and Scholermann in 1904.** But a reaction soon set in. 0. E. Les- sing, a former Whitman enthusiast and translator, revised his opinion between 1906 and 1910,*** and Bertz, the former Whit- 41 Deutsche Presse H 23flf. 42 Adolf Strodmann, who had been in America 1852-1856, included several selections from Whitman in his Amerikanische Anthologie, 1870. Hopp, a German-American poet, translated 0 captain, my captain in -his Unter dem Stemenhanner (1879). Rolleston and Karl Knortz publisht selections from Leaves of grass (Grashalme), 1889, with a highly laudatory preface. *3 Cf. Lessing [1006] 89. 4* Ibid., p. 91. 45 These are all quoted in Thorstenberg [1007]. 4«) Lessing translated When, lilacs last in the door-yard bloomed for Aus fremden Zungen (Berlin 1906), and produced Walt Whitmans Prosaschriften in Auswahl ilhersetzt (Miinchen und Leipzig 1905). 574 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 manite, gave a pathological explanation of Whitman's poetry in 1905*^ followed by Whitman'Mysterien (1907) and Der Yankee- Heiland (1907). Despite the clamor of antagonists and pro- tagonists an influence of Whitman's poetry in Germany has not yet been proved, tho the outline of an unpublisht essay by Boehme [1009] suggests an influence on Schlaf, Holz, Schmidtbonn, Lissauer, Werfel, and Paquet. The history of American literature in Germany would be incomplete without a passing reference to American philosophy, and New England transcendentalism is the outstanding philo- sophical movement of literary significance. Karl Federn recog- nizes the roots of transcendentalism in the teachings of Kant and Goethe,*^® but finds the American application of them new and, for the European world as well, important. He says of the transcendentalists : Sie haben ein von dort Unerwartetes gebracht, eine neue Lehre: eiDen vollig modernen Idealismus. Und sie haben im Gegensatz zu andereo amerikanisehen Schriftstellern, die alle mehr oder minder Schiiler und Nachahmer Europas waren, sich selbst als Lehrer neuer Art erwiesen, sie haben einen eigenen neuen Stil, sie haben ein neues amerikanisches Element der Weltlitteratur befruchtend zugefQhrt.^i The critics have shown some disposition to place Emerson in a category with Nietzsche,*^* but Federn, who in 1892 first drew a comparison between the philosophy of the ** representative*' man and the ** superman,'' was tempted as early as 1899 to with- draw some of his observations.*^ The same critic reported in 1892 of Emerson: Obgleich sein Geist auch in Deutschland in immer weiteren Wellen- kreisen zu wirken begonnen hat, und man die Spuren seines Einflusses bereits vielfach verfolgen kann, ist diese Wirkung doch eine weit langsa- mere, als man nach der Bedeutung Emersons und bei der sonst so willigen Art, mit der gerade das deutsche Volk die groszen Manner des Auslandes aufzunehmen pilegt, erwarten soUte.^s ^T Jahrbuch fiir sexuelle Zwischenstufen VII (1905), referred to by Leasing [1006] without page citation. 80 Federn, Essays zur amerikanisehen Literatur (Halle 1899), p. 2. 51 Ibid., p. V. 62 Ibid., p. 7; cf. p. V. 53 Ibid., p. 1; cf. Francke [933x]. 54 See Bibliography [913]; cf. Survey, p. 468f. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey o76 attributed this to the difficulty Emerson offered to the trans- lators. He was first made known in Germany by the essay of Grimm (ISGO)*^' and by Grimm's translation of Emerson's essays on Goethe and Shakespeare (ISS?).*^® Since then his essays have been translated separately and in collection by many workers. Nature, Montaigne, Representative men, English traits. The conduct of life. Society and solitude, Letters and social aims have all been translated. Grimm, Spielhagen, Karl Federn, H. Con- rad, and B. Auerbach are numbered among the translators of Emerson. '^^ His poems have been translated but scantily and only seven, those of Spielhagen,*^^ successfully. With Emerson and Whitman, Federn groups Thoreau among America's great originals. His studies of nature and his phil- osophy of life seem to have attracted relatively little attention in Germany despite Federn 's essay°° and a translation of Walden, which had appeared two years before.^® • •••••••••• The retrospect over American > German literary influences is at an end. The results are meagre ; perhaps in part because the explorers have been few. The theme of the literature of the German emigrants and travelers has been treated with breadth of vision and care as to detail by Barba, but for reasons already given his results do not, for the most part, form a part of our theme. The tale of American prose fiction in Germany is con- tinued by the generalizing article of von Krockow and concluded by the statistical one of VoUmer. Possibly American fiction has been more influential than the investigators have shown, but 55 In Neue Essays uber Kunst und Literatur (Berlin 1865), R. W. Emer- son, pp. 1-23; Fiinfsehen Essays, Erste Folges (Berlin 1874), Balph Waldo Emerson, pp. 426-448 of this collection, was first written in 1861. Fiinfzehen Essays, Dritte Folge (Berlin 1882), pp. ix-xxiv, contains an essay on Emerson written shortly after Emerson's death. 50 Grimm, Emerson Uber Goethe und Shakespeare (Hannover 1857). 3" For the details see Cooke, A bibliography of Balph Waldo Emerson (Boston 1908). The work is indext. 58 See Roehm [802] 39. 5» Henry David Thoreau in Essays sur amerikanischen Literatur, p. 141flP. «o Walden von Henry David Thoreau, deutsch von Emma Emmerich (Miinchen 1897). 576 University of Calif omia Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 more probably such is not the ease. The proverb or rather its corollary is true : where there is little smoke there is little fire. In general the authors who have been popular in America have been popular also in Germany, but at least since 1850 no distinctively new literary movements have been occasioned the^^ by, and the same seems to be true of our poetic literature. Long- fellow, Poe, and others were greeted with mild interest, but establisht no new poetic types, and the Whitman mania was an isolated and abnormal instance of German interest in an Ameri- can poet ; as such it is of no great significance. One might have desired a special study of Emerson's influence or Thoreau's, but presumably there would have been little to record regarding the influence of their thot in Germany. On the whole it is safe to conclude from this retrospect that the German and American literatures ceast about the middle of the century to react upon each other in any fruitful fashion. It was a simple, romantic, unostentatious Germany of song and legend and little states and cities that appealed irresistibly to Hawthorne, Taylor, and Longfellow. Here they sot the mellow traditions that their homeland lackt. It was the adventurous, romantic America of the bold settler and the chivalric Indian that appealed at the same time to the German mind. America past beyond this period about the middle of the century, and Germany about the same time began to regard the realm of the air as unworthy of her powers and turned her attention to the dominion of the earth. Thus it came about that for a space of a half century and more neither nation had anything unique to offer the other. 1920] Trice: EnglUh'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 577 Chapter 24 the twentieth centuby It has proved a laborious but not a baffling task for the investigators to sketch the literary trends of the eighteenth century in Germany, to define the foren elements, and to appraise their force. Similar investigations even when pursued by similar methods have proved well nigh fruitless when applied to the nineteenth century literature. At the beginning of the century Byron appealed to the imagination of Germany as of all Europe and there were many German poets who began to be what was called Byronic, but surely despair, disillusionment, **Weltschmerz," defiance, and skepticism prevailed already in Europe after the grand humani- tarian hopes of the eighteenth century had ended in disaster; and only a part of what was called Byronic owed its origin to Lord Byron. Walter Scott developt a type of historical romanticism dif- ferent from that of his German contemporaries. Earlier critics could tell oflf the characteristics of the one and the other school. The German romanticists eventually adopted something of Scott *s technik, point of view, and bearing toward the public. It is not impossible to tell where this influence begins but almost impos- sible to say just where it ends. That Walter Scott brot the German **Dorfgeschichte'' to a higher stage of excellence as rep- resented by Gotthelf, Auerbach, Ludwig, and Keller seems clear enuf , but it is equally certain that out of the German * * Kalender- Geschichten ' ' some more fully rounded out form of narration would have developt, Scott or no Scott. About the middle of the nineteenth century a new type of novel gained the favor of the public, the novel of the man who works as against the novel of the man of leisure. The novel de- velopt most rapidly in England, which also set the pace in the 578 University of California Publications in Modem PhUology [Vol. 9 business world. The English novel succeeded in imparting some of its characteristics to the industrial novel generally, but who shall say that Germany, after she became somewhat tardily an industrial nation, would never have produced industrial novels, novels of the proletariat, the middle class, and the affluent busi- ness man had England not set the example. Humor of a certain type has often been taken as a criterion of Dickens's influence, but it is an elusive test. Dickens's humor is nearly related to Sterne's. The humor of Gutzkow, Raabe, and others may go back to Sterne eventually, but if so, was it thru the medium of Dickens or of Jean Paul and the romantic school? The humor and irony of the romantic school is surely similar to Sterne's, but their humor was so essential a part of their nature that to speak of borrowed humor in their case is to misrepresent them entirely. English influences existed in the nineteenth century literature of Germany beyond all doubt, but the more the century advanced the more they became mingled with other foren influences and with unmistakably national trends of development, so that at- tempts to isolate their currents are ahnost in vain. It may be added that the mixing process began early in the century and that in many instances the romantic school was the eddy that mingled the waters. The confused conception we have of the influences of the nineteenth century is not due to lack of industry or acumen on the part of the critics who have investigated the details ; it is due to the complexity of the subject matter. Now that two decades of the twentieth century have past, a characterization of its literature might seem called for, but there is little one can assert regarding influences in general or English > German ones in particular.^ As our problem grew more com- plicated with the discussion of the past century we helpt our- selves out with the term reciprocal influences. With the twen- tietli century even that suffices us no longer. The literatures 1 An exception may here be made in the case of Shakespeare. Gold- schmidt [634a] has attempted to define his significance for the twentieth century; see Survey, p. 470. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary InfiuenceB — Survey 579 of France, England, and Germany no longer appear in the guise of separate streams, but rather as a common sea, and it ia better to drop the figure of influences where we are dealing in fact with one vast confluence. Schools of influence exist in as true a sense as ever before, but they do not fall along nationalistic lines. It would be justi- fiable to distinguish an international group of Post-Ibsenites, perhaps also a similar group of Post-Tolstoians with whom Tchekoff, Latzko, Barbusse, Frank, and others might be groupt.* One could speak with some precision of a Flaubert-Turgeniev- James school of realists, but to speak of a piece of literary work as being typically French, German, or English would be to convey just no impression whatsoever. From this common sea of liter- ature we may take a cup of water and analyse it. We may find something of the soil of peasant life, something of the by-products of industrialism, something of the element of pure art, and some of the iron of militarism, but in the rarest instances shall we be able to assign these elements to their national source. It is not without a regret that we surrender provincialism with its charm and its local flavor. We may still find it in the not yet fully confluent Russian or Spanish literatures or in the Asiatic and oriental literatures. We may find it still in works of **Heimatkunst" and we may find its equivalent as new classes of society come to the front and express themselves in literature. 2 Shortly after writing these lines my attention was called to an organization of authors consciously seeking to strengthen the interna- tional tie of literature. Henri Barbusse appears to have been the prime mover. The association goes under the name ''Clart^. " The following are mentioned in the list of its supporters: Blasco Ibanez, Oeorg Brandos, Georges Duhamel, Anatolo France, Ellen Key, Andreas Latzko, Raymond Lefebvre, Charles Gide, E. D. Morel, Romain Rolland, Ben^ Schickel^, Bernard Shaw, Bertrand Russell, Israel Zangwill, Josiah Wedgewood, H. G. Wells, Siegfried Sassoon. It is true there are here no names of the weight of Goethe, Carlyle, and Mme. de Stael who brot support to the movement in an earlier period when a world literature was mooted, but the list is still impressive and not by its numbers alone. Such an organization can do little or nothing to alter literary conditions, but it helps to secure recognition of a fact that already exists. This particular group represents obviously only one of the trends of the time, namely, that toward international socialism, but it seems fairly clear that the writers of an opposite tendency will, tho perhaps n ia less obvious way, continue to maintain a certain community of action in the support of the traditional organization of society. 580 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Nor, indeed, need we assume that cosmopolitanism will displace nationalism and that individual and racial characteristics are to be fused into one heterogeneous mass. The characteristics of any one type are best brot out when placed in contact with another type. The peasant most fully reveals himself in his contact with the city dweller, the Indian in his contact with the white, and so it is with race and race. But in any case it is not a question of what we may wish. In so far as literature is a science it should recognize facts as they are. Realism, naturalism, romanticism indicate essential differences in literature. French, German, and English rep- resent slight modifications of the main trends. It is undesirable in a science to establish grand divisions of a subject with minor differences as their basis. Up to the time of the renaissance the different European literatures maintained a certain degree of independence. The renaissance brot them closer together, but not immediately, for certain nations assimilated its spirit and forms more promptly than others, the earlier ones serving then as intermediaries to the later ones. For this reason ** influences*' is a very convenient term in discussing the period from the renaissance to the romantic movement. But the nineteenth cen- tury literary movements affected the western European litera^ tures almost simultaneously, and the same condition is holding in the twentieth century. It therefore seems presumable that the most accurate way of discussing the literature of the twentieth century will prove to be under the rubric of **main currents," **Hauptstroraungen,** rather than under the rubric of nation- alities. We in America can look on this process with comparative indifference since what T. W. Higginson said in 1870 is fairly true to-day : The American spirit has exprest itself but feebly in books. At most few writers have won success abroad by treat- ing of specific American themes.' We may, however, expect the nations which have an older literary tradition to oppose this new trend of development and Germany, as Goethe, one of the 3 Higginson, Americ/inism in literature AM XXY (1870) 63 and in his Atlantic essays (Boston 1871), p. 5f. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 581 first advocates of **Weltliteratur/' once said, has more to give up than most nations.^ In his **Rektoratsrede'' of 1915 Professor Ernst Elster [7x] takes a decided stand against cosmopolitanism in literature. He asks the question: **Qibt es in (der deutschen Dichtung) und ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung Ziige des Qehaltes und der Form, durch die sie sich von der Dichtung anderer Volker unter- scheidet, und worin besteht dieses Besondere, dieses Deutsche, das dabei hervortritt. ' *' Before specifying these characteristics he asserts that they are not to be sot in **unmittelbaren oder mittelbaren Auszerungen vaterlandischer Oesinnung, ' ' but rather **in seelischen Betatigungen von allgemeinerer und umfassen- derer Bedeutung/'° Then he proceeds to enumerate, and the first characteristic he mentions is * * Freiheit. ' ' The German con- ception of freedom, he says, is entirely different from the English. It does not mean license, but **Selbstbestimmung;"" as a conse- quence of that it means also **strenge Auffassung der Pflicht,'* and to that end in turn * * Verbreitung und Vertiefung der Bil- dung.''^ Other consequences of the prevalent * * Selbstbestim- mung" are * * riicksichtslose Wahrheitsliebe, Beharrlichkeit und Treue in den Auszerungen . . . der Freundschaft und Liebe, der Verehung und Ehrfurcht,*' and ** starker Gemeinsinn. ' ' One of the aims of academic teaching is to make the trained man * * widerstandsf ahig gegen den inneren Zwang der hergebrachten Anschauungen und der offentlichen Meinung."^ Elster con- cedes : * * Gewisz ist vieles davon . . . nur Forderung nicht Erf iil- lung, aber gerade in dem was der Mensch fordert und wiinscht zeigt sich seines Wesens Kern.*'^ On the basis of these ideals he says the German soul has developt. **Beharrlich und fest, * Goethe, Werke I 42:2, 201: *'Der Deutsche lauft keine groszere Gefahr, als sich mit und an seinen Nachbarn zu steigern;' es ist vielleicht keine Nation geeigneter, sich aus sich selbst zu entwickeln. " Ibid. I 42:2, 202: '' Jetzt, da sich eine Weltliteratur einleitet, hat genau besehen der Deutsche am meisten zu verlieren; er wird wohl thun, dieser Wamung nachzudenken. " Goethe nevertheless advocated a world literature on practical humanitarian grounds; cf. Werke I 41:2, 305f. •"i Elster [7x] 5. I was unable to obtain Bartels's discussion of the theme [sax]. « Elster [7x] 6. 7 Ibid., p. 7. 582 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 stark in Liebe und Hasz, auszert sich deutsches Qefiihlsleben. . . . Besonders hoch entwickelt erscheint das Naturgefiihl und das religiose Gefiihl/' and the final goal of all this he says is '*der Qedanke des reinen Menschtums.''* These are indeed high ideals and no nation has ever lived up to them, but ideals are free and no nation may lay an exclusive claim to them until other nations have disowned them.*® 'What Elster enumerates is nothing less than the creed of enlightened souls everywhere and, confining our attention even to the nine- teenth and twentieth centuries in question, it would be fruitless to debate which nation had produced individuals most fully ex emplifying these virtues. In support of his thesis Elster men- tions of the nineteenth-century men of letters Tieck, Novalis, Fichte, Arndt, Korner, Schenkendorf, Hoffmann von Fallere- leben, Storm, Keller, Ludwig, Renter, Baabe, Jordan, Scheffel, Freytag, Hebbel, Wagner. From 1860 on new literary figures of true German type became rarer. Nietzsche is mentioned with approval, but Hauptmann and his confederates only with reser- vation. Of Hauptmann 's characters Elster says : * * Keiner raflft sich auf zum Herrn seiner Entschlieszungen ; solche zerbrechliche Art ist ganz undeutsch.'*" This is a goodly list of names which Elster enumerates, yet are there not some among them who seem to be included rather because of the * * unmittelbaren oder mittelbaren Auszemngen vaterlandischer Gesinnung'' which Elster excluded at the outset as a test rather than because of the virtues he later enumerates ; and would it not be possible to find a list of literary men from the other literatures of the nineteenth century who would also well represent the qualities really in question, * * Selbstbestim- mung,'' ^^Pflichtsgefiihl,'* **Gemeinsinn,'' **BeharrUchkeit,'^ **Treue,^' ^^Natiirgefuhl,'^ **das religiose Gefuhl,'* and ** reinen Menschtum.'' » Ibid., p. 8f. 10 Cf. Goethe, Werlce I 41:2, 306: "Eine wahrhaft allgemeine Duldung wird am sichersten erreicht, wenn man das besondere der einzelnen Menschen und Volkerschaften auf sich beruhen laszt, bei der t^berzeuffung jedoch festhalt, dasz das wahrhaft verdienstliche sich dadurch auszeicEnet, dasz es der ganzen Menschheit angehort." 11 Elster [7x] 32. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary InfiuenceB — Survey 583 This is said from no desire to disparage German literature or its great heroes, but only to prove the point in question. German literature has perhaps as individual a quality as any modern literature. Elster has placed its individuality in its strongest light, but even he has failed to demonstrate that Ger- man literature is something entirely different from that of other nations. The conclusion seems clear: Nationality in literature will always be an interesting and fruitful subject for comment, but it leads to too slight or at least too subtle differentiations to serve as a main basis for classification. Cosmopolitanism in literature, on the other hand, has merits that cannot be gainsaid. Once again the ideal of a conmionwealth of nations has presented itself vividly to man's view. In a very real sense such a union has long existed among the Anglo-Saxon people of the earth. The unity is not due so much to any machinery of government as to tradition, and of this tradition the literary element makes up a large part. The race is held together by the common heritage of Shakespeare and Milton, of Burke and Lincoln. The twentieth century promises to bring into existence some international commonwealth of wider inclusiveness than ever existed before. If we may judge by history, the real binding element in such a union will not be some artificially constructed constitution, but once again the common heritage of the past;" a common reverence for classic ideals of beauty, as well as for Shakespeare, Goethe, and Dante, a common tolerance of all Hebbels, Ibsens, and Galsworthys, who point out the foibles of the smug citizen and the compact majority, and a common def- erence to the views of Jesus and Confucius, of Grotius and Kant, of Tolstoi and Penn, and all who have tried to teach by life or literature some golden rule, or categorical imperative, or some principle of common justice for Jew and Gentile, for friend and enemy. 12 L. P. Jacks in The international mind AM CXXV (1920) 299-311 regards the literary as but one of many international comities which should precede a political union of nations in order to make the latter eflPective. 584 Dniveraity of California Publieationt in Modem Philology [VoL( ADDENDA TO BIBLIOGRAPHY These additions bring the bibliography up to January. 1920, as far as joumali and publications in the English language are concerned. German publications, however, since 1915 'are but incompletely represented. The latest volume of the "Jahresberieht« fiir die neuere deutsche Literatur" was volume XXIV for 1913; on the other hand the file of the "Shakespeare-Jahrbuch" was complete to 1919 inclusive. For several of the items below I am indebted to coUeags in distant places. I wish here to thank them all, especially Professor Baldensperger of the Sorbonne, Professor Schoenemann of Harvard University, and Mr. Leonard L. Mackall of New York. THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF LITERATURE Theoretical Works De LoLLiSy C. Imperialsmo letteraria. Rivista d 'Italia; Oct. [rx] 1906. BALDENSPEROEBy F. La Htt^rature; creation, succ^i dur^. Paris [sx] 1913. Ohap. IV: L'appel k I'^tranger. Bartels, Adolp. Nationale oder universale Literaturwissenschaft. [sax] Miinchen 1917; 140 pp. General Surveys tELSTER, Ernst. Deutschtom und Dichtung. Rektoratsrede, Oct. [7x] 24, 1915; Marburg 1915; 35 pp. SussMAN, J. Anne Boleyn im deutschen Drama. Wien 1916; [Hx] 95 pp. 1920] Price: English'^O^man Literary Influences — Survey 585 PABT I THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE (Shakespeare excluded) b. The saventeentli century Barclay and Grimmelshay^en tvoN Bloedau, Carl August. Orimmelshausens ' ' Simplicissi- [21ax] mus'' und seine Vorganger: Beitrage zur Romantechnik des 17. Jh. Pal LI (1908) 145 pp. Chaucer and irerman literature Taylor, Archer. German and other continental versions of [21bx] Chaucer's *' Friar's tale." Prog. MLA, St. Louis, March, 1920. Some thirty vernions of "The friar's tale" are brot together and claasified. Literary interest in the story was keenest in Qer- many. Sachs, Langbein, and others. There too the story has the longest history, from Caesarius of Heisterbach to the present day. Chaucer's free handling of his material. Sidney and Opitz tWuRMB, A. Die deutsche Cbersetzung von Sidneys ''Arcadia" [25xJ und Opitz' Verhaltnis dazu. Diss. Heidelberg 1911; 64 pp. c The etghteentli century VON Zabeltitz, Max Zobel. Englands Bild in den Augen der [79z | deutschen Klassiker. Grenzboten LXXII (1918) 199-202, 228-231, 252-254. Herder, Klinger, Goethe, Schiller, Hebbel, Grillparzer, Ludwig. English reviews in Germany tTRiELOFF, Otto P. Die Entstehung der Rezensionen in den [86azJ ''Frankfurter gelehrten Anzeigen" vom Jahre 1772. Mun- stersche Beitrage zur neueren Literaturgeschichte VII (1908), 140 pp. English literature and Lafontaine Rum .MELT, Franz. August Heinrich Julius Lafontaine von [122zJ den Anfangen bis zur Hohe seines Schaffens 1785-1800: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Technik des Romans. Diss. Halle 1914; 138 pp. Bunyan in Germany tEiPERT, R. Bunyan in Germany. Prog. American philol. assn. [164z] Pacific Coast division, San Francisco, Dec 1918. Burke in Germany Branne, Frieda. Edmund Burke in Deutschland. Heidelberg [164az] 1917. 586 Univeraity of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 LiUo and German literature Hudson, W. H. George Lillo and the middle-class drama of [215x] the eighteenth century. A forthcoming work announced in his "A quiet comer in a library" (Chicago 1915), p. rii. Lillo and Leasing Gen£e, R. Lessings biirgerliches Trauerspiel und seine eng- [219x] lischen Vorbilder. SVZ Jan. 14, 1883. Lillo and Richardson. Lillo and Morits Abbahamson, O. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der [219ax] Schicksalstragddie. AL IX (1880) 207-224. Milton and Bodmer tiBERSHorF, C. H. Bodmer and MUton. JEGPh XVII (1919) [232x] 589-601. Percy and German literature tKmcHEB, E. Volkslied und Volkspoesie in der Sturm- und [258z] Drangzeit: Ein begriffsgeschichtlicher Versuch. Zeitschrift fur deutsche Wortforschung IV (1903) 1-57. Bichardson and Leasing See [219x]. Bowe, N. and Wieland NicoLAi, Ch. Fb. Beweis, dasz das Beste in Wielands **Joh. [304x] Gray" aus Rowes "Jane Gray** genommen sey. Brief e die neueste Literatur betreffend IV (1759) 63-64 and in Lessing, Schriften VIII 166-178. Sheridan and Schiller HoLL, K. Sheridan's "Verses to the memory of Garrick'* and [330z] Schiller's "Prolog zum Wallenstein. " MLB IX (1914) 246. Swift and German literature Lauchert, F. Die psoudo-swiftische Reise nach Eaklogallinien [353z] und in den Mond in der deutschen Literatur. Euph XVIII (1911) 94-98 and 478. Young and Klopstock Cramer, K. F. Klopstock. Er und iiber ihn. 5 vols.; Ham- [371x] burg 1780ff. 1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 587 PARTH SHAKESPEARE IN GERMANY a. General works GuNDOLF, F. Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist. Berlin [416] 1911. Van Tibqhem. Revue de synthdse historique XXV 1 (1912) 1-8. Franz, W. Shakespeare als Kulturkraft in Deutschland und [418x] England. Tiibingen 1916; 43 pp. Wolff, M. J. Shakespeare in England und in Deutschland. [418ax] Internationale Monatsschrift fiir Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik X (1915) 364-375. Gbabau, C. ShJ LIII (1917) 222. Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. Shakespeare in Deutsch- [418bx] land. Tagliche Rundschau, Unterhaltungsbeilage 95. April 22, 1916. Grabau. C. ShJ LIII (1917) 222. Jones, Henry Arthur. Shakespeare and Germany. London [418cx] 1916; 25 pp. NussBERGER, Max. Shakespeare und das deutsche Drama. In [418dx] ^'Zwei Aufsatze zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte. " Zurich 1917; 56 pp. tLuDwiG, A. Shakespeare als Held deutscher Dramen. ShJ LV [419ax] (1918) 1-22. Fries, A. t^ber den Versstil Shakespeares und seiner tJber- [421x] setzer. Vortrag, Berlin 1916. A. W. Schlegel. Schiller, Dorothea Tieck. Cf. Fries in DLZ (1916) 1200-1201, 1616-1620. Gbabau, 0. ShJ LIII (1917) 218. Shakespeare and German Music Hirschberg, Leopold. Shakespeares Lyrik in der deutschen [424x] Musik. Westermanns Monatshefte LX (1916) 262-268. Shakespeare's dramas in Germany — ** Borneo and Juliet" Sauer, Artur. Shakespeares ''Romeo und Julia** in den [4d5x] Bearbeitungen und t^bersetzungen der deutschen Literatur. Greifswald diss. Greifswald 1915; 122 pp. 588 University of California Publications in Modem Philologt/ [Vol.9 b. The Beventeantli century and before Ayrer and Shakespeare HsiNRiCH, GusTAV. Ajrer und Shakespeare, in ''Magyar [463x] Shakespeare-Tar'' VIII (1916). Wbbkb, a. ShJ LIV (1918) 157-158. r c The eighteenth century "Hamlet*' in the eighteenth century VON Weilen, a. (ed.). Der erste deutsche Buhnen-Hamlet. [482x] Die Bearbeitungen Heufelds und Schroders. Wien 1914; xhdi + 196 pp. KXLLKR, W. ShJ LV (1919) 147. "Macbeth** in the eighteenth century See also [492a], [494], [495], [496], [595x], and [574]- [581a]. Eauenhowen, K. J. K. O. Wemichs Macbeth-Bearbeitung, [484x] die erste Auffuhrung des ' ' Macbeths' ' in Berlin 1778. ShJ LIV (1918) 50-73. Biirger and Shakespeare Kauenhowen, K. Burgers Ikfacbeth-t^bersetzung etc. [^^] Bbandl, a. ASNS CXXXIV (1916) 456. Goethe and Shakespeare — general Lebch, E. Goethe und Shakespeare. Berliner Tageblatt 420, [515x] Aug. 18, 1918. Orabau, C. ShJ LV (1919) 209. tLEiTZMANN, A. Dodd's ''Beauties of Shakespeare" als Quelle [515ax] fiir Goethe und Herder. rihJ LV (1919) 59-75. Goethe and "Hamlet** De Riquer, Emilio. Ideas est^ticas de Goethe a prop68ita de [520z] Hamlet. Bareelone 1916; 163 pp. MoRTENSEN, J. Hamlet. Edda III 1916. [520ax] Hamlet and Goethe's "Werther." Handel and Shakespeare Gervinus, G. G. Handel und Shakespeare. Zur Aesthetik der [528x] Tonkunst. Leipzig 1868; xv -f- 498 pp. Herder and Shakespeare See [515ax]. Schiller and Shakespeare Nussberger, Max. Schiller als politischer Dichter. Shake- [565z] speare und das deutsche Drama. Zwei Aufsatze zur deut- schen Literaturgeschichte. Zurich 1917; 56 pp. Brandl, a. Shakespeare auf der englischen Preismedaille der [565az] Carls-Schule (1776). ShJ LV (1919) 132. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 589 Schiller and "Macbeth" PuLS, A. Macbeth und die Lady bei Shakespeare und Schiller. [581a] Jantzcn, H. Zto. fiir frani. u. engl. Unterricht XIII (1914) 272-273. Schroder and Shakespeare Kauenhowen, K. Zu F. L. Schroders Macl)eth-Bearbeitung. [595z] ZB VIII (1916) 308. d. The nineteentli cantury German Shakespearean study LuDWiGy A. Deutsche Shakespearewissenschaft im Jubilaums- [627z] jahr. LE XIX (1916) 27-30. German stage and Shakespeare {individual stages) See also [656]-[659], [661a], [670], [670x], and [706]. Strickeb, Kathe. Die Aufnahme Shakespeares am Bremer [639z] Stadttheater (1780-1839). ShJ LIV (1918) 22-42. Dingelstedt and Shakespeare JuROENS, WoLDBMAR. Dingelstedt, Shakespeare und Weimar. [670z] ShJ LV (1919) 75-86. Kurz and Shakespeare Kindermann, H. Hermann Kurz und die deutsche ttberset- [693z] zungskunst im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Stuttgart 1918. Kkllbb, W. ShJ LV (1919) 148-149. Ludwig and Shakespeare Fischer, Bernhard. Otto Ludwigs Trauerspielplan ' ' Der Sand- [697z] wirt von Passeier'* und sein Verhaltnis zu den ''Shake- spearestudien. " Greifswald Diss. Anklam 1916; 68 pp. Nietzsche and Shakespeare Traumann, E. Nietzsche und das Hamletproblem. Frank- [702z] furter Zeitung 1914, nr. 66. Schlegely A, W, and Shakespeare Lerch, E. Shakespeare und Schlegel. Fkftr. Zeitung, June [720z] 23, 1918. Tieck and Shakespeare LuDEKE, H. Ludwig Tiecks Shakespearestudien. Zwei Kapitel [730z] zum Thema: Ludwig Tieck und das alte englische Theater. Diss. Frankfurt 1917; 62 pp. LtJDEKEy H. Shakespeare und der junge Tieck. Neue Zuricher [730az] Zeitung, July 23 and 24, 1918. Gbabau, 0. ShJ LV (1919) 210-211. tLCDEKE, H. Zur Tieck 'schen Shakespeare-ttbersetzung. ShJ [730bz] LV (1919) 1-13. Wildenhruch and Shakespeare Francke, O. Ernst von Wildenbruch und Shakespeare. Ham- [735z] burger Fremdenblatt-Beilage 1915, nr. 4. 590 Univeraity of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 PAEXni THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (Shakespeare excluded) a. General American Influences America and German literature Breffka, Const. Amerika in der deutschen Literatur. Litera- [807x] rische Abhandlung^. Koln 1917; 27 pp. America and German fiction tScnoENEMANN, Fbiedrich. Deutsche und araerikanische Ro- [813x] mane. Germanistic society quarterly III (1916) 96-105 and 158-177. America atid Goethe Cabus, Paul. Goethe on America. The open court XXIII [817z] (1909) 502-503. b. General English Influences English literature and German criticism SiGMANN, LuiSE. Die englische Literatur von 1800-1850 im [829x] Urteil der zeitgenossischen deutschen Kritik. AF LV (1918) 319 pp. England and German dramatists VON Zabeltitz, Z. M. Englands Bild, etc= [79x]. [831ax] Hebbel, Grillparzer, Ludwig. English literature and Nietzsche Foebsteb-Nietzsche, Elizabeth. Nietzsche, France, and Eng- [849x] land. The open court XXXI V (1920) 147-155. c. Specific English and American influences Byron and Goethe RiCHTEB, Helene. Zum hundertsten Jahrestage der Veroffent- [895x] lichung des ''Manfred.'' ES LI (1918) 305-377. EiMEB, M. Schocpenhauer als Abgesandter Goethes an Byron. [895ax] ES XLIX (1916) 484-487. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 691 Byron and Heine Habing, W. (f). Heines Tragodien nebst einem lyrischen [899x] Intermezzo. Wiener Jahrbuch XXXI (1825). Byron and Hofmann Anon. ' ' Der Doge und die Dogarette ' ' und * * Marino Faliero. * ' [903x] Wiener Jahrbuch XVI (1821). Carlyle and Eckermann Flugel, E. Carlyle und Eckermann. GJ XXIV (1903) 4-39. [904b] Cf. L. L. Mnckall in OJ XXV (1904) 253-256. Carlyle and Goethe Mackall, Leonard L. Goethe and Carlyle; some notes and [911x] corrections. London Athenaeum, Aug. 10, 1912, p. 142. Abstract in ZB IV 7, Beiblatt 260-261. Cf. GJ XXV (1904) 234. Carlyle and Nietzsche Bavenna, Guiseppe. La teoria dell' eroe in T. Carlyle e F. [913x] Nietzsche. In Nuova antologia di lettere, scienze ed arti. Ser. 4, 106, fasc. 758, 16 luglio, 1903, pp. 249-260. Carlyle and Renter Sprenger, R. Zu Fritz Reuters **D6rchlauch ting." Jahrbuch [913ax] des Vereins fiir niederdeutsche Sprachforschung XVII (1891) 88-90. Carlyle's "Frederick the Great" and Renter's "Ddrchlttnchting." Dickens and Beuter tMEYEB, Richard M. Zu Reuters **Stromtid;" zwei Quellen- [929xJ nachweise. Jahrbuch des Vereins fiir niederdeutsche Sprachforschung XXII (1896) 131-132. Re Pickwick and Br&sig. Emerson in Germany See also [913]. Spohr, William. Emerson's influence in Germany. Ethical [931x] record IV (1903) 188-189. Cf. Cook, "Bibliography of R. W. Emerson/' Boston 1908, p. 295; the entry is apparently erroneous. 592 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol.9 Emerson and German literature Francke, Kuno. Emerson and German personality. The [932z] international quarterly VIII (1903) 92-107. Orimm, J. Schmidt, Fr. Spielhagen. Irving and Beuter Sprengeb, B. Zu Fritz Reuters Dichtungen. Jahrbueh des [940x] Vereins fiir niederdeutsche Spraehforschung XXVIII (1901). Irring's "Knickerbocker's history of New York" and Reuter's "Urgeschicht ron Mekelnborg." Johnson and Goethe Mackall, Leonard L. Goethe's lines in Johnson's dictionary. [940ax] A8NS CXIX (1907) 169-170. Cf. Biedermann "OesprSche" III 188 and V 146. Keats and German literature AcKERMANN, R. Keats Hymn an Pan in drei deutschen [941x] tybersetzungen. E8 XXVIII (1900) 456-466. Translations of Marie Oothein, Oisberte Freiligrath, and R. Acker- mann. Longfellow and Freiligrath Appelmann, M. Longfellows Beziehungen zu Ferdinand Frei- [949x] ligrathy Munster 1916. Marryat and Beuter Walther, C. Zu Fritz Reuters ** de Wedd. ' ' Korrespondenz* [951x] blatt des Vereins fiir niederdeutsche Spraehforschung XIX (1897) 58. Paine and Germany Seibel, George. Thomas Paine in Germany. The open court. [957x] XXXIV (1920) 7-14. Thomas Paine in Buchner's drama "Dantons Tod." 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 593 Scott and German literature Anon. Sir Walter Scott und seine deutschen Cbersetzer. [970x] t^berlieferungen zur Geschichte, Literatur und Kunst der Vor- und Mitwelt, ed. F. A. Ebert, II 1. Dresden 1827. SiOMANN, L. Scott und die Sceschule in der deutschen Eritik [975x3 von 1800-1850. Heidelberg diss. 1917. 77 pp. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Inftuenceg — Survey 595 INDEX OF INFLUENCES* In the introdaction to the Biblioobaphy reference is made to a forthcoming "index of influences" at the close of the Subvky, hence the designation is here retained tho it is admittedly a misnomer. The term "index of relations" would be more accurate, for the catalog includes not only English>Oerman influences but passing comparisons of English and German authors, views of Oerman authors refl^arding English ones, and minor relationships including eren that of author and translator, no attempt being made to distinguish between the important and unimportant. Bracketed numbers refer to bibliographical entries. An x within the brackets indicates that the item is to be found in the "Addenda to the bibliography" (see Survey, p. 590f.). Free numbers refer to pages in the Survey. The classification is according to author names. Titles of works are given only where the authorship was not ascertainable. Ackermann — see Byron, Keats. Addison and Oerman criticism 356f., 360, 367: German literature [90] [148]-[156] 156. 157-159, 189- 197, 226, 229. 235. Addison and Bodmer [103] [148] [150] [157] 160. 171. 192, 197. 227f., 229, d62f.. 366 Brawe 341 Breitinger [103] [148] [150] [157] Oellert [155] [158] 171 Goethe [107] [110] [159] Gottsched [116] [117] [148] [150] [1601-[162] 171, 189f., 195, 197, 334. 363, 366, 369 Gottsched erkiihn 34 If. Martini 341f. Pfeil 341f. StefFens 34 If. Sturz 341f. Weidmann 342f. Weisze 341f. Wieland 341f. 1920] Price: English'> German Literary Infiuencea — Survey 60] English moral weeklies and German lit- erature [148]-[1561 [157] [163] 189-198. English novels in Germany [87]. English novel and German novel [89]. English novel and Goethe [112]. English players in Germany [26]— [48] ; Their influence in general [39] [45] [49]-[50]: Their repertory [39] [45] [56]-[71]; Their wan- derings [26]-[48]. English players and Ayrer [49] [51] [52] [67] [69] [458] Gryphius — see Shakespeare and Gryphius Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig [49] [53]-[55] Philipp Julius von Pommern-Wolgast [44] Moritz von Hessen [87] [56]. English philosophy and Germany [87a] [87b]. English poets and German literature [12]. English political influence in Germany [01. English reviews in Germany [86ax]. English songbooks in Germany [16]. Ernst — see Dickens. Eschenburg^ — see Percy, Pope, Shake- speare. Escher — see Tillotson. Esther and German literature [57] [58]. Everett and Goethe [817]. Everyman and German literature [16a] [58a]. Fabricius — see Milton. Farquhar and Lessing [126] [127] [186] 345f., 404 Schroder 345. Federn — see Emerson. Feind — see Shakespeare. Feis — see Tennyson. Feldmann — see Tennyson. Ferguson and German literature 160. Ferguson and Schiller [135]. Field and Beer-Hofmann [969]. Fielding and German litorature [89] [90] [187] [194a] 156, 184f. Fielding and Blankenburg 290, 296f., 311 Bode 189, 818 Goethe [112] [187] [190] 296, 300, 301. 307-309, 315, 472 Gutzkow 493 Herder 287-289, 300, 814 Hermes [187] [297] 294f., 303 Jung-Stilling 307 Klinger 300 Leisewitz 300 Lenz 299-301 Lessing [187] [191] 287f. Lichtenberg [187] 161, 163, 289, 309, 325 Moser 300 Miiller (J. G.) (Muller von Itzehoe) [192] 289f. ; Mustius [187] 184, 296, 309 Nicolai [133a] 297 Raabe 549 Resewitz 298f. Schiller [193] 299f., 349 Schubart 3Q0 "Sturm und Dran?" [194] 289, 299- 301 Thiimmel 328 Wagner (H. L.) 299f. Wieland [187] [194a] 801-306. Fischer — see Tennyson. Fleming — see Owen. Fletcher and German literature 142. Fletcher and Gottsched 369f. Lessing 369f. Morhof 361 Nicolai 374 Schroder 344 Schiller [195]. Fontane — see Percy. Scott, Shakespeare. Ford and German literature 142. Fordyce and German literature 160. Foren literature and German literature [7]. Forster — see Ossian. Fouqu6 — see Moore (T), Scott. Franklin and German literature [196]- [197] [803] 187. Franklin and Auerbach [196] Binzer [833] Goethe [196] Herder [196] [197] 187 Klinger 188 Klopstock 187 Moser [196] 168 Schiller [198] Sealsfield [196]. 602 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Freiligrath — see Burns, Byron, Harte, Keats, Moore (T), Ossian, Pringle, Tennyson, Whitman. Freytag' — see Cooper, Dickens, Scott. Fries — see Coleridge. Fuller and Bentheim 362 Mencke 862. Fttszli — see Milton. G — see Young. Galsworthy and Hauptmann [934a1. Garrick and Lichtenberg 163f. Schroder [595] Stars 165. Gay and German literature 160. Gay and Hagedorn [119] 166. Geibel — see Burns, Byron. Gellert [155] — see Addison, Pope, Rich- ardson, Steele, Swift, Toung. Gellius— see Goldsmith. George — see Rossetti, Swinburne. Gerden — see Browning. Gerhard — see Bums. German esthetics — see Home. Gerstiicker — see Cooper. Gerstenberg — see Milton, Ossian, Shake- speare, Sterne, Toung. Geszner — see Milton, Ossian, Thomson. Geusau — see Young. Gibbon and Herder 314. Gibson and Schiller [185]. Gildon and German criticism 366. Glapthome and German literature [64] [65] 142. Gleim [94] — see Milton, Ossian, Percy, Prior, Sterne, Thomson, Young. Glover and Gottsched 184 Klopstock [198] Wieland [144]. Goethe [88] [89] [90] [93] [94] [1051-[115] [807]— see Addison, Bums, Byron, Carlyle, Cooper, Defoe, Dodd, Emerson, Fielding, Franklin, Goldsmith, Irving, John- son, Lillo, Madocks, Maturin, Mar- lowe, Milton. Moore (E), Moore (T), Ossian, Percy, Pope, Richard- son, Scott, Shaftesbury, Shake- speare, Smollett, Sterne, Struve. Swift, Thackeray, Wolfe, Young. Goldberger [806]. Goldsmith and German literature [199]- [206] [935] [936] 286, 307. 310- 316, 3d2f. Gk>ldsmith and Blankenburg 311 Bode 310, 318 Decker 312 Heine 468 Herder 314 Holty 205 Eekardt 312 Gellius 310 Goethe [106] [lOT] [110] [112] [201]-[204a] 311, 314-816. 332f.. 558 Gutzkow 493 Jester 312 Jordens 312 Kunse 312 Lafontaine 312f. La Roche 312f. Lenz 312f. Nicolai [133a] 311-313 Renter [935] Schroder 344 Spielhagen 553 "Sturm und Drang" [597] Winterfeld [936] Zschokke [206] 312. Gdschen — see Sterne. Gothein — see Keats. Gk>tthelf — see Bitzius. Gdttinger Hain — see Ossian. Gottschall — see Byron. Gottsched [116] — see Addison, Beau- mont, Butler, Fletcher, OloTer. Jonson, Milton, Pope. Shakespeare, Swift, Young. Gottsched (L. A. V.) [117] — see Addi- son, Boswell, Shakespeare, Steele. Grabbe — see Byron, Marlowe, Shake- speare. Grant (A. MeV.) and Binzer [833]. Granville and German literature 386. Griiter — see Percy, Tytler. Gray and German literature [122] [207] [208], Gray and Heine [937] Hdlty [122]. Tobler 160. Green and German literature 569. Greene and German literature 141. Gregorovins — see Byron. Greif — see Byron. Greve — see Browning. Griebenow — tee Tennyson. Grillparzer — see Byron. Lillo, Shmlce- speare. Grimm — see Emerson. Orimmelshausen — see Barclay. Price: En fl(i«h> German Literary Inftueneei — Survey Qrunei^HC Milton. Herder r93| ri20al-(l Girnatui— >ee Dirden. ion. Burn,, H„ Franklin. Oibbon, mrth, Hnme. ti Eliol. FlvIdinK, GDldamitli, Sterne. Percj, Pope, Prior, ardion. Robert ton. H«k*— «« Miltcii. burr, Shakwppare, Herniea— .ee Fielding n«gfdorn (1551— 8« Addimn. Chun- Sleme. Young. »r. 0.y, Hume. Johnion, Uallell. Hniej and Oerman 1it( Milton. Pope, Prior, RichBrdun. Herwegh — aee Byron, Rows (E). Shuflebbarr, 8*i((. Shellej. Henberg — in Trnnyaon H.hn-ir,hn— .ee Buiwer LytWn. mie and Gerioin iltentxre [938]. H»ie and iron Wkkede B38). Hrttner 1848«1. Hail and G^nnnn lil.!rH«iie |22] 181. H»ur«1d— tea Sbaknpea Heyif— *tt Burnt. Haller (1201 |1S5|— .ee Addlaoo, Hrywood and Cenotn II Blonnt, Buller, Milton, Ouian, Mippel— aee Blerne. Pope, Richardion, Hoehe««r, HdrdenbtrR— HI'.' NovdIJU. HKring— «e Byron, Scotl. Hari-iet— He Thomion. HaraderlTei^-aee Bardar. Hall. Harte and Oemian lileratnra |802| [8031 [811] S68r.. 6TI. Htne and Fri^ilierath (D39]. Hanll — aee Cooppr, Irving. Seolt. Hauptmann — aes Clemena, OaUworthj', Shakeapeare. (8081 (811). Haydn — aee Shaketpeare. Hebbel— are Sbakespeare, Sli«11ey. Hebberton and Oerman llteratare Se9. HedemaDD — tee Sterne. e Sbakeapeare. 321 — **f Burnt, Byron, Ootd- 1, Gray, Trrlnc, Milton, Oiaian, . Sliakotpeare, SCerne, Swift. ch Jnlini e Englisli plnj' I, Sbakeipean, Heiiilei — He Browning. Bikattu* and Germaa litcrttnra (iCa). literature 143. Hoadly and Oerman literature 330. Hoadir and Bode 318. Hobbea and Hallrr 19S. Hoffniann — tee Byrop, Lewia. Bteme. Hoflmann tod Palleraleben— «e Byron. ' Shakeapeare. Hog rth B r (ac Hogartb and Lirhtenberc (1311 [208a) ISSf. Hogarth and "Sturm und Drang" (137) (5981. HotniFt and German llteratura (802) Helty |122I— .ee Ooldtdiith. Uallelt, Hlllan. Oaiian. Percy. Swift. Thornton. Home and German eithetiea raioi ran). Home and Kant (210) (211) Letaing (1291 (210) (211). Meinhsrd 389 Mendelaaohn 15S8] Schiller (210) (2111- Bchlegel (J. A.) 389. HonuJui and Oerman literature (ISa). Hooper and Bnlllnger (212). Hopp — tee Whitman. Houghton and German litarature 142. Honvald — tee Llllo. Howella and German llleralnre (811) EST, SS9. 604 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Humboldt — see Shaftesbnry- Hume and German literature 160; Ger- man thot [213] [307]. Hume and Hagedorn 166 Herder 314. Hurd and German literature 160. Iffland — see Moore (E), Shakespeare. Immermann — see Byron, Scott, Shake- speare, Sterne. Irving and German literature [803] [825] [826] [834] [837]. Irving and Droste-Htilshoff [813] Goethe 557 Hauff [940] 509 Heine [940a] Renter [940x] Wagner (R) [851] [853]. Jackson and German literature 569. Jacobi (J. G.) — see Shaftesbury, Sterne. Jacobsen — see Byron, Crabbe, Keats, Moore (T), Rogers, Scott, Shelley, Southey, Wordsworth. Jacoby — see Milton. James and German literature [811] 567-569. Jean Paul — see Richter. Jefferson and German literature 187. Jester — see Goldsmith. Johnson and German li^rature 254. Johnson and Goethe [110] [940ax] Hagedorn 166 Sturz [213a] 165. Jonson and Gottsched 369f. Leasing 369 Tieck [213b] [941] 451. Jdrdens — see Goldsmith. Jung — see Ossian. Jung-Stilling — see Fielding, Lens, Os- sian, Shakespeare, Sterne. Kant [807] — see Burke, Home, Smith. Kanzner — see Mallett. Kastnei^-see Amory, Swift. Kastrupp — see Byron. Kaufmann (J) — see Dickens. Kaufmann (P) — see Bums. Kayser — see Young. Keats and German literature [941x]. Keats and Ackermann [941x] Freiligrath [941x] Gothein [941x] Hdlderlin [942] Jacobsen 518 von Schack [850]. Keller — see Austen, Dickens, Scott, Shakespeare.. Kemer — see Sterne. Kind — see Lillo. Kindermann — see Barclay. King and Leibniz 207. Kingsley and German literature [942x]. Kingsley and Schmidt (J) 491. Kruse — see Byron. Kipling and Germany [948] [944]. Kirkland and Goethe [817]. Kirkpatrick and Wieland [214]. Klausing — see Rowe (E). Kleist (E. C.) — see Milton. Pope, Shake- speare, Thomson. Kleist (H.) — see Shakespeare. Klinger [94]— see Fielding. Milton, Moore (E), Shakespeare. Klopstock [93] [94] — see Addison, Glover, Mason, Milton. Ossian, Percy, Richardson, Rowe (B), Sterne, Thomson, Toung. Klotz — see Young. Knebel — see Young. Knorts — see Whitman. Koch — see Percy. Koeppel — see Byron. Kongehl — see Shakespeare. Kosegarten — see Dryden. Milton, Os- sian, Percy. Kottenkamp — see Swift. Kotsebue — see Moore (E), Sterne. Kretsch — see Pope. Kretschmann — see Ossian. Kruse — see Byron, Shakespeare. Kunze — see Goldsmith. Kiimberger [807] [819] [820]. Kyd and German literature [67] (67a1 141. Lafontaine — see Goldsmith. Laing and German literature ^245. Lake school and German literature [975x]. Lamprecht [807). Langbein — see Chaucer. Lange — see Milton, Thomson. La Roche — see Goldsmith, Richardson. Lasalle — see Byron. Laube [832] — see Byron, Shakespeare. Laun — see Burns. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 60; L^es and Schroder 344. Legrerlotz — see Bums. Leibniz — see King, Shaftesbury. LeisewiU — see Fielding. Lenau [93] [804] .[807] [819] [820] [821] — see Byron. Len« [123] [124] — see Banyan, Field- ing, Goldsmith, Marlowe, Milton, Ossian, Percy, Pope, Richardson, Shakespeare, Thomson, Young. Leo — see Browning. Leasing (G. E.) [88] [125]-[129al— see Addison, Amory, Banks, Boan mont, Burke, Butler, Congreve Crisp, Dryden, Farquhar, Fielding, Fletcher, Goldsmith, Home, Jon son, Lillo, Milton, Otway, Percy Pope, Prior, Richardson, Shaftes bury, Shakespeare, Spence, Sterne Swift, Thomson, Vanbrugh, War ton, Webb, Wycherley, Toung. Lessing (K. G.) — see Richardson. Leasing (O. E.) — see Whitman. Lewald — see Cooper. Lewis and Hoffmann [945]. Lichtenberg [130]-[131] — see Fielding. Hogarth, Milton, Shakespeare, Sterne, Swift. Liliencron — see Shakespeare. Lillo and German literature [88] [104] [215]-[219] [215x] 388f., 343- 345, 350-353, 436. Lillo and H. A. B. (aasewitz) 339 Brdmel 351f. Goethe [219] 345f.. 348f. Grillparxer [217] 351 Houwald 351 Kind 351 Lessing [127] [128] 337, 348 Mayberg 339 Moritz [219ax] 3 5 If. MUllner 351 Schiller 351f. Stephanie 339 Tieck 351. 353 Werner 351, 353. Lindner — see Byron. Liscow — see Arbuthnot, Pope, Swift. Lissauer — see Whitman. Locke and German literature 192; Ger- man thot [307]. Logau — see Owen. Longfellow and German literature [802] [803] [830] [946|-[949] 571. 576. Longfellow and Freiligrath [816] von Hohenhausen 572. Lowe — see Ossian. Lowell and German literature [802] [803] 571. Ldwen — see Pope. Ludwig — see Byron, Dickens, Scott. Shakespeare. Lyman and Goethe [817]. Machm and German literature 142. Macpherson — see Ossian. Madocks and Goethe [847]. Mallett and Haged'om 166 Hiilty [122] Kanzner [220]. Mann — see Dickens. Marlowe and German literature [67a] [68] 141. Marlowe and Ayrer [69] Goethe [221] 419 Grabbe [222] Lenz [222] Mtiller (W) [950] [951] Schiller [563]. Marryat and Reuter [951x]. Marston and German literature 142. Mason and German literature 142. Mason and Klopstock [223]. Massinger and German literature 142. Massinger and Arnim [952] Beer-Hofmann [969]. Mattheson — see Addison, Rowe (E), Steele. Matthison — see Ossian. Maturin and Goethe [953] [954]. Mayberg — see Lillo. Meinhard — see Home. Meiningen (Duke of) — see Shakespeare. Meiszner — see Byron, Moore (E). Melle [134]. Mencke — see Fuller, Shakespeare. Mencke — see Moore (T). Mendelssohn — see Amory« Burke, Home, Pope, Shaftesbury, Shakesi>eare, Warton, Young. Mendheim — see Tennyson. Menzel — see Byron. Merck — see Ossian. Meredith and German literature [954a]. Meyer — aee Shakespeare. Michaelis — see Richardson. Mickievicz [884] — see Byron, Goethe. Miller (Joaquin) and German literature [802] 571. Miller — see Milton, Percy. 606 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol 9 Milton and German criticism 363; Oer- man literature [102] [103] [224]- [240] 156-159, 199, 226, 244, 474. Milton and Berge [225] 226 Bodmer [102] [103] [150] [229]- [232] [232x] 155, 160, 168, 171, 226-235, 362, 382 Breitinger 228 Brockes [229] 227, 234 Btirde 227 Denis [229] 233f., 261 Ebert 234 Fabricius 226 Fiiszli 228 Oerstenberg [229] Oeszner 233f. Giseke 227. 234 Gleim 235 Goethe [229] [233] 244 Gottsched [229] 227, 229, 230 Gruner 227 Grynaeus 227 Haake [224] [225] 226 Hagedorn [229] 230 Haller [229] Heine [955] Herder [229] 227. 234, 814 H31ty [229] Jacoby [229] Kleist (E. C.) [229] Klinger [229] 234 Klopstock [229] [233]-[237] 155, 158, 160, 171, 223, 230-235, 256 Kosegarten 227 Lange [237] Lenz 234 Leasing [229] Lichtenberg [229] Miller 234 Morhof 226 Moritz 227 Miillor (Maler) 234 Nicolai [229] Novalis [229] Postel 227 Pyra [229] [238] Ramler 227. 234 Schiller [229] [238a] 234 Schubart 234 Stolberg 234 Stry 227 "Sturm und Drang" 233f. Tieck [229] Yosz [229] 234 Wernicke 227 Wieland [229] 227, 234, 378. Winckelmann 233 Zachariii [145] [147] [229] 227, 241 Zellweger 228. Mittelstedt — see Sterne. M&Uhausen — see Cooper. Moore (E) and German literature [88] [239] [240] 340, 343. 345. Moore (E) and Beil 341 Bode 318, 340f. Brawe 340 Dyk 341 Goethe [115] Iffland [239] 341 Klinger 341 Kotzebue [239] 341 Meiszner 341 Miiller (Maler) [239] 841 Schiller [240] 345f., 349 Schroder 344. Moore (T) and German literature 484f., 535. Moore (T) and Fouqu^ 485 Freiligrath [843] 484f. Goethe 472, 535 Jacobsen 518 Merck 485 Oelker 485 Schmidt 485. More and German literature 131, 133. Morhof — see Bacon. Beaumont. Dryden. Fletcher, Milton. Owen, Shake- speare. Moritz [132] [134] — see Lillo. Milton, Shaftesbury, Sterne. Moritz von Hessen — see English players. Mosenthal— «ee Byron. Moser — see Byron. Mdser — see Addison. Fielding, Franklin. Young. Motley and German literature [808]. Miiller (G. E.)— see Pope. MiUler (J. G.) (Miiller von Itzehoe)^ see Fielding. Richardson. Sterne. Miiller (Maler)— see Milton. Moore (E). Miiller (W) — see Byron. Marlowe, Wordsworth. Milliner— see Lillo. Mundt [832]. Mttnsterberg [807]. Muralt — see Pope. Murphy and Sehrdder 844. MusSus — see Fielding, Richardson. Mylius [183] — see Pope. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 607 Neuendorff — see Thomson. Nieolai [133a] — see Amory, BeAumont, Butler, Fielding, Fletcher, Gold- smith, Milton, Percy, Pope, Shake- speare, Smollett, Sterne, Warton, Toong. Nietssche — see Byron, Carlyle, Darwin, Emerson, Shakespeare, Whitman. Nobody and tomebody [16a] [58a] [59]. Ndldeke — see Dryden. Novalis— see Milton. Oelkcr— see Moore (T). Oldham and Wernicke [185]. Opiti — see Barclay, Sidney. Ossian and German literature [241]- [251a] [956] 156, 158, 240f., 249-265, 430, 474. Ossian and Bodmer 254 BdUger 258 Brahms 262 Briickmeier 253 Biirger 253, 262 Claudius 262 Cramer 262 Denis [241] [243] [245] 258-261 Dittersdorf 262 Dusch 261 Engelbrecht 254 Fdrster 253 Freiligrath 262 Gerstenberg [248] [246] 259-261 Gessner 262 Gleim 254 Goethe [110] [115] [241] [243] [246a]- [248] 253, 262-264, 281f. Gdttinger Hain [248] Haller 254 Heine [956] Herder [241] [248] [271] 171, 258, 259-263, 533 Hdlderlin 262 Hdlty 262 Jung 253 Jung-Stilling 807 Klopstock [234] [248] 169, 254- 258. 261 Kosegarten 262 Kretschmann [248] [249]-[250] 261f. Lenz [154] 253. 262, 399 Lowe 262 Matthison 262 Merck 262 de la Peri Are 258 Peterson 258 Raspe 254 Rhode 258 Schiller [243] [251] 262 Schubart 234, 258 Schubert 263 Seckendorf 262 Stolberg 262 "Sturm und Drang'* [248] Stun 165, 250 Tieek [251a] 262 ▼on Harald 258 Voss 254, 262 Weisse 255 Zumsteeg 262. Otway and German literatuT« [252]- [255] [851] [957]. Otway and Hofmannsthal [957] Leasing 127, 404 Nieolai 874 SchUler [253]-[255]. Owen and German literature [28] 182f. Owen and Fleming 182 Gryphius 182 Logau 132 Morhof 132 Rist 182 Weckherlin 182. Paine and Germany [957z]. Paine and Buchner [957x]. Painter and Hinsch [70]. Paquet — see Whitman. Parkman and German literature [808]. Peele and German literature [70] 141. Peele and Ayrer [70]. Percy and German literature [256]- [272] [258z] 156, 158, 171, 240, 266-282. Percy and Amim 280, 474 Blankenburg 280 Bodmer 160, 279 Boie 271-278, 276f., 280 Bothe 279 Brentono 280, 474 Biirger [259] [262]-[269] 270-274, 276f. Cramer 278 Dahn [260] Eschenburg 277 Fontone [260] [837] Gleim [261] Goethe [259] [270] 280-282 Griter 280 Jung-Stilling 280 Haug 279f. 608 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Heine 467 Herder [259] [271] [272] 269-271, 276-281 Hdlty [122] 274 Klopstock [261] Koch 280 Kosegarten 279f. Lens 280f. Lessing 277 Miller 274 Nicolai 277 Ramler 277 Raspe 269, 276 Romanticists [260] Seckendorf 280 Uhland [260] Ursinns 277, 279 Vosi 275, 277. de la PeriAre — see Ossian. Perkins and German literature 182. Pert*-— see Bnms. Peterson — see Ossian. Pllier— see Byron. Philipp Julius von Pommem Wolgast — see English players. Platen — see Byron, Shakespeare. Poe and Qerman literature [802] [808] [958]-[961] 571f.. 676. Poe and Bleibtreu [962] Spielhagen [958] [963] [964] ▼on Schack [850] ▼on Winterfdd [965]. Polens [806] [807]— see Dickens, Scott. Pope and German criticism 867f.; Ger- man literature [91] [278]-[285] 155-158, 160, 172, 183, 198-210, 235, 474. Pope and Bodmer [275] 182, 201, 208 Bothe 206f. Brentano (Sophie) 201 Brockes [275] [277] 198, 206. 209, 216 Biirger [275] 159, 201 Drollinger 198, 202, 208 Dusch 205f.. 208, 210 Eschenburg [275] 201, 208 Goethe [110] 198, 208 Gottsched 201 Gottached (L. A. V.) 204/., 275 Hagedorn [118] [275] [277] [281] 166f.. 171, 208f., q08, 222 Haller 120. 198f., 209, 213 Herder [271] [283] 201, 360, 881 Kleist (E: C.) [277] 198, 209 Kretsch 206 Lenz [154] [275] 201, 399f. Lessing [127] [277] [282] 101, 200f., 206, 208, 221 Liscow 179 Ldwen 205 Mendelssohn 198. 200-202, 206. 221, 878 Merkel 205 MiUler (G. E.) 208 Muralt 209 Mylius [275] 205 Nicolai 201f. Pyra 198, 205 Riedel 183f. Rost 205 Riickert [966] Schiller [277] [283] 198, 208 Schlosser 201 Schdnaich 205 Thomaon 159 Thtimmel 205 Uz [277] 198, 205, 210 Wieland [142] [277] [284] [285] 198, 208, 379, 880 Zacharifi [145] [146] [147] 205, 209 Zemitz [277] 209 Zinck 206. Postel [134]— see Milton. Postl — see Sealsfleld. Potta— see Swift. Prausnitx — see Tennyson. Prescott and German literature [803]. Pringle and Frefligrath [967]. Prinzhom — see Bums. Prior and German literature [286]- [288] 170, 173f. Prior and Boie 173 Gleim 173 Hagedorn [118] 167, 171, 173 Herder 173 Lessing 173 Uz 178 Yoss 173 Wieland [278]-[288] 173f. Prutz — see Byron. Pyra — see Milton, Pope, Thomaon. Raabe — see Dickens, Fielding, SeotI, Sterne, Thackeray. Rabener [155] [168]— see AddiMn, Swift. Radikin — see Rowe. Rambach — see Toung. Ramler — see Dryden, Milton, Perey. Ramsay and Herder [271]. Ranke— see Bunyan. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 609 Raspe — tee Ossian, Percy. RaTenscroft and German literature 886. Rehfues — lee Scott. Reinhardt — see Shakespeare. Resewitz — see Fielding, Young. Reuter— see Carlyle, Dickens, Gold- smith, Irving, Marryat, Scott. Rhode — see Ossian. Richardson and German literature [88] [89] [90] [289]-[808] 156f., 184f., 843-845. Richardson and Amim [968] Arnold 293 Blankenburg 290f. Gellert [290] [294] 291-294 Goethe [89] [106] [107] [110] [295] 284f., 308 Hagedorn 166 Haller 286 Herder 287-289. 814 Hermes [296]-[298] 293-295 Klopstock 169 Klopstock (M) 247 La Roche 304-807 Lens 284, 301, 348 Leasing [126] [128] [800] [801] [219x] 287f., 887, 343, 345-848 Leasing (K. G.) 296 Michaelis 286 Miiller (J. G.) 289 Musftus [290] 184, 296 Romantic school [968] [301a] Sturm und Drang [137] Tieck [301a] [968] 474-476 Wagner (H. L.) 284, 300, 843 Wieland [290] [802] [308] 296, 303f., 343, 378. Richter — see Sterne, Swift. Riedel — see Pope, Sterne. Risbeck — see Swift. Rist— see Owen. Robertson and Herder 314. Rochester and German literature 160. Rochester and Haller 198. Rogers and Jacobsen 518. Rolleston — see Whitman. Roloif — see Browning. Romantic school — see Percy, Richard- son, Shakespeare. Rosenzweig — see Thomson. Rossetti — see George. Rost — see Pope.. Rowe (E) and German criticism 366; German literature [304] 245-248. Rowe and Cramer 245 Ebert 245 Oiseke 245 Herder [804] Klausing 245 Klopstock 223 Klopstock (M) [304] 245-247 Mattheson 245 Radikin 246 ▼on Bergmann 245 Wieland [804x] 155, 248, 247f., 87a Rowe (N) and German literature [114] [969]. Rowe and Beer-Hofmann [969] Wieland [144]. Rilckert — see Byron, Pope. - Ruete — see Browning, Bums. Ruppius — see Oooper. Rymer and German criticism 366. Sachs — see Chaucer. Savage and German literature 569. Schefer — see Byron. Scheifel — see Soott. Schellwien — see Tennyson. Scherr — see Cooper. SchiUer [94] [97] [100] [100a] [185J [136] [807]— aee Brydone, Fer- guaon. Fielding, Fletcher, Franklin, Gibson, Home, Lillo, Marlowe^ Milton, Moore (E), Ossian, Otway, Pope, Shaftesbury, Shakespeare, Sheridan, Thomson, Toung. Schink — see Shakespeare^ Sterne. Schlaf — see Whitman. Sehlegel (A. W.)— see Shakespeare, Sterne, Swift. Sehlegel (Pr.) — see Byron, Sterne, Swift. Sehlegel (J. A.) — see Home. Schleiermacher — see Byron. Schlosser — see Pope. Schmidt (C. E. K.) — see Thomson. Schmidt (Elise) — see Byron. Schmidt (J.) — see Bailey, Broiit«, Browning, Bulwer-Lytton, Byron, Carlyle, Dickena, Kingsley, Lake school, Moore (T), Soott, Shelley, Tennyson, Young. Schmidtbonn — see Whitman. Schmidthenner — see Thomson. Schnabel — see Defoe. Scholz — see Tennyson. Schdnaich — see Pope. Schopenhauer — see Bjrron, Shakespeare. Schreyrogel — see Shakespeare. 610 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [Vol 9 Schrdder [136] [136al — see Beaumont, Burney, Gibber, C!olinaii, CongreTe, Cumberland, Crown, Farquhar, Fletcher, Qarrick, Goldsmith, Leea, Moore (E), Murphy, Shakespeare, Sheridan, Southern. Schroeter — tee Tennyson. Schubart [94] [97]— see Fielding, Milton, Ossian, Shakespeare, Thom- son, Toung. Schiicking — see Cooper. Sehulse (Chrysostomus) — see EHker. Sehummel — see Sterne. Schupp [18] — see Bacon, Barclay, Shakespeare, Sidney. Schurs [804] [970]. Schwabe — see Swift. Schwager — see Sterne. Sehweikler — see Browning. Soott and German "Dorfgesohichte** 498 ; Genuan literature [971]-[975] [970x] 480, 496-516. 560. Scott and Arnim [974] [975] 408f., 501 Auerbach 498, 512 BiUius 512 Dahn 498 "Das Jnnge Dentschland" 489 Ebers 498 Fontane [837] FOuqu« [974] [975] 498 Freytag [845] [976] 493, 510-515, 544 Goethe f [110] [977] [978] 472 Gotthelf 493 Hiring [979] 493, 498, 501-506, 509 Hauff [916a] [980]-[984] 498, 506- 509 Heine 468 Immermann [985] Jacobsen 518f. Keller 493 Ludwig [986] 493, 518f. Poinds 498 Raabe 498 RcJhfues [987] Reuter 512. 532 Scheffel 493 Schmidt (J) 490f., 496-502, 512- 515 Sealsfleld [826] Spindler [988] 493, 498 Storm 493 Tieck [975] 498-501 Uhland 493 Wagner 853 Zahn 493. Sealsfleld [804] — see Cooper. Franklin. Seckendorf — see Ossian, Percy. Seidl — see Bnnyan. Seifart — see Swift. Seume — see Sterne. Seybt — see Dickens. Shadwell and Weisse [305] [306]. Shaftesbury and German literatun [307]-[828] 160. 192, 199f. Shaftesbury and Blankenburg 290f. Brockes 212 Gessner [308] Goethe [814]-[317] Hagedom 166, 209 HaUer 198f. Herder [314] [816] [320J-[8211 Humboldt [322] Jacobi (G. J.) [308] Leibniz 207 Leasing [323] 869 Mendelssohn [556] Moritz [324] Schiller [325] Wieland [808] [826]-[828]. Shakespeare and German literatun [12] [400]-[785] [830] [418x]. [785x] 141. 142. 151-158. 156f.. 159, 197, 241, 807, 854-471. Shakespeare and Anzengruber [663] Ayrenhoff [482] 172, 882 Ayrer [51] [52] [457] [458] [468x] Baudissin [664] 447. 449-451 Der b«9trafU Brtidermord [97] [4d6]-[448] Bismarck [665] [666] Bitzius [667] Bleibtreu 446 Bodmer [425] [486] [488] [489] 160, 171, 361-363, 378 Borck [486] [490] 863-366 B«me [668] Brfiker [425] [491] [492] Bulthaupt [669] Btirger [492a]-[499] 447f. Dalberg [497]-[4991 "Das junge DeuUchland" 489 Delius 446 Dingelstedt [670] [670x] 451 Droste-HiUshoff [834] Eichendorff [410] Eschenburg [421] [466] [608] [614] [621] 161, 382. 443 Feind 361 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 611 Fontane [671] Funcke [462] Gelbcke 451 Gerstenberg [500]-[5021 [530] 260, 881-382, 389, 391. 431, 440 Gervinus 442. 463 Gildermeister 451 Goethe [106] [110] [115] [410] [415] [434] [474l-[477] [486] [503]-[528] [515x]-[520ax] 163, 315. 393-397, 401. 406-419. 422- 424. 430. 432-435, 488, 440f., 442f.. 445. 455, 466f., 472 Gotthelf [667] GottBched [549a] 860, 864, 866f., 369. 371f., 426, 439 Gottsched (L. A. V.) 363, 366f. Grabbe [672] [673] 463-465, 474, 524. Grillpaner [674] [674a] 454-457, 463, 474 Gryphius [458]-[456] [460] [464] 364, 367 Gundolf 452 Hagedorn 16f. Haller [425] Ilamann 391 H&nde) [528x] Hauptmann [675] [675a] [676] Haydn [529] Hebbel [677]-[6791 [682] 442, 454, 456, 458-460, 474 Hegel [683a] Heine [680] [680a] [681] [901] 465f. Heinrich Julius von Brannschweig [28] [39] [45] [49] [53]-[55] Herder [479] [486] [530]-[588] 171, 253, 271, 278, 814, 374, 881, 391-398. 401, 407. 430-432, 436- 438, 440. 442, 445, 447 Herwegh [684] 450 Hettner 462 Heufeld 384f. Heyne 450f. Heyse 450f. Hofroannsthal [682] Holtei [683] 446, 457 Iffland [534] Immermann [685]-[688] Jordan 451 Judf von Venetian [452] Jung-Stilling 307 Kaufmann 450. 452 Keller [425] [692] 468 Klei8t (K. C.) [534a] [550] Kleist (H.) [410] [415] [689]- [691] 442, 454f., 470, 474 Klinger [410] [535] [536] 400,487, 465 Koch 452 Kongehl [464a] Kmae [698] Kurz [693x] 450f., 462 Laube [69da] Leisewiti 486 Lens [124] [410] [536]-[541] 898-401, 486f. Lerse 398 Leasing [126] [127] [410] [415] [466] [468] [471] [474]-[477] [479]-[481] [542]-[554] 150, 163, 855f., 867-878, 882, 891f.. 898. 408-407, 422-424, 426-428, 430f., 485-438, 440f., 448, 455, 466 Lichtenberg [131] [555] 168 Liliencron [694] Lindner 446 Ludwig [695]-[697] [697x] 405f.. 420, 460-462, 467, 474. 541 Meiningen, Duke of [698] Mencke 36 If. Mendelssohn [550] [551] [556] 868. 374 Meyer (C. F.) [425] [699] Morhof 361 Mtiller (Maler) 437. 440 Nicolai (Chr. Fr.) 374, 882, 440. Nicolai (O.) [700] Nietzsche [701]-[702] [702x] 442, 468f. Platen [702]-[705] PruU 462 Reinhardt [706] Romantic school [468] [474] [470] 446f., 466 Schiller [410] [415] [474] [475] [477] [486] [567]-[588l [421x1 [565x] [565axl 410. 412f.. 420- 424, 485, 487-489. 442f., 445, 448f., 455 Schink [584]-[586] Schlegel (A. W.) [421] [426] [427] [484] [468] [479] [688] [608] [707]-[7201 [421x1 [720x1 380, 413-417, 429, 439-442, 447- 453, 456 Schlegel (F.) [476al 440 Schlegel (J. A.) 364, 890 Schlegel (J/ E.) [486] [587] 864, 366, 390 Schlegel (Karoline) 453 Schopenhauer [721] Schreyvogel [722] 456 612 University of California Publioations in Modem Philology [VoL 9 Schroder [479] [588]-[595] [595x] 378, 885. 413, 488 Sehulwrt [596] 284 Schupp [18] Seeger 451 Simrock 450f. Strauss [728] "Sturm und Drang" [187] [410] [479] [500]-[502] [5081-[528] [680]-[588] [685J-[5411 [557]- [565] [596]-[602] 482. 485, 440, 446. 465 Ti«ck (D.) [727] [421x] 449f. Tieck (L.) [251s] [410] [421] [708] [711]-[7151 [716b] [724]- [730] [780x]-[780bx] 418, 440f., 446. 447. 449-451. 457 Ulrici 446. 451 Viehoff 451 VUcher (Pr. Th.) [727] 462 Voss [421] [719] 448f.. 452 Wagner (H. L.), 436 Wagner (R.) [782]-[785] [858] 462f. Weise [465] Weisse [141] [608]-[606] 874, 882 Wieland [410]- [421] [433] [466] [471] [476] [479] [482] [607]- [623] 160. 375. 378-884. 401. 421. 428-432, 435. 487. 440. 443. 447, 454f. Wilbrandt 50f. Wildenbruch [735x] 446. Shsrpe snd Qerman literature 142. Shsw snd Oermsn literature [989] [990]. Shsw and Trebitoch [990]. Shelley and Hebbel [991] Herwegh [992] Jacobsen 518 Schmidt (J) 490. Sheridan and Qerman literature [329] [330]. Sheridan and Goethe [115] Schiller [330x] Schrdder 345. Shirley and German literature [71]. Sidney and German literature [24] [25] 133. Sidney and Opitz [21bx] 126f., 130f. Schupp [18] Theocritus 130 Wekherlin 130. Silbergleit — see Bums. SleTOgt — see Thomson. Smith and Kant [331]. Smollett and German literature 286. Smollett and Bode 318 Engel [993] Goethe [112] [882] [883] Nicolai [133a] 298 Thtimmel 328. Soltau — see Butler. Thomson. Sommerfels — see Sterne. Southern and Schrdder 344. Southey and Jacobsen 518. Spence and Lessing [129]. Spencer and Germany [994]. Spencer and Wieland [142] [334]. Spenser and Wekherlin 130. Spielhagen — see Browning. Cooper, Dickens, Emerson, Ooldamith. Poe. Spindler — see Scott. Sprengei^-see Dryden. Steele and German criticism 356. 860, 363. 367; German literature [155] 160. 189. 336. Steele and Gellert [155] Goethe [110] Oottsched (L. A. V.) 191 Hagedom [155] Haller [155] Mattheson [156] Rabener [155]. Stelzhamer — see Bums. Stephanie — see Lillo. Sterne and German literature [90] [335]-[352] [995] [998] 156f.. 160. 286, 298f.. 810, 316-838. Sterne and Amim 477 Blankenburg 297. 311. 822 Bock 322 Bode 317f. Boie 318 BrenUno [345] 328. 833. 477. 478 Claudius 318 "Das Junge Deutschland** 838 Ebert 318 Gerstenberg 318 Gleim 318 Goethe [107] [110] [112] [887]- [842s] 307, 323, 815f.. 818. 824, 329-333 Goschen 323 Gutzkow 493 Hsmann 317f., 478 Hedemann 323 Heine [995]-[996a] 297, 323, 468, 477f. 1920] Price: English^ German Literary Infltiencea — Survey 613 Herder 289, 314. 817-319, 829 Hermes 333 Hippel [346] 318. 323, 326f., 333, 476. 478 Hoffmann 478 Immermann [997] 323. 478. 493 Jacobi (J. O.) [343] [344] 818, 822- 324 Junir-Stilling 307, 329 Kerner [998] Klopstock 218 Kotzebue 323 Leasing [127] 317f., 319 Lichtenberg 289, 325 Mittelstedt 318 Moritz 326 Miiller (J. O.) 289 Nicolai [ld3a] 297. 322 Raabe 549 Richter [345] [346] 322f., 828f.. 333, 476-478 Riedel 824 Schink 323. 327 Schlegel (A. W.) 477 Schlegel (F) 477 Schummel [347] 318, 322. 324 Sohwager 322 Seume 323 Sommerfels 324 Stolberg 323 "Sturm und Drang" [597] Sturz 325 Thimme 326 Thtimmel [348] [349] 323. 333 Tieck 477 Ton G^chhausen 318, 322 Wegener 322 Wezel 322. 826 Wieland [350]-[352] 174. 303. 317- 322 Ztickert 317f. Stifter — see Cooper. Whitman. Still and Qerman literature 141. Stilling — see Percy. Stoddard and German literature [802] 571. Stolberg [94] — see Milton. Ossian. Sterne. Stolle — see Dickens. Storm — see Scott. Storm and stress — see "Sturm und Drang." Stowe and Germany [999] 568. Stowe and Auerbach [999] Tr.irklHnder [999]. Strachwitz — see Byron. Strauss— see Shakespeare. Strodtmann — see Tennyson. Whitman. Strubberg — see Cooper. Struve and Goethe 557. Stry — see Milton. Sturm und Drang [93] — see Goldsmith, Hogarth, Ossian, Shakespearii Sterne, Swift, Young. Sturz [138] — see Colman, Garrick, Johnson, Macpherton, Ossian. Sterne. Sulzer— see Thomson. Surrey and Wekherlin 130. Swift and German literature [858] [358x1 160, 174, 177-179, 288. Swift and Bodmer 179 ^ Butler 160 C6rner 177 Gellert 179 Goethe [353a] 179 Gottsehed 179f. Hagedom [118] 179 Haller 179, 198 Heine 468. 529 Herder [271] 179, 289, 814, 817" Hdlty [122] Kistner 179 Kottenkamp 178 Leasing [854] 179. 337 ' Lichtenberg [355] 163. 178f. Liscow 179 Potts 178 Rabener [356] Richter 179 Risbeck 178 Schlegel (A. W.) 179 Schlegel (Fr.) 179 Schwabe 179f. Seifart 178 "Sturm und Drang" [597] Waser [139] 160f. Wieland [142] [357]. Swinburne and German literature 486. Swinburne and George 486. Talvj — se^ von Jacob Taylor and German literature [802] 571. Tennyson and German literature [830] [1000] [1001] 485. Tennyson and Eichholz 485 Feis 485 Feldman 485 Fiacher 485 Freiligrath 485 614 University of California Publications in Modem Philology [VoL 9 Griebenow 485 Haate 485 Hftrbou 485 Henberg 485 Hestel 485 Mendheim 485 Pmuiniti 485 Schellwien 485 Sehols 485 8ehro«ter 485 Strodtmann 485 ▼on Bohlen 485 ▼on Hohenh»uten 485 WftldmOlIer-Duboc 485 Weber [1001*] 485 Wildenbruch [1002] Zenker 485. Thftckerftj and Goethe [1008] [1004] Raftbe 549 Schmidt (J) 491 ▼on Schftck [850]. Theocritus — eee Sidney. Thimme— eee Sterne. Thomson snd German literature [91] [8581-[868] 158-159. 211-226. 282. Thomson and Blum 219 Bodmer 217 Broekes [860] 212-217. 228 Bruckbrilu 217 Duseh 217 Ebert 217 Gessner [361] 220, 228 Giseke 219 Gleim 217. 228 Hagedom [118] 166f., 171. 222f. Haller 198. 212f.. 228 Harries 217 Herder [271] 814 Hirsehfeld 219 Hdlty [122] Kleist (E. Ch.) [361a] 218f.. 228 Klopstock [862] 171, 223 Lange 217 Lessing 127. 221, 338, 372f. Mendelssohn 221 Neuendorff 217 Pyra 217 Rosenzweig 217 Schiller [863] 224 Schmidt (C. E. K.) 228 Schmitthenner 217 Schubart 217, 224. 234 Sle^ogt 219 Soltau 217 Sulier 217 Tobler 160, 217f. Us 217 ▼on Palthen 217-219 Wieland 219, 228, 248. 878 Zacharii [145] [146] [147] 219. 223 Zinck 214. Thoreau and German literature 575. Thoreau and Emmerich 575 Thflmmel — see Fielding, Pope. Smollett. Sterne. Tieck — see Defoe. Jonson. Lillo, MiHon. Ossian. Richardson, Scott* Shake- speare, Sterne. Tillotson and Escher 160. Tobler — see Gray, Thomson. Trebitsch — see Shaw. Tichamer — see Young. Twain (Mark) — see Clemens. Tytler and Gr&ter 280. Uhland — see Percy. Scott. Ungem-St«mberg^-see Dickens. Unser — see Young. Ursinus — see Percy. Ui — see Amory. Pope, Prior, Thomson, Young. Vanbrugh and German literature 336. Vanbrugh and Lessing 868. Vischer — see Defoe. ▼on Bergmann— see Rowe (E). ▼on Bohlen — see Tennyson. ▼on Harald — see Ossian. ▼on Palthen — see Thomson. ▼on Schack [850] — see also Browning. Byron, ▼on Teubem — see Young, ▼on Wickede— see Hale, ▼on Winterfeld — see Bums. Goldsmith. Poe. Vosz [94] — see Milton, Ossian, Percy, Prior. Wagner [782]-[735] [851]-[853J — see Bulwer Lytton, Carlyle, Field- ing, Irving, Richardson. Scott. Shakespeare. Waiblinger — see Byron. Waldau — see Byron. Waldmiiller-Duboc— see Tennyson. Wallace and German literature 569. Walloth — see Byron. Warburton and Zinck 206. Warton and Lessing 870 Mendelssohn 202, 206. 221, 870 Nicolai 202. 1920] Price: English'^ German Literary Influences — Survey 615 Waser [139] [140]— «e« Butler, Defoe, Swift. Washington in Gennan literature 186. Washington and Klopstock 187. Webb and German literature 160. Webb and Leasing [129]. Weber — see Tennyson. Weckherlin — see Owen. Wegener — see Sterne. Weise — see Barclay, Dryden, Shake- speare, Wycherley. Weisre [88] [141] [141a]— «ee Coffey, Ossian, Shadwell, Shakespeare, Wycherley. Wekhrlin [97] — see Sidney, Spenser, Surrey, Wyatt. Werfel — see Whitman. Werner — see Lillo. Wernicke — see Dryden, Milton. Wezel — see Sterne. Whitehead and Bode 818. Whitman and German literature [802] [808] [1005]-[1009] 571-574. Whitman and Bertz 578 Freiligrath 572 Holz [1009] 574 Hopp 573 Knortz 573 Leasing (O. E.) 573 Lissauer [1009] 574 Nietzsche [1009] Paquet [1007] 574 Rolleston 573 Schlaf [1009] [1010] 573f. Schmidtbonn [1009] 574 Stifter [1009] Strodtmann 578 Werfel [1009] 574. Whittier and German literature [802] [803] [1011] 571. Wieland [94] — see Addison, Amory, Butler, Chaucer, Fielding. Glover, Kirkpatrick, Milton, Pope, Prior, Richardson, Rowe, Shaftesbury, Shakespeare. Spenser, Sterne, Swift, Thomson, Young. Wienbarg — see Byron. Wilde in Germany [ 1012 ]-[ 1014] 486. Wildenbruch — see Bulwer Lytton, Ten- nyson. Willkomm — see Byron. Wilmot and German literature 141. Winckelmann — see Milton. Wolcot and German literature [363a] [363b]. Wolcot and Bilrger [363b]. Wolfe and Goethe [954]. Woods and "Sturm und Drang'* 888. Wordsworth and German literature 585. Wordsworth and Jacobsen 518 MtiUer (W.) [1015] ▼on Schack [850]. Wyatt and Wekhrlin 130. Lessing and Wycherley [127] 368, 404. Wycherley and Lessing [127] 368, 404. Young and German criticism 856f., 874, 386-394; German literature [364a]-[872] 156, 158f., 184, 236-248, 258, 298f., 474. Young and Binzer [833] Bodmer 184, 286-239, 242 Brawe [88] [104] [865] [868al 339-841 "Bremer Beitrftger" 242 Cramer 387 Creus [869] [370] Dusch 240 Ebert 184, 287-248 G. 387 Gellert 248 Gerstenberg 240, 388f. Geutau 289 Gleim 238, 241 Goethe [110] [871] 240, 244 Gottsched 184, 242, 387 Hagedom 166 HaUer 289f. Hamann 236, 240-248, 888f., 891 Heinse 240 Herder 240-244, 814, 887-891 Hermes [297] Kayser 239f. Klopstock [871x] 169, 288, 240, 242 Klotz 240 Knebel 240 Lenz 240, 899 Lessing 240, 242. 388 Mendelssohn 242, 388 Moser 240 Nicolai 240, 387f. Rambach 887 Resewitz 888 Schiller 240-244 Schmidt 887 Schubart 234, 240 "Sturm und Drang" [597] 888 Tscharner [872] 165, 289 Unzer 240 Uz 238 ▼on Hohenhausen 241 ▼on Teubem 887 Wieland 240, 248f., 248, 878f. Zacharii [145] [146] [147] 241- 243. 616 University of California Publications in Modem PhUology [VoL 9 Zachftrit — see Milton, Pope, Thomion, Toung. Zfthn — see Scott. Zedliti — see Byron. Zellweger — see Butler, Milton. Zenker — see Tennyson. Zemits — see Pope. Zesen — see Barclay. Zianitska— «ee Zitx. Zinck — see Pope, Thomson, Warburton. Zits — see Byron. Zschokke— see Goldsmith. Zftckert — see Sterne. Zumsteeg — see Ossian. APR^a 1921 x UiNivcnai I I v-n wiwi 3 9015 04844 075